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    Latini’s Treasure: What a Gentleman Should Know About Morality

    February 23, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book II. Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. New York: Garland Publishing, 1993.

     

    The non-theoretical “branches in the body of philosophy” are “the practical and the logical, which teach man what he must do and what he must not do, and why he must do some things and not others.” Because these branches “are so intertwined that they can hardly be separated,” Latini will “present [them] together” in both Book II and Book III. In Book II he addresses morality, “vices and virtues.” Consistent with his book’s title, the Treasure, he compares the four “active virtues” to “precious stones,” “each of which is valuable for the life of men, for beauty, for delight and for virtue” as a whole. Prudence is “represented by the ruby, which lights up the night and shines brighter than all other precious stones”; temperance is “represented by the sapphire, which is of a celestial color,” the stone “most filled with grace of all the precious stones of the world”; courage is “represented by the diamond, which is so strong that it breaks and pierces all stones and metals,” fearing nothing; justice is “represented by the emerald, which is the greenest and most beautiful thing human eyes can behold.”

    Although these are the virtues enumerated by Socrates in Plato’s Republic, Latini devotes the first fifty chapters of Book II to a summary of Aristotle’s more complex account of the virtues in his Nicomachean Ethics. Whether it is an art, an inquiry, an action, or a choice, “what all things seek is some good.” “Each art,” for example, has “a final goal,” a telos, which guides its works.” The master art is politics, “the art which teaches how to govern a city,” the “most important and the sovereign and the mistress of all arts, because under it re contained many honorable arts, such as rhetoric and military science and governing one’s household.” The art of politics “is noble because it gives order and direction to all those arts which are under it and which bring about its fulfilment, and its end is also the end and fulfillment of the others; therefore, the good produced by this science is man’s good, because it constrains him to do good and to avoid evil.” The sections on human history in Part I have already confirmed the necessity of such constraint. Latini does not, however, remark Aristotle’s argument that the political community produces a certain energeia or ‘being-at-work’ which brings out the humanness of the citizens. He does not follow Aristotle in calling man the political animal, perhaps because Christianity revises or qualifies that claim. 

    He does follow Aristotle in saying that “the science of protecting and governing a city is not for a child or for a man who follows his inclinations, because both are unfamiliar with the things of the world; for this art requires a wise man, and it does not require a man’s knowledge, but rather that he turn to goodness,” to have “a soul suitably attuned to this science,” having made “use of things which are just, good, and honest.” Making use of such things habituates the soul to them, and such activity teaches the soul to become virtuous by means of that rightly-directed activity. “He who does not know anything on his own and who cannot learn what he is taught is altogether unsuitable” for political life.

    If politics aims ultimately at all the goods aimed at by action, and if the sovereign good is eudaimonia or happiness—Latini calls it “beatitude”— what is happiness? The answer men give to that question lead them into one of three principal ways of life: the life of sensual pleasure, what Latini calls “concupiscence and covetousness,” an animal-like way; the “civic life” of common sense, prowess, and honor; or the life of contemplation. There are three powers of the soul: vegetative (seen in plants, animals, and human beings), sensitive (seen in animals and human beings), and reasonable (seen in human beings only). This distinctively human, “reasonable power is sometimes in deed and sometimes in potential, but beatitude is when it is in deed and not when it is potential alone, for if one does not do it, it is not good.” (As Aristotle puts it, the distinctively human energeia is the “life that puts into action that in us that has articulate speech,” speech involving reason, the power that enables us to ‘articulate,’ to make distinctions, to identify kinds or species of things [NE 1098a5].) The reasonable way of life is the genuinely human way, found in both the civic and the contemplative way; the way of sensual pleasure is the way of an animal, the “sensitive” or sensual way.

    Which way or ways achieve the good? There are three types of good: that of the soul, that of the body, that of things outside the body. “The beatitude which is on earth needs good things from the outside, for it is a difficult thing to perform good deeds if one does not partake of what befits a good life, abundance of wealth and friends and relatives and the blessings of fortune, and for this reason wisdom needs something which reveals its worth and its honors.” As a Christian, Latini adds God to Aristotle’s list of necessary goods outside of ourselves. “We must revere and magnify and glorify God above all things, and we must believe that in Him are all good things and all felicities, for He is the beginning and end of all good things.” This again, is why Latini does not emphasize the political character of the good life to the extent Aristotle does. Latini needs to leave room for the ‘city’ of God.

    Since “happiness is thing which comes from the virtue of the soul, not of the body,” Latini again enumerates the powers of the soul, but this time the powers of the human soul, only. The human soul possesses vegetative powers (we might call them ‘autonomic’ powers); it has the intellectual or reasoning power and also the “concuscible” power, whereby the body obeys the commands of the intellect. Rightly exercised, these powers generate two kinds of virtue: understanding, consisting of wisdom, knowledge, and common sense, and morality, exemplified by generosity, chastity, and the several other virtues ‘of the heart.’ “The virtue of understanding is born and increases in men through doctrine and instruction, and for this long experience is needed. The virtue of morality is born and increases by good and honest use, for it is not in us naturally, because a natural thing cannot be changed in its order by contrary usage.” So, for example, by nature fire burns upward; that is its nature. It cannot be taught or habituated to burn in that direction. As Aristotle puts it, “we are predisposed by nature, but we do not become good or bad by nature” (NE 1106b). What human beings do have by nature isn’t virtue but “the power to learn” it. That “is why I say that these virtues are not at all in us without nature and not at all according to nature, but the root and the beginning of receiving these virtues are in us by nature, and its perfection is in us by usage.” As Aristotle teaches, one ‘works’ to achieve virtue, which is why he says that “lawmakers make the citizens good by habituating them, and since this is the intention of every lawmaker, those that do not do it well are failures, and one regime differs from another in this respect as a good one from a worthless one” (NE 1103b). Deploying Christian language, Latini writes, “A man is good through doing good and evil through doing evil.” Considering the three things human beings desire—the profitable, the delightful, and the good—and given the fact that “delight is a part of us from the time we are born,” that it is a thing naturally ‘given’ and not by itself inclined toward “moderation or justice,” ethics concerns the government of delight, and “the whole purpose of the governor of cities is to bring delight to its citizens in the appropriate things and at any appropriate time and place.” How can this be done? After all, as Latini warns his young gentleman, “Good can only be done in one way, but man does evil in many ways; for this reason, it is a hard and painful thing to be good and an easy thing to be bad, and this is why it happens that more people are bad than good.” How can the knowledge of virtue be made consistent with the practice of it, that is, with virtue itself? If virtue is, as Latini calls it, a state of character, what is the character of that state?

    Here Aristotle introduces his celebrated definition of virtue as the middle or “mean” between two extremes. Latini cuts through Aristotle’s complex and subtle discussion of virtue as a mean with respect to a thing, the soul’s holding a position equally apart from either extreme of excess and deficiency, and a mean with respect to an individual, arising from the soul’s awareness of the fact that for Milo the wrestler, a few pounds of meat is not too much, and it might be too little. Nor does he trouble his young gentleman with Aristotle’s formal, philosophic definition of virtue as “an active condition that makes one apt at choosing, consisting in a mean condition in relation to us, which is determined by a proportion and by the means by which a person with practical judgement would determine it” (NE 1107a). Latini does follow Aristotle in saying that there are some actions and feelings that do not admit of the middling condition, such as adultery, stealing, and murder. They are wrong, simply. Generally, Latini for the most part ignores Aristotle’s emphasis on the importance of circumstance in making right choices, his insistence on considering who is acting, what the act is, what the is affected by the act, with hat the act is done, what it’s done for, and the manner in which it’s done. “No one could be ignorant of all these things without being insane” (NE 1111a), Aristotle insists, but Latini confines himself to a simplified version, distinguishing intentional acts from natural ones, and both from acts combining intention and natural necessity, such as obeying the command of a tyrant. He highlights moral responsibility: “If every man is responsible for his state of mind and for his imagination, there must necessarily be, and it does not have to be tested, a natural beginning and awareness of good and evil which makes him desire good and avoid evil.” This parallels Aristotle’s observation that “the targeting of the end [of an action] is not self-chosen; instead, one needs to be born having something like vision, by which to discern rightly and choose what is truly good” (NE 1114b). But for Aristotle, this is only true for a person who has “a fortunate nature,” one “born with” “such a condition.” And even then, aiming at the “mean” or middle between extremes, moral energeia, with mindfulness of circumstances, determines a right choice more than the natural blessings of character. That is, in Latini the Christian conscience to some degree anchors prudential reasoning or deliberation, aiding in the Aristotelian task of finding “the middle ground” in character and in actions. Whereas Aristotle calls the beautiful “the end that belongs to virtue” (NE 1115b), the mean only the apparent aim, Latini describes the “beautiful and good and deserving of merit” as a description of the mean, not as its purpose.

    Latini follows Aristotle closely in describing the virtues which arise in finding that ground between the extremes of deficiency and excess—courage being the mean between fear and rashness, temperance or moderation respecting pleasure and pain being the mean between insensibility and dissipation, generosity or liberality being the mean between stinginess and wastefulness, and so on. (He adds an occasional aperςu of his own, for example, “there are some men who are cowards in battle and bold in spending money.”) Unlike many Christians, Latini does not hesitate to classify magnanimity or greatness of soul with the virtues, giving as an example of it “serving our Sovereign Father” (he does not specify whether this means God or the pope), from which “great honor arises,” the kind of honor worthy of the magnanimous man. And again, now aligning Aristotle with Jesus’ central command: “Magnanimity is the crown and the beacon of all virtues, for it exists through virtue alone, and for this reason it is not an easy thing to be magnanimous, but rather it is a very difficult thing, for one has to be good for oneself and for one’s neighbor.” 

    Accordingly, Latini regards justice as “the noblest of virtues and the strongest.” Indeed, closely paraphrasing Aristotle, “justice is not just a part of virtue, rather it is all virtues, and wrongdoing is not a part of vice, rather it is all vices.” Both men consider justice as a preeminently political virtue, aiming at “someone else’s good” (NE 1130a), being “good to oneself and to one’s friends” (Latini). Both associate justice with equity, with equalizing things in terms of desert or merit, since the person who is rightly rewarded more money than another because he does better work is being rewarded ‘equally’ or proportionately, evaluated according to the same standard. (This is why “money was first invented, because it brought equality to unequal things; money is like justice without a soul, because it is a middle ground through which unequal things become unequal.”) In addition to such distributive justice, there is also corrective justice, in which the innocent and the guilty are treated differently because they are judged ‘equitably,’ i.e., by the same standard. Latini leaves no doubt that corrective justice may be harsh. Because “the lord of justice tries to bring equity to unequal things, it is therefore necessary to kill some, wound others, chase some into exile, until satisfaction is given to the one who has been wronged.” But whereas Aristotle notes that “not all people mean the same thing by merit but those who favor democracy mean freedom, those who favor oligarchy mean wealth, others mean being well born and those who favor aristocracy mean virtue” (1131a), Latini simply points to the Ruler of all: “True justice is not the one which is in the law; rather it is God our Lord, and it is given to man, and through justice man resembles God.” Whereas Aristotle calls the human judge as a person “meant to be a sort of ensouled justice,” the ruler who “evens things up” (1132a) when the letter of the law fails fully to deliver justice, Latini has recourse to the infallibly just and equitable Judge.  

    In Book VI of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle begins to turn from ethical to intellectual virtue, toward sophia instead of phronēsis. Later, he will introduce the theme of friendship, which registers several types of friendship, some of them consonant with the philosophic life, others to political life. Latini will treat the intellectual virtues differently than Aristotle does (again, his young gentleman is no potential philosopher), concentrating more of his attention on friendship and happiness. He does follow Aristotle in concluding with a transition from ethics to politics.

    Preparatory to his discussion of friendship, Aristotle revisits moderation or temperance and introduces the virtue of “standing firm” or constancy—both virtues without which true friendship would be impossible. Latini follows Aristotle on this. As Aristotle classifies self-restraint as the mean between unrestraint and insensibility Latini puts temperance between unrestraint and abstinence. Latini identifies constant man as one “who is steadfast in goodness but changeable with respect to evil”; this is the mean between stubbornness (exhibited by a man who is “steadfast and firm in all his opinions, whether they are true or false”) and inconstancy, “when there is no firmness or constancy” at all.

    Aristotle and Latini identify three kinds of friendship; friendship based on pleasure, characteristic of the young, who “live according to feeling” (NE 1156a), friendship based utility or profit, and friendship based on alikeness in virtue, goodness. The last sort of friendships “are likely to be rare,” observes, “for such people are few” (NE 1156b). Latini concurs, saying that “men who are well chosen and virtuous and who do good are few in number, but those who seek profit and pleasure are many in number.” Latini writes that “those who love one another for profit or pleasure do not love truly; rather, they love the things on which the friendship is based, that is, pleasure and profit, and for this reason their friendship lasts only as long as the pleasure and the profit do.” By contrast, “true friendship which is good and full exists between two good men who are similar in virtue and who love one another and care for one another because of the similarity of the virtues they possess.” Indeed, a certain equality must prevail for true friendship to exist, as friendship among husbands and wives, fathers and children, kings and subjects, gods and men, must differ from that among equals, even when the unequal persons are both virtuous.

    If one were to aim at adding to the number of true friendships, education is needed. “People educate the young by steering them by means of pleasure and pain”; “what is most conducive to virtue of character is to enjoy what one ought and hate what one ought” (NE 1172a). As Latini puts it, “delight is born and nourished with us from the moment we are born, and for this reason we should teach children to be pleased and angered appropriately,” as “this is the basis of moral virtue, and afterwards the increase in time increases the goodness of the child’s life, for each one takes what pleases him and avoids what saddens him.” Both Aristotle and Latini distinguish pleasure from happiness; we choose both pleasure and happiness for themselves, not as instruments to some other good, but “not every pleasure is choiceworthy” (NE 1174a), whereas happiness is always choiceworthy. Choiceworthy pleasure “brings the activities to completion and hence brings living to completion, which is what they [i.e., the activities] all strive for” (1175a), but, as readers have seen, some lives are more choiceworthy than others because they are more fully human. “The measure of each thing is virtue” (NE 1175b). And this leads to the consideration of happiness, “the end at which human things aim” (NE 1176a). 

    Aristotle defines happiness as “being-at-work [energeia] according to virtue,” the most power virtue being contemplation, “since the intellect is the most powerful of the things in us” (NE 1177a). Latini writes, “happiness is the firmness, and constancy of the works of virtues themselves, and we have been told”—by Aristotle—that “the rule of this power is continual, because the work of the intellect goes on continually.” Therefore, “the most perfect and most pleasurable work of all is happiness, but the very best pleasures are found in philosophy because of the quest for eternity and the subtleties of truth found in its works.” Among citizens, the happiness resulting in the exercise of “moral and civic virtues” is “more difficult” to achieve than happiness resulting from the intellectual virtues because the latter are self-sufficient, whereas “the great and liberal man must have wealth so that he can perform works of generosity.” As a Christian, however, Latini adds another telos to human life: “beatitude.” Agreeing with Aristotle that “the full and perfect work of speculative intellect is the goal of life,” he considers happiness “an example of the real beatitude,” seen in “God and his angels.” We have a portion of this “noblest work of all, that is, the life of the intellect,” because “we are similar to God and his angels” in exercising intellect. “Those who most resemble God,” the ones who most nearly live up to man’s creation in His image, “are the ones who have this beatific life most completely, God being truly beatific,” understanding “continually without any effort.” God’s “concern is greater for the man who strives to be similar to Him, and He bestows a better reward upon him, and delights in him as one friend does in another.” And in fact, Aristotle himself calls the one who lives the contemplative life as having “something divine present in him” (NE 1177b). “This is the life in accord with the intellect, if that most of all is a human being” (NE 1177b).

    For both, this is a way of life, not something to be acknowledged ‘in principle.’ “It is not sufficient to know about virtue, but one must tr to have it and use it, unless there is some other way that we become good” (NE 1178a). And Latini, more emphatically: “It is not enough for the one who wishes to be happy to know what is written in this book; he must practice all the things described above, because with respect to things which must be done through deeds it is not enough for a person tow know about them or tell about them, but rather he must perform them; in this way the goodness of man is fulfilled, that is through knowledge and through deeds. The knowledge of virtue guides a man, and that man performs virtuous deeds, I say, who is well-born and truly loves goodness.” He adds, as a matter of course, that “it is by the grace of God” that those who are “good by nature” are “truly blessed.” 

    Since most men are not born with such good natures, what Aristotle calls “rearing and exercising by laws” aiming at habituating such men to good behavior are necessary (NE 1179b). In Latini’s words, “one must not stop this training instruction once childhood is past.” “Some men can be governed by instruction with words, and there are others who are taught not with words but with threats and torments; but there are some men who cannot be instructed in either way, and such men must be expelled so that they do not dwell with the others.” This leads to “the government of the city,” wherein “a noble government…makes the citizens noble, and it makes them do good works and abide by the law and oppose those who do not.” In so saying, he omits Aristotle’s cautionary observation, “among human beings, those who oppose the people’s impulses are hated, even when they do rightly, but the law is not hated when it orders what is decent” (NE 1180a). Latini does, nonetheless, remark the importance of “the master of the law,” who understands “all human matters on the basis of philosophy” while “first of all call[ing] upon the sayings of the wise men of old,” the “good customs of the cities and how good ways uphold them.” By contrast, Aristotle relates the philosophic standard to the political standard, the regime, which then uses “laws and customs” (NE 1181b). 

    Calling upon the sayings of the wise men of old is of course exactly what Latini does in this compendium. Ending his tracing of the Nicomachean Ethics, he thus embarks on a more wide-ranging survey of moral wisdom, confirming and supplementing what he has presented from the Ethics with teachings from Scripture and the writings of other classical philosophers.

    Restating the distinctions between soul, body, and fortune, Latini further distinguishes the soul’s reason from its will, quoting Bernard of Clairvaux, who says, “virtue is the exercise of will, according to the judgment of reason,” which implies that “virtue proceeds from nature.” Nature proceeds from God and human nature has been marred by sin, which is why “Jesus Christ sent his disciples to suffer great perils after his passion, before the diminution of their virtue” could occur, as it would have done had they delayed their missions. Sin (Augustine remarks) enables “evil men to have all the beautiful things,” although they themselves are ugly; over time, this alone will tempt even a good man, well-instructed. Accordingly, “Jesus Christ came to show humility and charity,” and “because virtue had such a good instructor and because its fruits are profitable…all wise men say” that “the soul which is filled with [virtue] is completely in the joy of the earthly paradise,” having the means to resist “the desires of the flesh.” The human soul is “the house of God,” a place of brightness, illuminating the right path, and of happiness, “as Solomon says.

    Why are all wise men so confident that virtue can triumph in this life? For one thing, “the conscience of the evildoer is always in pain, because the works of virtue are moderate things, and nature itself takes comfort in moderation and becomes upset at excess and lack, just as sight takes comfort in the color green which is midway between white and black.” Indeed, “just as the good woman rejoices when she gives birth to a good-looking son and would be distressed if it were a cat or something else against nature, so too does the soul rejoice in the works of virtue, as if it were its own fruit, and is dismayed at the vices which are against it.”

    Regarding the reasoning part of the soul, “I say that the contemplative virtue prepares thee soul for the highest end, that is, the supreme good, but moral virtue prepares the heart for contemplative virtue”; it is “the material by means of which we reach the contemplative virtue.” Therefore, the cultivation of moral virtue precedes the cultivation of contemplative virtue in time if not in rank. “Each of us must choose the active life which is acquired by moral truth in order to govern oneself among corporeal things, for afterwards he is inclined and prepared to love God and to follow his divinity,” the being-at-work of Christian contemplation. The virtues of such contemplation are faith, hope, and charity, whereas the moral virtues consist primarily of prudence, temperance, courage, and justice, with prudence being “the foundation of all others.”

    According to Cicero, prudence is “knowledge of good and evil,” which suggests that the first sinful act of man also gave him the means of counteracting sin in the post-lapsarian world. As the prolific theologian Alain de Lille writes, “we need the knowledge of good to protect ourselves, for no one can know good except through the knowledge of evil, and each person avoids evil through knowledge of good.” Prudence enables us not only to distinguish between good and evil but to reason about the better course of action; “the nature of a wise man is to take thoughtful counsel before running after a false thing on a sudden whim.” Latini advises his young gentleman, “Do not give any judgment on things which are doubtful; withhold your judgment and do not take a firm decision, because all things which seem true are not true, and each thing which does not seem believable is not false.” To avoid deceiving others and being deceived yourself, don’t talk too much, confusing things with verbiage. “Let your opinions be like proverbial statements,” Latini writes, taking his own advice. “If you are a wise man, you must dispose your heart according to three times, as follows: organize those things which are present, prepare yourself for those things which are to come, and recall those which are past, for the one who does not think of things gone by and past loses his life, like an unwise person, and the one who does not prepare himself for future things fails in all things like an unwise person and like a man who is not on his guard.” When listening instead of speaking, follow the Scriptural advice to be no respecter of persons: “pay attention to what he has said, not to the one who is talking.” 

    The four components of prudence are preparation, caution, awareness, and instruction. Boethius writes that “prudence measures the outcome of things.” (The fact that he was executed demonstrates that this is hard to do.) To prepare for “all that can happen,” one first sees and considers present things, “guard[ing] himself against false words and flattery which deceive through gentleness, like the sweet sound of the flute which tricks the bird until it is caught.” Caution puts us “on guard against the contrary vices”—the opposing extremes of excess and deficiency—its “duty” being “to pursue moderation in all things.” This moderation includes moderation in preparation, as preparedness consists neither in ignorance nor in the vain desire to know everything.

    Before moving to the next components of prudence, Latini adds several chapters on preparation and caution in speech—which, as will become evident in Part III, he considers central to political life. Before speaking, he advises, consider six things: who you are; who you want to be; for whom you want to be it; how you will achieve that purpose; and at what time. So, “before you say a word, consider in your heart who you are who wish to speak, and be careful first of all to see if the thing pertains to you or to someone else”; in a word, mind your own business. “Solomon says: the person who gets involved with another’s conflicts is like the one who takes a dog by the ears.” As Latini himself puts it, “the person who does not know how to be quiet does not know how to speak,” as “no harm comes to a silent man, but bad things happen to one who talks a lot.” 

    When it comes to who you want to be, be a truth-teller. “If it is necessary for you to redeem the truth through a lie, do not lie, but rather withdraw when the proper occasion presents itself, for a good man does not conceal his secrets: he withholds what should not be said and says what is appropriate,” speaking truths, to be sure, but only such truths as are believable. Do not be a habitual critic or mocker; “Solomon says, the man who is accustomed to words of reproach will not get better in all the days of his life,” and “the Apostle says, let your speech always be seasoned with the salt of grace, so that you might know how you must reply to each person” with words (Latini adds) that are not “obscure, but rather understandable.” This consideration requires the third piece of advice to a speaker: knowing “to whom you are speaking.” “As long as you keep your secret, it is as if you kept it in prison, but when you reveal it, it keeps you in its prison, for in this world it is a safer thing to be silent than to ask another to be silent.” Never trust a former enemy, as his resentment is likely to be lasting, or a complainer, or a fool, or “a drunk man or a wicked woman.” The audience for the speech forms part of “the circumstances in which you speak”—the conditions under which the action you urge will be performed, the material with which the act will be performed, how it will be done, and the purpose for which it will be done. 

    As a speaker, how will you speak in order to convince? “You should shape and temper your voice and your spirit and all the movements of your body and tongue,” changing “all these things” as the circumstances warrant. Finally, be careful about the time to speak and how long you take. “The fool pays no attention to the time.” 

    Returning to the components of prudence, Latini next addresses awareness, knowledge. Call things by their right names in your own mind. “As Seneca says, vices enter under the guise of virtue,” “mad boldness…under the guise of courage,” evil under that of temperance, cowardice under that of wisdom. Recall that the Trojan Horse “fooled the people of Troy” because it was said to be a propitiatory offering to Athena, goddess of wisdom. This leads to the final component of prudence, teaching, which aims first to “give instruction to oneself,” only then “to the ignorant.” In so instructing yourself, “it causes you no harm to pass over knowledge which you do not need, and which does not bring you profit”—a ruling principle of the Treasure. As for teaching others, do it “without reproaching, in such a way that the person is pleased with your criticism.”

    Latini proceeds to review and restate Aristotle’s list of the virtues, with temperance preceding courage because “temperance gives strength to the heart for things which are with us, that is, the good things which help the body,” whereas “courage gives strength for contrary things”; moreover, “through temperance man governs himself, and through courage and justice he governs others, and it is better to govern oneself than others.” Temperance, “the control we have over luxuriousness and other evil inclinations,” has five dimensions, each governing the five senses, which produce pleasure. Of these, moderation is the overseer of all “our drives and all our affairs” respecting the body. For example, “one should reduce the amount of physical work for the old and increase the intellectual work, either by teaching or guiding or serving God.” (One may recall Aristotle’s recommendation that priesthood be reserved for the elderly.) Decency means honor in word and deed, avoiding “things which bring shame afterwards.” “Nature itself, when she created man, wanted to keep him honest” by making “his face clearly visible” and by “conceal[ing] the parts which are given to man for his needs, because they were ugly to behold.”

    Temperance narrowly defined “consists in overcoming the pleasures of the sense of touch by the restraints of reason”—touch, along with taste, being “more powerful in man than in any other animal,” even as our senses of seeing, hearing, and smelling are weaker. “A wise and strong man always remembers how much man’s nature surpasses that of beasts, for they love nothing except pleasure, and they direct all their energies to this; but a man’s heart aspires to something else, that is, to thinking or understanding.” “Luxuriousness and wine,” stimulants of touch and taste, “trouble man’s ability to reason and make him stray from the faith.” The pleasure lust aims at is the other “great danger to a good life if it is not practiced chastely,” by which Latini means that “the union should be of a man with a woman,” not “with a relative,” within a lawful marriage, intended to “produce children,” and “done according to human nature.” Lust or sexual desire gratified under these conditions “is pleasing to God and to men,” as the Bible teaches and because it benefits “the soul and the body” alike. 

    Sobriety governs “the pleasures of taste and of the mouth through the temperance of reason.” Nature “gave us a small mouth for such a large body” for a reason, namely, to “restrain the mad desire to eat.” Indeed, “it is a more honorable thing for you to complain of thirst than of drunkenness.” “Refrain therefore from going to taverns and from all great preparation in food, except for your wedding or for your friends or to increase your honor, according to the instructions of magnificence.” Finally, restraint “limit[s] the pleasures of the other three senses”—seeing, hearing, smelling—in “all areas of vice.”

    Latini is now ready to discuss courage. Twelve things “give us strength in virtue”: “the true faith in Jesus Christ,” in whom we know we shall be brought to salvation, not matter what happens to us in this life; “the admonishment of important people and our elders,” a point Latini evidently expects not to be lost on his young gentleman; “the memory of valiant men and their works,” which furnish our souls with noble examples; “inclination and usage,” as Latini has shown in his summary of the Nicomachean Ethics; reward; fear; hope; good company, especially friendship, again as taught by Aristotle; truth and justice; good sense; “the weakness of your enemy; and “the strength itself,” virtue meaning strength of soul. Fear of future or present harm and “a cowardly heart”—inborn timidity—are the “sources of cowardice.” Cowardice can be counteracted, even in “weak hearts,” by the “six parts” of courage: magnificence, trust, safety, magnanimity, patience, and constancy.

    Magnificence forms part of courage in the sense that it is “called courage,” although it is really a separate virtue and more, the crown of the virtues. The great-souled man scorns the petty; fear appeals to smallness of soul, and so earns his contempt. “Trust is a virtue which has to do with the hope of the heart, that it can carry to conclusion what it undertakes.” Self-assurance is the opposite side of the same coin, fearing neither “the harm which might come, or the result of actions undertaken.” “Fear says to man: you will die, and self-assurance says: this is human nature, not pain. I came into the world with this understanding, that I would leave it. The law orders that we repay what we have borrowed.” Being a “reasonable animal,” I know that I must die, and do not sorrow over the prospect, as death is “the end of evils.” “Fear says: you will die young; self-assurance says: death comes to a young man as it comes to an old one; it makes no distinction, but I can state with certainty that it is best to die when it is a pleasure to live, and very good to die before you desire death.” Fear also says, “you will be chased into exile,” but self-assurance replies, “the country is not forbidden to me, but rather the place, for everything under the sky is my country, “all lands ae his country to the good man, as the sea is for the fish.” “Fear says: you will be poor; self-assurance replies: vices are not in poverty but in poor people; he is poor because he believes he is. Fear says: I am not powerful; self-assurance replies; be happy; you will be.” You have lost your children? “God did not remove them, he received them.” In fact, even “God died,” after the agonizing night at Gethsemane and the ordeal of the Cross. Thus fear “never gave good counsel” but self-assurance, if guided by prudence, does.

    Magnificence contributes to courage, as well, this virtue “makes us accomplish difficult and noble things of great importance. In peace, it defends the interests of citizens rather than one’s own interest by providing necessities for the people and maintaining justice with a generous hand. In war, magnificence contributes to thorough preparation, preparation without false economies. In general, courage in war also entails beginning the war with the intention of achieving peace, making war without greed, “fearing weak cowardice more than death,” since “it is better to die than live in disgrace,” proceeding with diligence and justice, reinforcing weakened troops, sustaining wavering or fleeing troops, clemency in victory for “those who were not cruel enemies,” and, finally, establishing peace and maintaining it. Latini teaches “that peace and the affairs of the city are maintained by sense and by counsel of courage, but most people have done battle because of greed. But to tell the truth, armor is of little value outside when there is no sense inside,” and it is “more just to seek glory through intelligence than through force.”

    Constancy forms part of courage because the heart “holds firm in its resolution.” “How can I hold Proteus to anything when he is always changing expression?” Patience is “a virtue which makes our heart withstand the assaults of adversity and wrongdoing,” although only (again) if governed by prudence, as “some things are suffered willingly and others not, and suffering undertaken willingly is laudable and worthy of merit,” as supremely exemplified by Jesus Christ. 

    Justice is the virtue Latini considers after temperance and courage as governed by prudence. “Temperance and courage put man in the seat of justice, and they hold him so strongly that he does not become proud through prosperity, or fearful through adversity.” Justice is the virtue which “gives each person his due.” “Justice comes after all the other virtues, and indeed justice could do nothing if it ignored the other virtues,” considering that “at the beginning of the world,” when “the people lived according to the law of bests,” “without laws and without communities”—like the cyclops, as Aristotle puts it—they “would not have submitted their necks to the yoke of servitude if it were not for the fact that evil deeds multiplied dangerously and the evildoers went unpunished.” Only because “a few good sensible men”—men of temperance and courage—banded together and “ordered the people to live together and to keep human company” did justice become established, the virtue that “overcomes harsh things” to “protect and defend the communal life.” As Aristotle also remarks, even “thieves who steal together want justice among them, and likewise if their master does not divide up what they have stolen justly, their companions either kill them or abandon them.” This sense of justice, which shines however dimly even in darkened souls, manifests itself “because almost everything which pertains to justice is written in our hearts as if by nature.” It is even fundamental to nature itself, as “all other animals keep justice and love and pity among themselves.”

    Thus, “justice is joined to nature”; what later thinkers called the ‘state of nature’ isn’t natural for human beings, does not conduce to their flourishing. Justice “is not an arrangement of men,” even if men are its proximate arrangers; “rather it is the law of God and the bond of human company.” “If you truly want to follow justice, love and fear the Lord Our God so that you will be loved by him; and this is the way you can love him: do good to every person and harm to no one, and then they will call you just, and will follow you and revere you and honor you.” Latini’s young gentleman is thereby invited to suppose that God loves human beings in exchange for their love, and that human beings obey, revere, and honor other human beings in exchange justice. This is a rather ‘transactional’ version of the command to love God and neighbor. 

    Justice has two parts, rigor and clemency, which Latini understands as liberality in meting out justice.  Rigor is “a virtue which restrains wrongdoing by a suitable punishment.” Its three “precepts” are: do not harm others if you have not previously been wronged; you communal things in common, private things “as if” they are your own (“as if,” perhaps, because God is their real owner); and remove evil from the community of men, as “wounds for which no medicine can effect a cure should be cut out with iron, and likewise one should not forgive such men.” Although lawyers sometimes do not “follow the truth,” a rigorous judge always will. 

    Liberality is “a virtue which gives and creates benefits.” When in the will, it is kindness, exhibited by rulers in their clemency; when in fact and deed, it is generosity. Latini discusses seven parts of liberality: giving, rewarding, religiosity, pity, charity, reverence, and mercy. All of these parts of liberality show liberality as a part of justice because each “contributes what it owes,” gives what is due. With respect to giving, Latini advises his young gentleman to “be careful not to delay your gift, for you are mistaken if you think you will get a reward for something delayed and long awaited”; it is noteworthy that, here again, Latini encourages one to expect reward for reward, punishment for punishment, staying within the confines of justice even in areas where one might expect a statement of Christian grace. “Be careful not to be reproached about what you give, for you must forget it” but “it is the one who receives it who must remember.” When giving money, give it “temperately”: “there is no greater madness than to do so much that you cannot continue to do what you willingly do,” being forced thereby into a life of crime. Somewhat more, well, generously, Latini teaches, “In liberality we must follow the gods, who are lords of all things: they give to those who are not grateful, and they do not stop giving”; “the sun shines on excommunicated people,” too. And “virtue consists in giving without waiting for something in return; I would rather not receive than not give.” But lest one think Latini too otherworldly, he continues, when it comes to rewarding, “be careful not to forget the good things which somebody has done for you: all hate the one who forgets the good others have done for him, for this they think that he would also forget the good if they did it.” If you receive, you are obliged to give back, “will for will, and things for things, and words for words.” 

    Religiosity is “that virtue which makes us want to know God and render service to him; this virtue is called the faith of Jesus Christ, that is, the belief in God.” It has four requirements: to repent of all one’s misdeeds; to “give little value to the bad aspects of temporal things”; to “commit one’s life completely to God,” and to “keep truth and loyalty,” particularly in fulfilling promises. This might be termed Christian liberality, generosity with oneself or selflessness. It is related to pity, “a virtue which makes us love and serve diligently our relatives and our country, and this comes to us through nature, for first of all we are born for God and then for our parents and our country.” Latini’s Christianity thus leaves room for patriotism. Civil concord is “a virtue which links in one law and one dwelling place those who are in the same city and country,” and “does much good,” even as “war destroys” good.

    Latini now introduces an unlisted part of liberality, which is innocence—pureness of heart “which hates all wrongdoing.” It helps many, harms no one, and refrains from taking vengeance. It therefore goes a bit beyond justice, strictly defined. In this, it comports with the listed virtue of charity, which is more than a virtue but also “the goal of virtue,” encouraged by the Church, by nature (we are all of the same species), kinship (“we are all children of Adam and Eve”), kinship of spirit (sons of our “mother,” the Holy Church), born in the image of God. Charity also brings the profit that “comes out of live and companionship,” avoiding the injuries inflicted by war and hatred. Latini then returns to the topic of friendship, seen in the Nicomachean Ethics, and considers how Christian charity inflects it. “There are many things which help us to be loved,” to be befriended. These are moderation in speech, “virtue and goodness,” humility, loyalty, loving (“Seneca says: love if you want to be loved”), and “serving wisely, for wisdom is the mother of good love.” Quoting Seneca again, Latini writes, “the person who puts his faith only in his own services is dangerously deceived; there is no more perilous evil than for a person to think that people he does not love are his friends.” They may be taking unjust advantage of your liberality, a point that keeps Latini’s understanding of liberality, even of Christian liberality, within the bounds of justice. He elaborates on “true friendship,” which is animated through faith and true benevolence, “good will directed towards people for their own sake.” Such friends reprimand in private, praise in public; they don’t try to find out what their friends want to keep hidden; they do not waver from friendship in misfortune; they establish a community of possession; they “maintain equality”; they keep their friendship going; they do not reveal the secret of a friend; they “do what he asks quickly”; and they tell him “what will be of profit for him rather than what is pleasing” to him. In contrast, “the person who loves you for his profit is like the crow and the vulture which always follow carrion; he loves you as long as he can get something that belongs to you, and therefore he loves your belongings, not you.” As for the friend who is a companion in pleasures, he resembles “the tercel with his mate who, once he has satisfied his carnal desires, flies away as fast as he can and loves her no more.” Such persons, ruled by passion not prudence, receive a sort of rough justice when “they abandon themselves body and soul to the love of a woman; in this way they lose their sense, so that they become blind, as happened to Adam with his wife, for which reason the whole human race is in peril and always will be so.”

    By reverence, Latini means the honor given to noble persons, rulers, and elders. “The man who serves must indeed serve and obey willingly,” laudably obeying even “hard commandments.” “One must serve gladly,” as “God loves the one who gives gladly.” Reverence is liberality with respect to obedience, as when Peter “immediately left his nets and followed Jesus Christ.” 

    Latini concludes his account of liberality/clemency with the virtue of mercy. Through it, “the heart is moved by those who suffer and by the poverty of the tormented.” That is, mercy remains within the confines of justice because it responds to those in desperate condition by giving them their due, supplying their just needs, the things which they lack, whether goods or services.

    By contrast, wrongdoing or injustice consists of cruelty and/or negligence. “Hands which are dedicated to selling alone believe that justice lies where there is more money,” and their cruelty extends beyond the marketplace to the king’s court, “the mother and nurse of evil deeds” (writes the exile from the Florentine court), “for it receives men who are bad as well as just, and honest as well as dishonest.” There are two types of cruelty; “one is strength, the other is deception.” Taking up metaphors his fellow Florentine, Machiavelli, would ‘borrow’ in the act of breaking with classical and Christian virtue, Latini writes that “strength is like that of a lion; deception is like that of a fox.” While “each is a terrible and inhuman thing,” deception “should be hated more, for in all disloyalty there is no greater pestilence than that of those persons who seem good when they receive; no trap is as perilous as the one which is concealed under the guise of service.” Therefore, young gentleman, “beware of the smooth water, and go into the rapids with confidence.” 

    As for negligence, it consists either of “not preventing wrongdoing” (“there are some who do not want to suffer hatred or trouble or expense in defending”) or of excess busy-ness, or hatred towards those who deserve defense. “It is better to be negligent towards the rich than towards the poor and afflicted.” Insofar as justice can be understood as a mean between extremes, it is the middle ground between excessive kindness and cruelty.

    Summarizing his account of the virtues, Latini reminds his reader that prudence “must always go before the other works, and that the other three virtues are for doing the works.” This puts a limit on the best life, the contemplative way of life, the life devoted to philosophizing. “If someone is very desirous of knowing the nature of things, and he puts all his sense into this knowledge”—putting prudence at the service of contemplation—and if “another person comes to him and suddenly brings him news that his city and his country are in  peril if he does not help them, and that he has the power of helping, it is a more honest thing that he abandon his study and go defend his country.” 

    After prudence comes temperance; “it is better for a man to have control himself than over another,” for, as Seneca advises, “if you want to submit all things to yourself, submit yourself first of all to reason for if reason governs you, you will be governor of many, but nothing is good for a man if he is not first good.” Having fortified his prudence and temperance with courage, one has readied himself for doing justice, owing duty first to God, then to his country, then to his parents, and then to all others. 

    If the virtues are blessings of the soul, what are the blessings of the body and the blessings of fortune, things external to soul and body? The bodily blessings—beauty, nobility of bearing, agility, strength, stature, and health—find their limit in “the darkness of death,” which “shows what human bodies are like and how they are perishable.” The blessings of fortune—wealth, lordship, glory—must be understood as meted out unreasonably, as fortune’s course “is neither just nor reasonable,” even though controlled by God. Perhaps the arbitrary acts of fortune may be permitted by God to test the fidelity of human beings, even as evil exists as a necessary contrast to the good. As Latini himself writes, subsequently, “I would say as Augustine says, that God wishes it, so that the good things bad people have might not be too desired, and that the evils which happen to the good people not be too scorned.” And again, “for this reason God gives beauty to bad people, so that the good people will not believe that this is a great blessing.”

    Although we cannot govern fortune itself (as Machiavelli would later claim), we can govern ourselves in relation to its blessings. Wealth, for example, is a substantial blessing, but remember that the “black death attacks equally the small houses of poor people and the great towers of kings.” If you are wealthy, while you are, do not lord it over your servants. “You must live…with the one who is lower than you, as you would want a superior to live with you; every time that you remember how much power you have over your servant, remember that your lord has a similar power over you.” When it comes to wealth in money, remain mindful that covetousness “destroys virtue.” “If someone asked me what moderation in wealth is, I would say that the first thing is what necessity requires; the second is that you be satisfied with what is sufficient.” 

    Respecting lordship, the worthiest of this kind of blessing “is that of kings and of governing cities, and peoples,” the “worthiest profession there can be in the world.” Latini confines himself to “tell what is appropriate to lordship and the government of a city, according to what is required by the customs of the country and the law of Rome”—state and Church. As with wealth, “one must temper the desire for lordship,” as “great things fall of themselves, and it is the point up to which the gods allow happiness to increase; they give great things easily, but they hardly guarantee them.” Once again anticipating the temptation to be offered by Machiavelli, the desire for lordship “reveals pretense and hypocrisy.” The true “duty of lordship is to lead people to their profit,” broadly defined, and Latini sides with Cicero against Machiavelli in teaching that “there is nothing which is more appropriate to lordship than to be loved, and nothing more inappropriate than to be feared.” Machiavelli will say that the prince should take care to be feared more than to be loved, but not to be hated. Latini replies in advance, with Seneca, that “oppressed people hate those they fear, and people want the one they hate to perish.” Tyrants die young. “Alexander, when he wanted to sleep with his wife, first ordered servants to search her chests and her clothing to see if there was not a knife hidden there; this is a bad thing, to trust a servant more than he did his wife; and in spite of this he was not betrayed by is wife but by one of his servants,” not by one who loved him but by one who feared him.

    Finally, as to glory, a “good reputation, known in many lands, of men who have accomplished great things, or know their art well,” ranks as genuine glory. Glory based on appearance or fraud is as vain as lordship based on force aimed at inspiring fear. And “if you want to compare the blessings of fortune with one another, I say that glory is worth more than wealth”—a blessing to the honor-loving part of the soul, not to the appetites—that sanctity is also “better than wealth”—Latini is a son of the Church—that, among kinds of wealth, “income from cities is worth more than that which comes from fields”—Latini being a man of civil and commercial life, an urbane man—and that “wealth is worth more than strength of the body,” being the more wide-ranging form of strength. Against Machiavelli’s future valorization of men’s desire to acquire, Latini insists that “honesty is so profitable that nothing can be profitable if it is not honest,” as “nothing is profitable which does not harmonize with virtue.” “If someone asked me if some wise man is dying of hunger, should he not take the food of another who is worthless”—after all, he outranks him in virtue—I say “no, because life is not more worthwhile to me than my will, through which I refrain from doing harm to another for my profit.” “When a man loses his life, his body is corrupted by death; but if I forsook my will I would fall into vices of the heart,” which being “more serious than [vices] of the body,” would be far more damaging to lose. “Similarly, the good of the heart is better than that of the body, for virtue is worth more than life.” 

    How does Christianity affect the philosophic way of life, the life of contemplation? Whereas “the active life is in the innocence of good works,” the “contemplative life is in thinking of celestial things,” “taking delight in God alone.” The “saintly man” must “occasionally turn towards the active life because it is necessary to man,” in that sense the more important of the two. Indeed, “the two eyes of a man signify these two lives, and therefore, when God orders that the right eye which is causing scandal be removed and thrown out, he refers to the contemplative life, if it should be corrupted by error”; contrary to Scripture, Latini claims that a contemplatively blind man might “through his works achieve everlasting life, rather than go to the fire of hell because of error in the contemplative life.” There is of course no suggestion in Scripture that one can achieve salvation through works. If Latini had written that a faithful if the not contemplative Christian may achieve salvation, and that such a Christian would likely pursue good works, he would have guided the young gentleman better, and he begins to do so almost immediately. 

    Faith, hope, and charity, he writes, are the three contemplative virtues. “No man can reach beatitude except through faith,” as “God is praised and glorified when he is truly believed.” God knows when He is truly believed because he “looks at the faith within the heart.” Not wanting his reader to rest content with that, he adds that “faith is empty which is without works.” He refers to the second of Christ’s commandments, to love one’s neighbor as oneself, since even as faith without works is empty, so works without charity will bring no salvation to the worker, even if his works are good and his beliefs are correct. “The virtue of charity” is “mistress and queen of all virtues and the bond of perfection, for it binds the other virtues.” This corrects his earlier claim that salvation is available through works, inasmuch as two contemplative virtues are necessary to give good works merit in the eyes of God. As for hope, Latini is most concerned that one not misunderstand and therefore misuse it. True, a Christian “must have hope in God, so that he will forgive our sins, but we must take care that because of the assurance we have in God’s promise of forgiveness we do not persevere in sin.” 

    What in us receives Christ’s Great Commandment to love God and neighbor? “The commandment of God is not written in us with letters of ink; rather it is set in our hearts by the divine spirit,” as “the notion of what is good and evil comes into us in which a way that we know naturally that we have to do good and avoid evil.” Conscience serves as the judge of a man inside himself. We reinforce conscience when we “follow three tracks of the best people and do what they do, for just as the wax receives the form of the seal, so too the morality of men is formed by a model.” Ultimately, the best model is Christ, Latini may imply, but he has provided many lesser but still good models serviceable for one’s efforts at moral formation.

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Latini’s Treasure: What A Gentleman Should Know About Nature

    February 16, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book I: “The Origin of All Things.” Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. New York: Garland Publishing, 1993.

     

    The Florentine diplomat Brunetto Latini spent his life entirely within the thirteenth century. A Guelph not a Ghibelline (Dante didn’t save a place for him in Paradise), he fled to Paris for seven years in the 1260s after his party was defeated, returning and eventually serving briefly as Chancellor of his city. He wrote The Book of the Treasure during those years of exile to provide a compendium of theoretical and practical wisdom for the edification of a young aspirant to political office in Florence. The Book was popular for decades, its authority eclipsed only by the ‘new science’ of the Renaissance. As an encyclopedia before the modern encyclopedias, it provides a look at what learned men knew before the criteria for useful knowledge were changed for the sake of ‘modernity.’ “I do not say that the book is based on my own wisdom which is indeed meager, but rather it is like a honeycomb collected from different flowers, for this book is compiled exclusively from, the marvelous sayings of the authors who before our time have dealt with philosophy, each one in accordance with his own particular knowledge, for no earthly man can know everything.”

    “This book is called the Treasure,” he begins, “for just as the lord who wishes to mass things of great value, not only for his own pleasure but to increase his power and elevate his social status in war and in peace puts into his treasure the most precious jewels he can gather together according to his intention, in a similar manner the body of this book is compiled out of wisdom, like the one which is extracted from all branches of philosophy in a brief summary.” He divides it into the three parts of philosophy, addressing theory, and the two practical topics of ethics and logic respectively. He compares theory to “cash money; no mind without it can invest in practical wisdom or rational thought.” He compares ethical wisdom to “precious stones” that give “delight and worth” to a man by showing him “the things one should do and not do,” along with “the reasons why” one should or should not do those things. He compares logic to “fine gold,” a metal that “surpasses all metals.” The science of logic includes both rhetoric or “the science of speaking well” and politics or the science of “governing a people more noble than any other in the world”—namely, the Florentines. That is, Latini’s advice is not only regime-specific but city-specific; he does not ignore other regimes and other cities, introducing them for purposes of illustration, but he has his own city and his own immediate reader in mind. “I give it to you, handsome gentle friend, for you are indeed worthy of it in my judgment.” Anticipating the movement away from books written in Latin to books written in the vernacular, he writes in French; “even though we are Italian,” French is “more pleasant and has more in common with all other languages.” Not incidentally, it was also the language of diplomacy. He writes to give his reader something might actually read and use, not to impress scholars.

    “Philosophy is the root from which grows all of the knowledge man man can have.” It is “the true inquiry into things, natural, divine, and human, insofar as man is capable of understanding.” Theory, knowledge of “the nature of all things celestial and terrestrial,” ranges from “things without corporeal existence and unrelated to corporeal things” (the topic of theology) to things with corporeal existence as they relate relate to other corporeal things (the topic of physics), and finally to incorporeal things and their relations with corporeal things (the topic of mathematics, which includes arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy). 

    Ethics, the second branch of philosophy and the first of the two practical branches, consists of three parts: self-government, household governance or economics, and politics (“govern[ing] peoples or kingdoms or a city, in war or in peace”). Politics is “the highest wisdom and most noble profession there is among men,” requiring knowledge of grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric (“that noble science which teaches us to compose and organize and say good and beautiful words, full of meaning, in keeping with the nature of the utterance,” as seen first and foremost in Holy Scripture and as taught best by Cicero). Here, Latini reclassifies politics under ethics.

    Logic, the third branch of philosophy and the second of the two practical branches, means the discipline “which teaches how to prove and demonstrate why one should do some things and not others.” It does so in three ways: by dialectic, by demonstration, and by sophistry. Dialectic teaches “how to debate and contend and dispute” with other people; demonstration teaches how “to prove that the words we have said are true and that the thing is as we say, with good reasons and true arguments”; sophistry teaches to prove what we say is true “through bad tricks and false reasons and  by sophisms, that is, by arguments which have the appearance and outward cover of truth but contain only falsehood.” An honest man will need to know those techniques, not to use them but to recognize and counteract them.

    The First Book addresses theory and begins at the Beginning, with what “sages say”: that God “made and created the world and all other things” in four ways. First, He imagined the “World Archetype” or “semblance of the world”; then, “out of nothing,” he made a “great mass of matter,” the “hyle,” with “no figure and no shape”; he then made the particular things themselves, also out of nothing, “heaven and earth and water, day and light and angels,” separating the light from darkness. Human souls were made out of nothing, as well. Finally, he “ordained the nature of all things individually, and gave the way in which they should be born and die, and the strength and characteristics and nature of each one.” Although “each thing is subject to its nature,” nature is subject to God, who “can adjust and change the course” of the nature of each thing “by divine miracle.” He does so, when he so chooses, over time, ‘providentially,’ but since God “knows all things past and present and future,” “everything he has made is to him as if present.” Time concerns those creatures below heaven, not those above it: “Before the beginning of the world there was no time.” God’s creation was “in his mind eternally,” His will being “eternal and changeless.” Evil arose from beings which diverted from His will, as “there is nothing bad by nature,” only things (including ourselves) which are badly used. 

    God “allows bad things to happen…so that the goodness of good nature should be known by its opposite, for two opposite things, when they are together side by side, show up better.” Men do evil either in thought (iniquity) or in deed (sin). Evil in thought has three types: temptation, pleasure, and consent. Evil in deed also has three types: in words, in deeds, or in perseverance. Latini at first maintains that Lucifer’s evil met with no divine forgiveness because, in his pride, he never repented, whereas Adam was forgiven because he did repent, “recogniz[ing] that he was the subject of God.” But Latini immediately revises this account. “I say to you that Man was forgiven because the weakness of sin in him is in his body, which is made of mud and wet earth, and the angels sinned, and they were not afflicted with any carnal malady.” This is a Platonizing claim, not a Biblical teaching; Latini occasionally places such contradictions in his book, perhaps as a test of his reader’s mind. Thus “the soul has many fine qualities by nature, but these are obscured by the union with the body, which is corruptible.”

    As for the nature of Man, he was made in the image of God whereas Woman was made in the image of Man, which accounts for the fact that “Women are subject to men by law of nature.” Among all the things under heaven, only “Man was made for himself,” Woman “made to help him.” Insofar as he sins, contradicting the nature God gave him, Man “was turned over to the Devil,” who, in the form of the serpent, was commanded to “eat the earth, that is to say, bad men.” Although made in God’s image, Man’s soul “is not made of divine substance or of divine nature.” God is not immanent in Man, whose soul is “created at the very moment when it enters the body.” Reason or “accurate judgment” is the quality of the soul that distinguishes human beings from animals, but the soul “has many roles”—giving life to the human body, desiring things (the will), inspiring (spirit), sensing (sensitivity), and having knowledge (understanding). “Understanding is the highest quality of the soul, through which we receive reason and knowledge, and because of which man is called the image of God, and reason is a movement of the soul which heightens the awareness of understanding and separates truth from falsehood.” At this point, Latini leaves “understanding” undefined, although it may be what Plato calls noēsis. In terms of the body, the head is “the dwelling place of the soul” and it has three “cells”—one in the front of the head for learning, one in the middle of the head for recognizing, the third in the back of the head for remembering. If future, present, and past are united in God, they are separate but related in the soul of Man; further, futurity in Man’s soul comes into being through learning, but God is all-knowing. Memory, registering the past, is “the treasure chest of all things and guardian of everything that one discovers through ingenuity or learns through others.” This treasure-book, then, consists primarily of things remembered, set down, however, for learning and recognizing. Beasts remember, too, but they do not reason, “follow[ing] only their will, without any regard for reason.”

    Given Man’s departure from nature into sin, divine and human law needed to be established. Initially, only the Hebrews had divine law; all other sets of laws were invented by human lawgivers, although Mercury, who gave laws to the Egyptians, was called divine. “Divine law is by nature,” by which Latini probably means that nature is its conduit, through human beings. God’s law as delivered by Moses differs from God’s law delivered by Jesus Christ and His disciples because “God in his great foresight gave to each era what was appropriate,” fitting His law to prevailing human circumstances in both instances. The law delivered by Christ is stricter than the law delivered by Moses because Christ Himself, the embodiment of the truth, delivered it, showing men the truth in His Person and thus giving them fewer excuses not to know the truth. This notwithstanding, kings and lords were established and maintained because “commanding or establishing law is of little value among men unless there is someone who can make them obey the law, in order to promote justice and punish wrong.” Rulers enforce the divine law, seen in human nature insofar as it is not misused for iniquity or for sin. 

    This begins a lengthy digression on the course of human events, whereby the nature of Man and his evil thoughts and deeds played out in a succession of rulers, eventually mitigated by the Catholic empire. The first two kingdoms on earth “which in rank and lordship and power and nobility surpassed all the others” were those of the Assyrians and the Romans, one from the east and the other from the west. “Both ruled the entire world” in their time. Alongside this succession of monarchic empires there have been six “ages of the world” in Biblical terms: from Adam to Noah, culminating in God’s destruction of the surface of the world; from Noah to Abraham, culminating in the founding of the Israelite nation; from Abraham to David, the apex of Israel; from David to “the time of the Pharaohs, when God destroyed Jerusalem and held the Jews captive” in Babylon; from the Babylonian Captivity to the birth of Jesus Christ; and finally the current age, which will last from the birth of Christ to the end of the world. Drawing from the Old Testament, Latini summarizes the principal events of each age. The greatest Assyrian king, Ninus, “was the first man to assemble an army for war,” becoming the “head of the first kings,” ruling “all of Asia except India.” The worst of all the kings in the Assyrian empire (Babylonia “is included in the Egyptian and Assyrian” kingdoms, according to Latini) was Nebuchadnezzar, who destroyed Jerusalem, seized the Israelites, and “committed many other perverse actions in his time.” 

    The Roman empire began in the time of King David, when Aeneas, fleeing ruined Troy, entered Italy with his people and met King Latinus, at first cordially but eventually in battle. Romulus and Remus were his progeny, born of the daughter of Latinus’ daughter, Lavinia. Latini disparages the story that the brothers were abandoned and raised by a she-wolf. They were indeed thrown into a river, but they were discovered by a prostitute; “such women are called lues in Latin,” which Latini, in his rather imaginative etymology, associates with lupus, the Latin word for wolf. Be this as it may, “Romulus was very proud and of great courage,” gathering a cohort around him, warring with local tribal chiefs, and founding Rome 313 years after the destruction of Troy. Jesus was born in the Roman Empire, when it was at its apex; the name of his mother, Mary, means star of the sea “and lady, and brightness, and light”—all very much in contrast with the she-wolf stepmother of the founder of Rome. The empire of war thus began to be replaced by the empire of the Prince of Peace. His designated the apostle Peter as “his vicar, on the earth in his place, and he gave him the power to bind and to unbind on earth all people”—that is, to bring them into Jesus’ Assembly or Church and to expel them from it. Peter preached “the New Law of Jesus Christ” in Rome, “and there he was master and bishop of all the Christians for 25 years and seven months and eight days, until the time of Nero, who was then emperor in Rome, and who was their most cruel and evil lord ever, of all who came before or after him,” the tyrant who had Peter crucified and Paul decapitated. From time to time, after that, the emperors of old Rome occasionally made their peace with the new Rome, one of them “aveng[ing] the death of Our Lord,” which had been urged by Jewish priests, 42 years after Jesus’ death, by destroying Jerusalem and “caus[ing] great harm to the Jews.”

    After the Emperor Constantine’s conversion to Christianity, he ended persecution of Christians, “endowed Holy Church and gave it all the imperial dignity you see.” Nonetheless, schisms within the Roman Church caused “many an emperor and many a king of Lombardy” to be “corrupted by wrong belief.” Two centuries elapsed before the emperor Justinian, “a very wise and astute man,” in collaboration with Pope Agapetus, consolidated imperial law in a way in which “the Christian law was confirmed and the false belief of the heretics condemned.” “Thenceforward, the strength of the Holy Church grew near and far, on this side of the [Mediterranean] sea and the other,” as the new Rome acquired a spiritual and political empire similar to the empire of the old Rome. The eastern part of the new Roman Empire was ruined by the forces of “the evil preacher Mohammed,” who led its inhabitants “away from the good faith and into error.” 

    In the west, the new Rome was threatened by the Emperor Leo. Pope Stephen’s excommunication of Leo didn’t diminish his military power, however, and when the pope “saw that he could not withstand” Leo and his ally, the king of the Lombards, “he went to France to Pepin the good,” consecrating him and his sons “to always be kings of France.” With that alliance in hand, he defeated Lombardy, ensuring the safety of the Church, but the new Lombard King and the son of Leo revived their fortunes, threatened the Church again, prompting the new pope, Hadrian, to enlist the aid of Pepin’s son, Charlemagne, whose military prowess made him master of both enemies of the Church. Entering Rome “in great triumph,” he was “crowned Emperor of the Romans, and he held the dignity of the empire for his whole life,” additionally subjecting Germany and Spain to his rule and defeating many other enemies of the Church, including Muslim forces before his death in 814. After that, the French kings became weaker, eventually returning “the dignity of the empire” to the Italians. As a result, the western empire split in two, one in Italy, the other in Germany. 

    The Italians called upon the German king, Otto of Saxony, to defeat an old enemy, now renewed in power. The Lombards, ruled by Berengar (“an evil tyrant and cruel to God and to the world”) and his son Albert [a.k.a. Adelbert] (“who did all the evil that he could”) collaborated with Albert’s brother John, the pope, to become “masters and lords of both Holy Church and the world,” causing “an increase of evil upon evil and cruelty upon cruelty.” Otto eventually defeated the Lombards and was crowned king and emperor of Rome in 955. What became known as the Holy Roman Empire was subsequently ruled by a succession of German kings elected by German princes and archbishops. [1]

    These included Frederick II, who “had a heart greater than all other men’s,” a “wise and articulate man,” “very learned,” especially in languages. “His heart’s only desire was to be lord of the world,” and his imperial rule began in 1220. He took full advantage of it: “Even though he had several wives and children in lawful marriage, nevertheless he took delight in the noble women of his kingdom, with the result that he had sons and daughters in abundance.” He expected to continue his rule with the assistance of his sons, “but we think one thing, and God thinks a completely different thing, for when he wants to trouble someone, he takes away his vision first of all, that is, his sense and his good foresight.” Pope Gregory IX excommunicated Frederick for failing to carry out a promised crusade in the Holy Land. Frederick didn’t take that well, “turn[ing] against Holy Church and against the right,” causing “great harm and persecution to the pope and to all his clerics,” laying siege to Rome. The pope’s speech to the people of Rome turned them against Frederick, who withdrew his army to a more secure location but effectively making the pope a prisoner within the Vatican, where he died, years later. A later pope, Innocent IV, escaped and fled to Lyon, “a location where he did not fear the emperor or his power,” from which vantage “he assembled all the general council” of the Church “and proclaimed a perpetual sentence” against the emperor and his men, “deposing him from the empire and all his high possessions” in spirit if not in flesh. “What more could I say? No one could find words to say or put down in writing the evils and the wars which lasted for a long time between the emperor and Holy Church, between him and the Lombards who defended the Holy Church.” 

    After one of Frederick’s sons, Manfred, suffocated him and poisoned a rival son, Manfred himself died in battle with the papal forces. Eventually, the whole line of Fredrick II was exterminated. “But now the narrative will cease telling of this, and it will return to its subject matter, from which it has gone astray.”

    Indeed, why has Latini inserted this digression of human history? It follows from his account of the way in which men corrupt their good nature by iniquity and sin. He needs to show the young gentleman not only what nature is, but what corruption is, lest the youth remain naïve, on the one extreme, or disillusioned on the other. If God allows evil to exist in order to highlight the goodness of the good, beginning with Himself and His creation, Latini illustrates this lesson by first describing the goodness of nature and then showing the consequences of its corruption in the hearts and hands of men. He shows that both emperors and popes can sink into evil or rise to good works, that they can choose either way but frequently choose the wrong way.

    Having described the purposes of God working through nature and sometimes overriding it, Latini turns to analysis of the parts of nature, its material causes. He names the four elements—fire, water, air, earth—and their corresponding “complexions”—hot and dry, cold and wet, hot and moist, cold and dry—seasons—summer, winter, spring, autumn—and blood types—choler, phlegm, “good nature” or sanguine, melancholy. It is noteworthy that good nature corresponds to air, the closest material element to the spirit, hot and moist, the climate of Italy, and spring, the season of rebirth. There are also four corresponding “forces” that sustain animal life: appetite (fire), expulsive (water), digestive (air), and retentive (earth).”It is the function of nature to harmonize discordant matters and make unequal things equal in such a way that all diversity returns to unity, and it adjusts them and assembles them in one body and substance or into something else which is continually reborn in the world,” either by seeds or by birth. “Nature is to God as a hammer is to a blacksmith, who at one time forms a spear, at another a helmet, or a nail, or a needle, or one thing or another according to what the blacksmith wishes.” The behavior of God’s creatures, owing to their lightness or heaviness, quickness or slowness, depends “upon the mixture of the elements in them.”

    All of these elements change, coming into being and passing away. There is a fifth element, “distinct from the others,” one “so noble that it cannot be changed or corrupted.” This is “ether” and it comprises “a round heaven which surrounds and encloses within itself all the other elements and the other things which do not partake of divinity; and it is to the world as the shell is to the egg.” If the bodies and the elements ether protects were themselves made of ether, they would need no such protection; Aristotle teaches that “if nature had formed his body of this element…he would be guaranteed against death.” The world, then, is round, the shape most “suited for movement,” as seen in the perpetual cycling of “heaven and firmament.” “If it happened that the world had a long or square shape, it could not be completely full”; there would be corners or pockets where no substance would collect or, perhaps, where too much substance would collect, congeal, and close off that space from motion. Within the world as a whole, the earth is also round. Not knowing about gravity, Latini follows Aristotelian physics in locating the earth in the middle of the universe, contending that its greater density makes it heavier; being made of earth, the heaviest element, the earth “draw[s] itself to the middle and the center of the surrounding ones, that is, to a place from which it can neither go up nor down, nor move from side to side.” This is also why the second-heaviest element, water, clings to the surface of the earth. The lightest element, fire, composes “a very beautiful and radiant sky of he color of crystal,” which exists above the firmament. “It is from this place that the bad angels fell.” Above it, “there is still another sky,” colored purple—the empyrean, which is “of such great light and such great splendor that human understanding is incapable of knowing even the smallest thing about it, and in this heaven is the highest glorious majesty of God,” along with “His angels and His secrets,” which Latini discreetly leaves to “masters in divinity and to the lords of Holy Church” to describe. That is, philosophic noēsis takes one only so far. The rest is left to divine revelation, the province of theologians and priests.

    In the firmament, one sees the planets and stars, whose movements can be measured and predicted mathematically because they move in the “pure air”—air devoid of dust and water—the element nearest to the pure abstraction mathematics describes. There are seven planets and 1,200 stars in the firmament. Each planet exerts a moral influence on human beings: Saturn “is cruel and evil and of a cold nature”; Jupiter “mild and merciful and filled with goodness”; Mars warlike; centrally, the Sun reigns as king of all planets thanks to its “great light” and “the good it does”; Venus is “beautiful and kind”; Mercury is small and easily influenced by whatever planet orbits nearest to it; and the Moon is changeable. In its daily revolutions around the earth, the Sun balances light and darkness on the Earth; it is the planet that maintains balance on Earth. The Moon, much smaller than the Sun but closer, “affects the things which are here below more clearly than the others,” decreasing “all things” on Earth when it wanes, increasing them when it waxes. Similarly, the stars exert their influence from their positions among the twelve regions of the Zodiac. Both planets and stars “have such great power over terrestrial things that they have to come and go according to their course”; “to tell the truth, if the firmament did not always turn around the earth as it does, there is no creature in the world which could move for anything in the world,” and “if the firmament ceased turning one instant, all thing would be destroyed and annihilated.” “For this reason we must love and fear Our Lord God, who is Lord of all this, without whom no good and no power can exist,” as “nature is that through which all things move or rest by themselves” and God not only created nature but wields the power to bring it to an end. 

    Turning his attention to the nature of Earth itself, Latini describes it as “girded and surrounded by the sea,” with three parts (Asia, Africa, Europe). Latini of course knows nothing of the Americas, and regarding Asia he knows about India but not China. He leaves philosophic room for such discoveries, however, although always within certain limits. “You should know, good people, that Our Lord God created many marvels on land and sea that we cannot know clearly because he reserved them for Himself.” The pope rightly “teaches us in this way to understand what he says: do not try to know more than you need to know, but rather strive to know soberly, which is neither too much nor too little”—far from foolish advice for a young gentleman, and even for a young philosopher in the sense that “those who said that the world had a soul did not learn sobriety, but they went beyond it, which is excess.” Indeed, “the wise men of old said many beautiful things about the world and truth, and they said many things which do not show the truth because they were incapable of knowing it, for it remained in our Lord, and it always remains in Him.” It is easy to go “astray through misunderstanding the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and his apostles, in whom we must firmly believe, more than all the other wise men who live or who will ever live.” While leaving room for the increase of human knowledge, Latini carefully limits it to the things which do not contradict Scripture.

    Staying within those capacious limits, then, Latini discusses how to choose land for cultivation (avoid excesses of heat and cold, dampness and dryness) and how to build a house on the land (first of all taking care “to know the nature of the water” you will use, then positioning each room in the house facing or facing away from the sun, depending on the room’s intended use). Houses should be built not only in accordance with surrounding nature but in accordance with the way of life of the political regime and the state that prevails in the country. Since the Italians “often quarrel among themselves,” they prudently “take pleasure in making towers and other stone houses,” whereas the more peaceful French “build large and luxurious houses, painted, with large rooms to give pleasure and delight without war and without disturbance.” Wealth counts, too: “The lord should have a large mastiff for the protection of his house, and hunting dogs and hounds and birds for hunting when he wants to enjoy himself by doing these things.” The head of the household must manage it, in his oikonomia seeing to it that “those who work in the household be well instructed and directed as to what they have to do, such that each one has his duties inside and out, in such a way that the lord is sovereign and master of all.” 

    Having once again digressed into human things, albeit human things as prudently governed within nature, Latini next devotes 69 sections to the description of animals, moving from water creatures to those that crawl on the earth, to those that fly in the air, and finally to those which walk on the earth, which are closest in this aspect of their nature to Man. In this compendium of bookish knowledge, Latini here depends heavily on the recorded observations and claims of other writers. He begins with the fish, which, following Pliny, he classifies as any of the 164 kinds of creatures which live primarily in water, including whales and dolphins. He rules out one purported species of fish as fake. The sirens described by Homer were only “three prostitutes who tricked all passers-by and brought them to ruin,” associated with water “because lust is made of moisture.” They are figments of the imagination of waterlogged sailors.

    He does accept the existence of a number of other dubious creatures, however, including a white serpent called a siren, an animal so poisonous that “if it bites a man, he will die before feeling the pain.” Regarding land animals, he is convinced of the existence of basilisks (“the king of the serpents,” whose mere gaze will kill, according to chroniclers of conquering Alexander), dragons (the largest serpent of all,” a denizen of India and Ethiopia, where the summer lasts forever”), and unicorns (“a fierce animal” with a body resembling a horse, feet like an element and the tail of a deer, whose “voice is tremendously scary,” an animal “so tough and so wild that no one can overtake it or capture it with any snare in the world”).

    Animals that move in the air include the eagle, the peacock, and the vulture. “The eagle sees better than any bird in the world, and it flies so high that it is lot to the sight of man, but it sees so clearly that it distinguishes even the smallest creatures on earth and the fish in the water, and it takes them a it swoops down.” Despite its acuity of vision, it can look “at the rays of the sun, and its eyes do not flinch”; so much so that it tests its hatchlings by holding them up to the sun, discarding those which look away in the “just judgment” that they cannot be eagles. He repeats the legend (“many say”) that the eagle renews its own life by flying so close to the sun “that its feathers burn, along with the darkness in its eyes, and then it lets itself fall into a spring of water and bathes itself three times, and right away it recovers the youth it had previously.” The peacock, ” a simple bird of great beauty, with a serpentine head and a devil’s voice,” “takes delight in its tail because it is so beautiful.” “But nature has given it an ugly thing to do, for when it sees men admiring its beauty, it raises its tail up to have people’s praise and reveals its ugly backside, and shows it to them in vile fashion.” If the eagle is a creature that sees, the peacock one to be seen—the one teaching a lesson in justice, the other a lesson in the way beauty can mix with vileness— the vulture is the bird that smells. It “can smell things from further away than any animal in the world; even from across the sea it can smell carrion.” It therefore “follows men’s armies where there will be an abundance of carrion, and thus they can predict that in that army there will be much killing of men or animals.” Although they feed off the dead, they themselves live long, usually not “less than 100 years or more.” 

    Among the creatures that fly, honeybees exhibit not only industry but good government. Although Latini in one respect confuses them with flies, claiming that they are “born from the decaying carcass of a cow,” he admires their production of honey and the “extreme ingeniousness” with which they build their “houses,” with “different levels, where each one has its proper place to which it returns every day.” Their regime is a monarchy; their “king” is elected, “not randomly” (that is, by what Aristotle calls the most democratic method, a lottery), “in which there enters more luck than good judgement,” but by selecting “the one to whom nature has given a sign of nobility, who is larger and better looking and of better life.” This notwithstanding, the king bee is no tyrant but rather “more humble and of greater pity” than the others, whom he leaves “free and independent.” For their part, his subjects remain “amiable and obedient toward their lord, so that none leaves the hive before the king does and takes the lead in flying where he pleases.” Honeybees “love their king very much, and they have such faith and courage that they throw themselves into the period of death to protect their king and to rescue him.” And “even though each one strives to do its best to the limit of its abilities, nevertheless there is no envy among them and no hatred,” although they readily “get vengeance on those who cause them harm.” In sum, honeybees provide men a model of the best regime. The one flaw in their regime is the king’s vulnerability. “When he dies or is lost, they lose their faith and judgment in such a way that they lose and destroy their honey, and destroy their hives.”

    The ostrich, the lion, and the horse provide the best lessons among the creatures that move on the earth. The ostrich combines laziness, stupidity, and cruelty. “Its disposition is so sluggish that it makes it so terribly forgetful that it cannot remember things,” especially its own eggs, which it covers with sand, “goes off on its business and forgets,” leaving the sun to keep them warm until they hatch. “When the parent find the chicks, instead of feeding and instructing them as they should, they torment them and do s many cruel things as they can to them.” The lion, by contrast, deservedly bears the title, “king of beasts.” He is, as a monarch, more tyrant than king, however; “when he roars, all animals flee as if pursued by death, and where he draws a circle with his tail no animal dares cross it.” At the same time, the lion “fears the white rooster,” “the tumult of wheels,” and fire. God, “who did not allow anything to exist without its opposites decided that the lion, who is prouder and stronger than all other creatures, and through his great fierceness pursues prey always, should have impediments to his cruelty against which he is incapable of defending himself.” The horse may be the most intelligent of the land creatures, “an animal of great knowledge, for since it always goes to live with men, this gives it some sense, so that it knows its master and it often changes customs and habits when it changes masters,” readily and as it were prudently adapting to a new regime. Horses are also fit human companions in war, “happy when they are victorious and sad when they lose, and one can easily observe when the battle will be won or not by whether the horse’s appearance is one of joy or sadness.” Above all, they are loyal. “It is a proven fact about many horses that they weep and shed tears because of the death of their lord, and there is no other animal that does this.”

    The moralism of Latini’s bestiary bespeaks the transition from the Treasure‘s first part to the second, which leaves “the theoretical branch of knowledge,” the “first science of the body of philosophy,” in order to enter the second part, which in which he addresses “the practical” branch of knowledge, ethics. 

     

     

     

     

    Note

    1. Latini has given his young gentleman an understandably simplified but also somewhat garbled account. Pope John XII had no blood relationship to Adelbert; he was his “brother” only in being comrades in arms against Otto I and also fellow evildoers, as John was notorious for his debauchery and cruelty.  

     

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Tocqueville on the Moral Effects of Public Charity

    January 5, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Alexis de Tocqueville: Memoir on Pauperism and Other Writings: Poverty, Public Welfare, and Inequality. Christine Dunn Henderson translation. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2021.

     

    Note: A version of this review appeared in Interpretation: A Journal of Political Philosophy, Volume 47, Number 3, Summer 2021.

     

    Tocqueville published his two “mémoires” or memos on pauperism in 1833 and 1837, respectively—that is, almost as bookends to the first volume of Democracy in America. In them, he considers his great theme, the advance of “democracy” or “equality of conditions” and its counterpoint, the rise of a new aristocracy founded on that very social egalitarianism, an “aristocracy” or oligarchy of industrial magnates who aim at lording it over factory workers in the cities Whereas the feudal lords of the European countryside had ruled ‘their’ peasants with a firm but often kindly hand, living with them on the same land, knowing them personally, the modern aristocrat live apart from their employees, do not know them, and think of them only as replaceable parts in factories organized rather like the machines on the shop floor.

    “This leads to “a most extraordinary and apparently inexplicable sight”: “the countries that appear the poorest are those which, in reality, contain the fewest indigents, while among the peoples whose opulence you admire, one part of the population is obliged to rely upon the gift of the other in order to live” (Memoir on Pauperism, 1). England’s prosperous countryside contrasts with its villages, where one-sixth of the people live on “public charity”; in Spain and Portugal, the countryside is impoverished but few are indigent; in France, conditions vary from province to province. Even within the same empire, “you will see proportionate growth of, on the one hand, the number of those living in comfort, and on the other hand, the number of those who fall back upon public donations in order to live” (MP, 2).

    Tocqueville is nothing if not an ardent inquirer into social causation. One of the surprises an early reader of the Democracy must have experienced was his reversal of the characteristic Enlightenment narrative. Voltaire and his allies ascribed feudalism and it abuses to Christianity; French Revolutionaries notoriously had replaced the Madonna and her Child with the Goddess of Reason. Unearthing the origin of equality, Tocqueville finds its root in the Christianity the revolutionaries loathed. To understand pauperism in the mist of plenty, Tocqueville goes even farther back, to the origin of human society itself.

    “Behold men gathering for the first time. They come out of the forests, they are still wild, they join forces not to enjoy life, but to find the means of surviving. Shelter against the intemperance of the seasons, sufficient food—such is the object of their efforts. Their minds do not go beyond these goods, and if they obtain them without trouble, they judge themselves satisfied with their fate and doze in idle comfort,” just as “the barbarous tribes in North America” Tocqueville had visited still did. Men in the earliest societies were social animals, “with very few desires” and “hardly any needs other than” those felt by the animals among which they lived. The supported themselves by hunting; property ownership occurred only after they became “acquainted with agriculture” (MP, 3).

    Now “assured of survival, they begin to glimpse that human existence offers other sources of pleasures beyond the satisfaction of life’s first and most urgent needs” (MP, 3). Inequality arose—millennia before Christianity. “One sees the spirit of conquest, which has been the mother of all aristocratic societies, spread,” based as it is on the few who possess the bodily strength and psychic ferocity to kill and to risk being killed for the sake of rule over others and the consequent seizure of their property (MP, 5).

    Such men rivaled each other, attempted to conquer each other. “The barbarians who invaded the Roman Empire at the end of the fourth century were savages who had glimpsed landed property’s utility and had wanted to get its advantages for themselves.” Having softened their moeurs after their own vast conquests, now accustomed to “the peaceful activities of field labor” but without that level of “civilization” that would have made them “capable of fighting against the primitive fierceness of their enemies,” Roman farmers became tenants of the new, rough aristocrats; “feudal society was organized and the Middle Ages were born.” “Inequality passed into laws, and from having been a fact, it became a right.” (MP, 5).

    Tocqueville “generalizes” from these facts. “If we pay attention to what has happened since the birth of societies, we will easily discover that equality is only found at the two ends of society. Savages are equal because they are all equally weak and ignorant. Very civilized men are able to all become equal because they all have similar means of attaining comfort and happiness at their disposal Between these two extremes, the inequality of conditions is found: the wealth, enlightenment, and power of some and the poverty, ignorance, and weakness of all the others” (MP, 5). Under feudal social conditions, no “Third Estate” or middle class existed, only “those who cultivated the soil without possessing it” and “those who possessed the soil without cultivating it” (MP, 6).

    Feudal peasants were ruled by the aristocrats but not usually killed by them, as “the master’s interest coincided with theirs” when it came to their survival. Peasants “enjoyed that type of vegetative happiness whose charm is as difficult for the highly civilized man to understand as its existence is difficult for him to deny.” For their part, aristocrats lived in luxury but not in comfort. “Comfort presupposes a large class whose members are simultaneously employed in trying to make life sweeter and more comfortable”—a middle class which neither provides necessities nor keens itself for military and political glory. Aristocratic life “was brilliant and lavish, but not commodious”; “they ate with their fingers from plates of silver or engraved steel.” Residents of provincial towns in the 1830s, he observes, enjoy more comfort “than did the proudest baron of the Middle Ages” (MP, 6). On one hand, “comfort was found nowhere,” not in the peasant’s hovel or the lord’s castle; on the other hand, there was “survival everywhere,” as peasants provided food and shelter for themselves and their rulers, while rulers cared for and protected peasants, often from the depredations of other rulers (MP, 7).

    This means that Enlightenment philosophes and their revolutionary admirers took a phenomenon for a cause. True, the feudal aristocrats endowed their lands to their firstborn sons and found positions in the Catholic Church for their second-born sons, and Christianity became associated with the ruling class. But they did so only as a politic appropriation, not as a logical consequence of the religion itself, which stipulated not an aristocratic right to rule but the equality of all men under God.

    Gradually, as feudalism established itself, both peasant cultivators and warrior aristocrats developed “new tastes,” tastes satisfied only by the establishment of a new class, a class of workers who left the land to “devote themselves to industry,” to the production of the goods that satisfied the new tastes. In a word, both classes became more civilized. “A vast displacement of population” occurred, as young peasants moved into the cities, seeking jobs that catered to the newfound taste for commodious living that both they and the aristocrats had discovered in themselves (MP, 7). In this, “they obeyed the immutable laws governing the growth of organized societies” (MP, 8). Tocqueville here does not pronounce on whether these laws are natural or ‘historical,’ although they do seem grounded in human nature; the growth of organized societies evidently instantiates the human equality that Christianity revealed to all men, a natural fact that the few amongst ‘the ancients’ had previously kept assiduously to themselves. Be this as it may, he diverges from Hegel and Marx by positing no known limit to the movement of this growth. The laws of social growth may have a telos, but Tocqueville does not claim to know what it is. This absence of finality leaves room for human liberty, which he famously opposes to the dangers that egalitarianism brings in its wake.

    The more the new class produces, the more commodities there are to ease the lives of ‘the many’ and not only the few. But “these happy outcomes have not been achieved without a necessary cost.” Some decades back, I talked with one of my fellow college freshmen about his parents, who had lived in Georgia in the 1930s. He surprised me by saying he anticipated another Great Depression and indeed looked forward to it. “The Morgans did rather well in the last Depression,” he claimed, contentedly. “We stayed on our farm, raised enough crops to feed ourselves and, after the Depression was over, we were the only ones in the county who had any money. We cleaned up!” That is indeed the advantage of subsistence agriculture. As Tocqueville puts it, “The farmer produces basic foodstuffs,” but even if market prices bring him no profit for a year or two, “these products at least furnish the means of life to those who have harvested them and allow them to wait for better times” (MP, 8).

    The industrial worker is not so lucky. He “speculates on artificial and secondary needs that can be limited by a thousand causes and can be completely eliminated by great events” (MP, 8). Having “received from God the special and dangerous mission of providing, by [their] own risks and dangers, the material happiness of all” the other classes, he serves them only at their convenience. “This is a major subject of reflection for today’s statesmen!” (MP, 9).

    Nor is this pauperism’s only cause. While men and women may cut back on their expenses during a time of widespread economic hardship, in ordinary times, as wealth and prosperity grow, their desires “become, through habit and example, real needs.” The more needs one has, “the more greatly [one] exposes himself to the blows of Fortune” (MP, 10). If ‘modernity’ consists not only in the advance of social equality but the advance of men’s mastery of fortune—the conquest of nature for the relief of man’s estate by the means of experimental science applied in manufacturing industries—that mastery itself finds at least temporary limits in disruption of supply and even of demand. Not only may an infestation of insects ruin the cotton crop, sending the textile industry into crisis, but the tastes of the many or the few may shift, making last year’s fashions this year’s embarrassments. Popular opinion under conditions of social democracy matters more than it has since the Athenians’ political democracy, and it is no less fickle. These exigencies, too, throw workers out of work.

    Here is where a Christian (and also a Rousseauian) sentiment comes in. When people are thrown out of work owing to no fault of their own, their fellow citizens feel compassion for them. Civil society wants to help them, attempting to “cure evils that it did not previously ever perceive.” “The more nations are wealthy, the more the number of those who appeal to public charity must multiply, because two very powerful causes tend toward this result: among these nations, the class most naturally exposed to need is increasing incessantly, and on the other side, needs themselves infinitely multiply and diversify; he opportunity of finding oneself exposed to some of them becomes more frequent every day” (MP, 11).

    As always, Tocqueville urges moderation, deliberation, and calm. As we consider “the future of modern societies,” “let us not become drunk by the spectacle of [their] greatness”—as Hegel tended to do; “let us not become discourage by the sight of its miseries”—as Marx tended to do, before veering toward immoderate optimism on the wings of ‘dialectic.’ True, for most modern men “existence will be more comfortable, sweeter, more embellished, longer,” while others of us “will need to turn to the support of their fellow men in order to receive a tiny part of those goods.” “This double movement can be slowed…but no one can stop it” (MP, 11). It can, however, be ameliorated if statesmen are smart and tough as well as compassionate.” 

    In addition to social democratization and the conquest of nature, modernity also features a particular kind of Christianity which generates a particular kind of beneficence. Tocqueville distinguishes two kinds of beneficence. “One leads each individual to relieve, according to his means, all the ills that are found within his reach,” an impulse “as old as the world”; Christianity made it a divine virtue and called it charity.” “The other, less instinctive, more rational, less enthusiastic, and often more powerful, leads society itself to concern itself with the misfortunes of its members and to attend systematically to the relief of their distress”; this kind of beneficence “was born out of Protestantism and is developed only in modern societies” (MP, 12). In England, this second kind of beneficence combined with a fourth feature of modernity: the modern state.

    Tocqueville recalls how Protestant monarchs Henry VIII and Elizabeth I took over not only the institutions of Christian worship, against Roman Catholicism, but also one of the traditional functions of the church they replaced—charity—in the form of state-sponsored care for the poor. Although the “poor laws” preceded industrialization and urbanization, they were made even more necessary by them and were elaborated because of them. “England’s industrial class provides for the needs and the pleasures of not only the English people but also of a large part of humanity” in what we would now call the ‘global market’; if America is “the country of the future” respecting democracy, England is that with respect to political economy. England is “the country in the world in which the farmer is most strongly attracted to industrial work—but also finds himself the most exposed to the vicissitudes of fortune” (MP, 13). Having already “accepted the principle of legal charity, England was not able to depart from it,” given its subsequent socioeconomic modernization (MP, 14).

    This has led to a challenge to English Protestantism, social equality, and the modern state. The nexus of industrialism and public charity has caused “the rebirth and spread across a Protestant country of those abuses for which the Reformation had rightly reproached some of the Catholic countries,” abuses connected to that “natural passion for idleness” seen in primitive man and civilized southern European monasteries alike. A person will work for two reasons: survival and “the desire to improve his living conditions.” Of these, the first is common, the second more rare. Most of us are not what were once called go-getters. Give me a steady diet, decent clothes, and a roof over my head and I probably will not dream of starting a business. That being so, “a charitable organization, open indiscriminately to all of those who are in need, or a law that givers to all poor—whatever the origin of their poverty—a right to public assistance, weakens or destroys the first stimulant and leaves only the second intact”—that is, the rarer one. Hence “the most generous, active and industrious part of the nation…devotes its assistance to furnishing the means of life to those who do nothing or who make bad use of their work” (MP, 15). “Every measure that establishes legal charity on a permanent basis and gives it an administrative form thus creates an idle and lazy class, living at the expense of the industrial and working class…. It reproduces all the vices of the monastic system, but without the lofty ideas of morality and of religion that often went with it. Such a law is a poisoned seed planted in the bosom of legislation. As in America, circumstances can prevent the seed from developing rapidly, but they cannot destroy it, and if the present generation escapes its influence, it will devour the well-being of the generations to come.” (MP, 17-18).

    Generally speaking, “the idea of rights” “elevates and sustains the human spirit”; Tocqueville “find[s] something grand and virile” in a principle that brings the ruled up to the level of the ruler, entitling the ruled to make honorable demands upon the ruler. “But the right that the poor person has to obtain society’s assistance is unique, in that rather than elevating the heart of the man who exercises it, it debases him.” In making my claim to public charity I formalize my “poverty, weakness, and misconduct,” admit my “inferiority” to my neighbors (MP, 18). To exercise most rights, I vindicate my honor as man and citizen; to exercise this right, however, I must sacrifice my honor, perhaps even my self-respect. It is noteworthy that Tocqueville connects the idea of rights to the human spirit, to its potential for greatness. In Democracy in America he connected grandeur or greatness to human nature. [1] Further, this understanding of rights connects them not only to one of the best characteristics of human nature but to politics strictly speaking, the practice of ruling and being ruled Aristotle locates in the family bond between husband and wife, distinguishing this reciprocity from the one-way forms of rule also seen in the family, the rule of parents over children and of masters over slaves. Tocqueville also understands the distinctively human characteristic as a matter of the human spirit and mind, the self-respect of what Aristotle calls a rational animal. [2]

    More, the original and perennial kind of kind of beneficence “establish[es] precious ties between the rich man and the poor one,” as “the act of generosity itself makes the giver interested in the one whose poverty he has undertaken to relieve” and inspires gratitude in the one helped. This was the beneficence displayed by feudal aristocrats and indeed by the aristocrat of antiquity. But under modern conditions of social equality, beneficence becomes impersonal. The “legal charity” seen in the modern state “is not like” the natural charity of beneficence of previous times. “Alms remain, but their morality is removed,” as the rich man “see in the poor man only a greedy stranger, summoned by the legislator to share his goods,” and the poor man “feels no gratitude for a benefit that could not be denied him.” Modern states develop civil societies divided into “two rival nations”; rich and poor “have existed since the beginning of the world,” but “public charity breaks the only line that could have been established between them” (MP, 19). A greedy stranger: a foreigner who should be a fellow-citizen, even if a weaker and dependent one, a stranger whose dependency precludes him from citizenship as surely as birth into a peasant family had done, but without the personal attention of feudalism and the small degree of a political relationship feudalism retained as a consequence of that attention.

    Even worse, “if idleness in the midst of wealth, the hereditary idleness earned by works of service, the idleness surrounded with public regard, accompanied by inner contentment, interested by the pleasures of the mind, moralized by the exercise of thought—if this idleness,” that is, aristocratic idleness, “has been the mother of so many vices, what will come from a degraded idleness acquire from cowardice, earned by misconduct, that is enjoyed amid ignominy and that can only be endured to the extent that the soul of the one who suffers it becomes completely corrupted and degraded?” (MP, 19-20). Such a soul “knows the future, as an animal does, because he ignores destiny’s circumstances, and who is thus focused like the animal in the present and in the ignoble and fleeting pleasures hat the present offers to a brutalized nature.” Thus “the number of illegitimate children has risen continuously; that of criminals has grown incessantly” (MP, 20)—in both instances because public support obviates the need for husbands, as an unmarried mother “finds a kind of dowry in her infamy” (MP, 25). While enlightenment expands throughout the rest of the nation, moeurs become gentler, taste becomes more delicate, habits more polite,” the poor “fall back toward barbarism while in the midst of civilization’s wonders, their ideas and inclinations bring them closer to savages” (MP, 20). The equality of conditions prevailing in modern societies finds a countervailing pressure in this new source of social hierarchy.

    Not only does this new social hierarchy lack the old aristocratic generosity, it also retains no vestige of aristocratic liberty—the spirit which, as readers of the Democracy and The Old Regime and the Revolution will recall, serves as an indispensable barrier against despotisms “hard” and “soft” in modern states. Unlike America, where the slogan “Go West, young man, go West” would make good sense as both an aspiration and as a safety valve to relieve the miseries of city dwellers, England “has immobilized one-sixth of their population”; not only do the poor find themselves unwelcome in a new town, but unlike feudal villeinage, which “forced the individual, against his will, to remain where he was born,” legal charity ” stops him from wanting to move away” (MP, 21).

    What to do? Distinguishing the deserving from the undeserving poor is difficult. The English state can send overseers of the poor to every village; they can identify poor persons easily enough. But how can it prove its causes, case by case? “The laws will have declared that blameless poverty alone will be given assistance, but in practice, assistance will be given to all poverty” (MP, 16). Yet the sheer number of paupers makes this impossible to support. The English have therefore attempted the poorhouse system, whereby those identifiably impoverished must work. But this leads to an oversupply of workers and the consequent establishment of ‘make-work’ projects that empty public coffers as much as they direct ‘relief,’ albeit in a novel way. All of this only contributes to the tendency of modern democratic societies to generate a “regularized, permanent, administrative system” hose intended benefits will ruin the civic spirit of liberty and thereby denature the human beings who live under it. These societies may end, Tocqueville warns, in “a violent revolution in the state when the number of those who receive alms becomes as large as the number of those giving them and when the indigent not able to draw from the impoverished rich what is necessary for their needs, find it easier to strip them suddenly of their goods than to demand assistance from them” (MP, 27).

    “I believe that beneficence must be a manly and reasoned virtue, not a feeble and thoughtless inclination”; otherwise, beneficence “is still a sublime instinct, but in my view, it does not deserve the name of virtue” (MP, 26). In this, American practices will not help, as Americans “have borrowed most of their institutions related to the poor from the English,” making charity “a political institution” through a system of poorhouses (Pauperism in America, 51). The result is the same: “Almost all of the genuine poor have contracted habits of laziness that are difficult to change,” as they associate work with the punishment of confinement (PA, 52). The (mostly Irish) poor “spend the summer in abundance and the winter in poor houses,” finding free employment as hired ‘hands’ on farms during the warm months before retreating indoors to what amounts to prison work in order to get out of the cold. As a result, “public charity has lost its character of shame for them, because thousands of men turn to it daily” (MP, 54). Dependency not liberty has become a way of life for them, making them de facto foreigners within the commercial republic.

    this notwithstanding, the American model of civil association may offer some hope, if applied to the practice of charity. Civic associations are the institutions that reprise the personal and civic character of aristocratic society under conditions of democracy, of equality. “By regulating aid, associations of charitable people could give greater activity and power to individual beneficence” (MP, 26). It is to this possible remedy to the problem of modern poverty that Tocqueville turns in his Second Memoir on Pauperism, published four years after the first.

    Tocqueville recalls Benjamin Franklin, “who was in the habit of saying that with order, activity, and economy, the road to fortune was as easy as the road to the market. He was right.” Even the poorest farmer exhibits these virtues because, unlike the industrial worker, he owns land. “With landed property comes thought of the future” (Second Memoir on Pauperism, 31). Since “among the means of giving men the feeling of order, activity, and economy, I have never known a more powerful one than facilitating their access to landed property”; and since “unlike landed property, we have still not discovered a way of dividing industrial property so that it is not made unproductive”; since, undivided, such property “has preserved the aristocratic form in modern nations” despite the overall trend toward civil-social democracy; and finally, since “we are still far” from the day when a balanced international market in industrial products will make “commercial crises” “rarer and less severe,” contemporary statesmen need “to find a means of giving the worker the small farmer’s spirit and habits of property ownership” (SMP, 33, 34).

    Tocqueville knows two ways of doing this. What “initially seems the most efficacious” is to give the worker “an interest in the factory,” whether through profit sharing, pensions, stock options, or some other device (SMP, 35). Such proposals, however, “have always encountered two obstacles to their success”; capitalist entrepreneurs have proved reluctant to institute them (“a grave mistake,” but there it is); and up to this point, worker-owned businesses have usually failed. Nonetheless, Tocqueville maintains some hope for the latter enterprises. “As our workers gain broader knowledge and as the art of associating together for honest and peaceful goals makes progress among us, when politics does not meddle in industrial associations and when government, reassured about their goals, does not refuse them its benevolence and its support, we will see them multiply and prosper.” Yet although “the idea of workers’ industrial associations is bound to be a fertile one…I do not think it is ripe” (SMP, 36).

    Other reformers urge that the best thing to do is to provide the incentives and means for proletarians to build their savings. In their view, “the only means to give the industrial class the spirit and habit of property that a large portion of the agricultural class possesses” is the state-owned savings bank (SMP, 37). Tocqueville doubts it. Even if state owned, such banks would still be subject to mass withdrawals in the event of financial panic; they would accelerate excessive state centralization, already the bane of democratic societies; they would also lead to increased financial centralization, further enriching the cities and starving the provinces for investment capital. “I cannot believe that it would be wise to place the entire fortune of a large kingdom’s poor classes in the same hands, and so to speak, in a single place,” where a major crisis would ruin the depositors (SMP, 40). This poses an especially noticeable threat in France, where both the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ regimes declared bankruptcy and where there have been numerous changes of regime, military invasions, and other serious disruptions of civil life. Savings banks, yes: but only as one measure, not to be misconceived as “a universal panacea” for the problem of poverty (SMP, 43). 

    Tocqueville prefers banks that would combine savings with loans. At the “savings-and-loan” bank, “poor people who have money to lend would deposit it in the hands of the administrators, and they, in return for collateral, would return that money to those poor who might need to borrow it”; that is, “the thrifty poor or those momentarily favored by fortune would lend their savings at interest to the wasteful or unfortunate poor.” That does not sound like an especially promising financial model, except that “there is nothing more certain in the world than a collateralized loan,” as any pawnshop owner will tell you (SMP, 44). And, of course, the loan with collateral as its insurance will make at least some of the wasteful or unfortunate poor begin to think in terms of the future—in Franklinian terms, as it were.

    Very well, but what about the provinces? What can be done for the rural poor, to dissuade them from seeking their fortunes in the city factories? Tocqueville suggests a kind of township association. These associations “would have no political character” and would be separate from government without being hostile to it (Letter on Pauperism in Normandy, 47). they would embrace no more than three townships—preferably only one. Members would pool their available monies; a board of directors would distribute those monies but the members themselves would be first in line to receive assistance. Because “no one would be able to count on the members’ aid in advance” and the members themselves would determine who got the loans, the associations would not draw additional poor people into its territory. Members could quit at any time, so there would be no “risk for making poverty an insupportable burden,” as it is with state-sponsored charity (LPN, 48). “Once the association was well established, even the poor themselves would be able to place summer savings into the association’s hands in order to be entitled to its benefits in winter”—obviating the need for poorhouses. The available revenues would exceed those available to any local aristocrat, however generous and well-heeled. And “because the collective funds would be used systematically and in accordance with a fixed plan, a very small contribution would be enough to relieve a great deal of poverty” (LPN, 49). And the money would “stay local.” The association would assist members “only under the condition that the recipient would not beg,” thereby causing “the disappearance of those demeaning habits that take away poverty’s respectable face, that deprave childhood and most often follow a generation of indigents with a generation of thieves.” Finally, the existence of such an association would give each township the moral authority “to expel nonresident indigents from its midst” on the grounds that all townships should care for their own paupers (LPN, 50). the proposal comports with Tocqueville’s aim of defending liberty in democratizing modern societies by encouraging habits of heart and mind, along with strong local institutions, intended to strengthen local resistance to administrative centralization and to vindicate and defend, intellectual, moral, economic, and political liberty.

    In bringing these fascinating pieces into the English language and writing a fine introduction that gets her readers right down to business, editor and translator Christine Dunn Henderson has contributed not only to our understanding of Tocqueville to clear thinking about poverty and the attempts we make to ameliorate it. Much of what Tocqueville told his contemporaries speaks to us, suggesting that we could still use a measure of his vigorous and astringent common sense.

     

    Notes

    1. See Tocqueville, Democracy in America II.i.3.
    2. In the Democracy, Tocqueville makes his explicit statement on natural rights quite appositely in a passage condemning slavery; see Democracy in America I.ii.10. Also, in his July 1839 Report Made to the Chamber of Deputies on the Abolition of Slavery in the French Colonies, he advocated abolition on the basis of “the principles of justice, humanity, and reason” while denying that “Negro Slavery” has “its foundation and justification in nature herself”—a claim he describes as “odious.”

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

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