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    Theology as Inquiry

    June 14, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Michael Bauman: Pilgrim Theology: Taking the Path of Theological Discovery. Manitou Springs: Summit Ministries, 2007.

     

    By “pilgrim theology,” the late Michael Bauman doesn’t mean the theology of the Pilgrims. He has a different journey in mind, a pilgrimage of the soul for Christian theologians. “Christian theology is an activity for those en route, and it should be conducted so as to aid those who study it and practice it to travel more efficiently and effectively toward truth. Theology ought to be, in other words, both a statement of present belief and an explorer’s compass for further intellectual navigation.” Regrettably, too many prefer “fortress theology,” system-building, structures whose inhabitants seek to guard themselves against enemy assault, expending their energies in elaborating their defenses instead of ranging out for new discoveries, “open[ing] the door to truth, to beauty, and to goodness.” By contrast, the theological pilgrim achieves not certitude—sure feeling about his convictions—but certainty—reasoned confidence in the steadfastness of the Person in whom we trust and in the convictions we have arrived at, concerning Him.

    Our confidence should be reasoned because reason corrects mistakes, which human beings are prone to make. “We have a very good excuse for our distorted perceptions: we ourselves are distorted.” As Jonathan Swift had occasion to observe, human beings are only capable of reason, not entirely, or even very, rational. For this reason, when reading God’s revealed Word, we should try to follow its meaning, not attempt to fit it into a theological system we’ve thought up for ourselves, as if each insight were a stag’s head placed neatly on an inner wall of the castle. In that “fortress” approach, “rather than the theologian having a theology, the theology has him.” “We must not allow our theology to be turned into a hermeneutic,” a system for reading that will likely ignore God’s indications of His intent which do not fit into one’s ‘method.’ Readers should open themselves to words, not pull up the drawbridge of a structure that, however impressive, remains human, all-too-human.

    Thus Bauman reprises a contrast seen in the practice of philosophy, the contrast between system-builders and Socratics. He favors the Socratics. As for philosophy itself, “I want simultaneously to endorse [it] and to identify its danger.” As a means of “skeptical debunking” in light of the principle of non-contradiction, “philosophy can disabuse us and our opponents of intellectual hubris and baseless self-assurance because it can strip away error.” In so doing, however, it cannot “supply us with much of the raw data we need for proper theologizing”; philosophy, too, must be undertaken with humility. Its zetetic or skeptical character should not be allowed to shade over into sheer denial, which is no more rational than unthinking affirmation. “Methodological skepticism must be informed by, and tempered by, objectivism, the common sense belief and practice that the working relationship between mind and senses is fundamentally valid and reliable”; “the basic dependability of mind and senses (when the function normally) cannot be denied without self-contradiction and epistemological collapse.” “Objects are what they are quite independent of anything we might say about them.”

    Socratic philosophers investigate nature, beyond the cave of opinions, of conventions. Theologians investigate God, who, “unlike nature,” is “not merely passive to our investigations.” “The process of theological knowing entails both the work of the mind, on the one hand, and God’s active desire to be known, on the other.” God intentionally reveals Himself, through His Word. A theologian should respond with “a skeptical and tolerant biblicism”—the skepticism aimed at our own thoughts and those of others, the tolerance offered to those who disagree with us, the biblicism intended as the most reliable window into God’s revelation to us, affording the best view of what He wants us to know about Him. Theologians who refuse to do think this way “have never learned to distinguish between good thoughts and their own thoughts.” They often seek disciples, not students, having stopped learning themselves. “Professors and theologians” like that “have transformed institutions of higher learning into institutions of higher indoctrination,” and not always all that high, either. “Academic freedom has its dangers,” but “no ne loom so large as its abandonment.”

    Bauman accordingly recommends three rules for Pilgrim Theologians: “statements of faith should be used as a base from which to explore,” not as a wall against contradictory claims; courage and candor rule out ad hominem attacks and require careful consideration of opposing views (“he who knows only his own side of the case probably knows little even of that”); “the only choice a scholar has is between truth and rest,” as “you cannot have both.” This means that a Christian theologian not only shouldn’t confine his thoughts to the creed of his sect but that he shouldn’t confine his thoughts to Christianity. That is, while remaining a Christian, he should not overlook interpretations of Christianity advanced by non-Christians. It can be illuminating to see oneself, and one’s opinions, as others see us, and them. Otherwise, he is “transform[ing] personal salvation into a way of knowing,” assuming “that one can move only from faith to understanding, but never from understanding to faith.” But “neither faith nor ecclesiastical commitment are a means of knowing” because “the proper functioning of the human mind when it does theology is not fundamentally different from its proper functioning when it does political theory or medical ethics,” for example. 

    The Bible is authoritative for Christians. “I am not challenging the accuracy or authority of Scripture, which is inviolable, but rather, I am questioning our methods of defending and propagating it, which are not.” “We evangelicals” make several “tactical errors” in that regard. For example, some evangelicals argue that since God inspired the Bible and God does not lie, the Bible must be without error. But “other beings than God have had their way in the matter.” Some evangelicals also say that if you admit that one element of Scripture is wrong, you must throw it all into question, a practice no one follows in considering any other document. Instead of arguments founded upon theological deduction, evangelicals should focus “on the accuracy and reliability of the Biblical data,” the only kind of arguments that non-Christians are likely to “listen to patiently.” After all, “if we counsel our opponents to be open-minded, teachable, objective, and patient scholars of good will, scholars who can feel the weight of the other side’s case, then I believe we ought to insist upon the same qualities in ourselves and our colleagues.”

    What, then, does Pilgrim Theology look like, in practice? Bauman shows us by doing some, beginning with the Person of Christ, necessarily the center of any doctrine called ‘Christianity.’ Human beings need to understand God in order to understand themselves. Unlike all other creatures, made “according to their kind,” human beings we “were made ‘in the image and likeness of God,'” which establishes “a reciprocity and kinship” between God and Man “not found anywhere else.” As “living pictures and partners of God,” human beings should not dismiss God as “irrelevant and insignificant in our quest for self-knowledge,” since “to know who we are is first to know who He is.” 

    The God we therefore want to know is not simply an ‘I’ but an ‘us.” “Let us make man in our image,” He says. He ‘talks to Himself,’ engages Himself in what “we learn later” to be a Trinity consisting of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. He does this as He makes, “mak[ing] worlds with words.” So do we, when we make, especially when we make families, tribes, and political communities. We, too are “communal and communicative”; “togetherness, not aloneness, is our natural condition,” and God makes Woman as Man’s companion in accordance with His own Personhood. This notwithstanding, to be like God, to be made in His image, is not to be God or even to be His equal, as Man and Woman quickly learn when they make their attempt to know something God doesn’t want them to know. In disobeying His authority, we defied our just subordination, inasmuch as “we come from the will, and mind, and Word of God,” not the other way around. At the same time, insofar as we are like God, insofar as we are persons, we are responsible for our choices and actions. He gave us “dominion” over the earth but we disobediently gave that rulership away, allowing ourselves to be overthrown by ‘the Satan,’ that is, the enemy of ourselves and of God.

    We retain, however, some of the power of speech and of reason with which God endowed us. “God created us not only by his Word, but for his Word,” rightful recipients of that Word. “We were intended for dialogue with God,” and with one another, male and female. “When we fulfill our duty, we are doing what we were made for, doing what leads to our blessing and fulfillment,” whereas “in rejecting or neglecting our duty, we are turning from God and from our soul’s health.” If “we live lawfully with Him,” we fulfill our own purpose. We also fulfill our own need, especially now that “we are fallen and need everything.” “God is to us what water is for fish, what air is for birds, and what earth is for animals—He is our proper environment, our natural habitat,” although to say it in those words is to translate it into un-Biblical, or at least un-Genesislike, language, which does not speak of environment and nature. 

    As the “Second Adam,” the second sinless man, Jesus Christ shows Christians “both what we are now”—inferior to what we were intended to be—and “what we shall become”—not only forgiven for our sin but cleansed of it. The New Testament promises that “we shall see Christ as he is, for we shall be like Him,” “partakers of the divine nature,” as the Apostle Peter puts it. As a student of theology, “if you ask what is God like, the answer is that he is not like anything. But, if you ask who is God like, the answer is he is like Jesus.” Therefore, “to know God is to know Christ.” To know Christ is also to know ourselves, as “without Christ, we don’t understand rightly the horrifying depth and breadth of our depravity.” We have divine assistance in this task of self-knowledge, still another Person of the Trinity, the Holy Spirit. 

    Christians who define themselves in opposition to the world, the flesh, and the Devil do themselves a disservice. They have inflated the importance of those things and that person instead of looking to the real standard, Christ. “The negation of a snapshot of the Devil is not a portrait of Christ” and “being out of step with the Pharisees is not the same as being in step with God.” “Christ is the center and standard of Christian existence,” not the apostles, not any segment of the Christian ecclesia, nor the ecclesia taken as a whole. It is important to know ‘about’ God, to gain some of the theologians’ knowledge, but this should not be confused with knowing God as a person. I might be able to know a lot about you, know your height, weight, form, genetic composition, mannerisms. That isn’t knowing you. Knowing God as Jesus Christ is to see how He was indeed innocent as a dove, prudent as a serpent, whether it came to carpentry or verbal combat. Everyone notices his agapic love, but this “shows up in the form of his diligent perceptivity, his resolute teachability, and his train-stopping shrewdness.” As for ourselves, opening ourselves to the guidance of the Holy Spirit, we “must learn to grow as he grew before we can hope to do as He did and be as He was.” Mere admiration is not enough.

    In reading the Gospels we are reading stories. They are the ‘data,’ the ‘evidence’ Christian theologians begin with. But “theologians must always bear in mind that the highest and clearest revelation God ever gave us of himself was as a Person, not as either a proposition of a story.” Persons are never as ‘parsable’ as propositions or stories. Martin Luther was right to say that “God hides not only in his revelation but behind it as well.” This being so, theologians need to approach their task with humility, “not contentiousness and bickering about such unknown, and unknowable, things as the functional relationship either between the divine ousia and the divine energies, on the one hand, or that between deity and humanity in the hypostatic union, on the other.” Such matters are beyond our intellectual pay grade. “Because persons are not reducible to propositions, no man, much less a God-man, can be fully or exactly captured in words or ideas, even inspired words or ideas.” For example, the Christian Fathers attempted to press Jesus into a “family of Greek concepts.” This “yield[ed] great insight,” up to a point. But “no theological road goes on forever.” 

    So, for example, the Christian fathers ruled out the claim of the monothelites, “who said that the will native to the divine nature and the will native to the human nature coalesced into one will.” This cannot have been so, given Christ’s prayer to His Father at Gethsemane, in which He begs to be relieved of physical and spiritual torture on the Cross. But in claiming that Christ “had two natures and hence two wills,” while remaining “only one person,” they implied “that natures will, not persons, and that willing pertains not to persons but to natures, as if a human will and a human nature ever existed without a human persons and as if human nature and human person are (and ought to be considered) a distinct in extra-mental reality as they are in some people’s thought.” In willing, human nature must (as it were) go through human personhood, as human nature can manifest itself only in a person, even as it is recognizable in all human persons. 

    Beginning with the historical record in the Bible, the Christian theologian should take care not to become a “historicist,” by which Bauman means a historian only. Similarly, he “must be rational, but not a rationalist”; Christ’s prudence is practical reasoning, not a form of theoretical system-building. In examining the Biblical text, we should follow Alexander Pope’s advice: “to read every work of wit in the same spirit as its author writ.” Again, objectivity: After all, is “meaning is the prerogative of the reader and not the author, no professor can properly prevent any student from giving the professor’s course syllabus, the professor’s lectures, the professor’s assignments, or the professor’s test questions whatever meaning the student sees fit.” ‘Deconstruction,’ indeed. We should not “confuse the role of the interpreter with that of the author.” 

    Some theologians attempt to bend Christianity into a rationalist system with political intent. One such attempt is ‘liberation theology,’ which puts Christianity into a Marxist or neo-Marxist framework. Bauman is well aware of the defects of Marxist ‘critique’ itself; he knows that free markets outperform command economies, the colonialism didn’t cause Third-World poverty. “Democratic capitalism succeeds where other systems fail because it is more firmly rooted in the inescapable facts of economic scarcity, of incomplete knowledge, and of human imperfectability”—all observation one easily gathered from the Bible as well as from experience. However, it is Marxism’s incompatibility with the Bible that he calls upon his fellow theologians to attend.

    Considered Biblically, Marxists commit five “cognitive failures.” First, they do not see that human institutions cannot fundamentally change human nature, that “notoriously intractable” thing. As the prophet Jeremiah and the Apostle Paul both affirm, the human heart is desperately wicked. “Marxism cannot succeed because it has no way to harness human depravity for the service of others,” supposing instead that a radical revision of human institutions will eliminate human depravity. Marxism also assumes that economic conditions “shape everything and everyone.” But in fact “public policy and political theory are enacted only by real and identifiable human beings, not by any alleged impersonal forces of change set loose in the world at large.” By overlooking individuals and seeing only aggregates—imperialists and revolutionaries, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat—Marxists “applaud or condemn millions of individuals for no other reason than that those individuals happen to fall into one or the other artificial category. For such ‘offenses’ millions of people, quite literally, have died.”

    Third, Marxists entertain a faulty view of justice, making it “synonymous with equality.” The Bible never claims that socioeconomic equality is possible on earth, or even desirable there. Hence charity as manifested in uncoerced redistribution of wealth. “Christ indicates that God’s just judgment of human beings is based upon their wise stewardship of the varied gifts (financial and otherwise) that he has entrusted to them., not upon either the allegedly egalitarian initial allocation of those gifts or upon their egalitarian final disbursement.” Additionally, Marxists take a mistaken view of private property. “By abolishing private property rights, Marxism has cut economic rewards loose from risk taking, from effort, and from saving.” But the New Testament shows that when early Christians attempted to hold goods in common, the experiment failed, leading to “complaints and to divisions among believers (Acts 6:1).” “Socialism is a system that not even the apostles themselves could make work.” Moreover, human beings do not belong to themselves, either individually (as libertarians claim) or collectively (as per Marxism). We belong to God. This being so, human beings cannot claim the right to dispose of their property, including themselves, in any manner they please. This is what rules out suicide and abortion. My right to ‘control my own body,’ to swing my own fist, ends not only at or near the point of your nose but at the destruction of my life or of any life that has done no harm to me or to my family or country.

    Finally, Marxism misunderstands the nature of wealth, neglecting the conditions of production and the human capacity for inventiveness in its transfixion on redistributing the products we generate. Capitalism or private ownership of the means of production does indeed recognize human selfishness, which is ineradicable with or without capitalism. But it also requires consideration of others. “If you neglect your neighbor’s needs; if you reuse to put your time, talent, and treasure to work providing for his convenience; your enterprise comes to nothing,” whereas “if you carefully consider and then appropriately satisfy your neighbor’s need you will enjoy the fruit of your labors.” In this way, “the marketplace is a school for virtue” in a way that the strictures of socialism can never be.

    Marx’s atheist materialism alone makes it hard to combine with Christianity. But what about Christian leftism—seen, for example, in the writings of Jacques Ellul? Ellul is a Christian anarchist who claims that the Old and New Testaments are anti-political. “As is almost embarrassingly obvious, the Old Testament never impugns ‘political power in itself’ among Gentile nations”—as Ellul asserts—it rather “excoriates the abuses those powers sometimes perpetrate.” Nor does it “challenge Gentile regimes” in terms of their legitimacy or in terms of the regimes themselves; God vigorously condemns their idolatry, but not their origin or their regime form. As for Israel, the Book of Deuteronomy specifies an elaborate legal code and, as far back as Genesis 9, God prescribes and delegates capital punishment as a power to be enacted by human beings “at their discretion.” With respect to I Samuel 8, where the Israelites call for a human king, their fault lies in their rejection of divine rule, not “because political power is always and everywhere inescapably evil, or because monarchy is inherently vile.” Nor does Jesus reject political rule. On the contrary, he considers the rule of Pilate to be divinely ordained (John 19:11).

    When it comes to politics, Jesus offers no counsels of perfection. Christian political theory instead “seeks that form of government that is attended with the fewest and most pardonable shortcomings, and it knows that anarchism is not that form which it seeks,” inasmuch as “Christian political theory deals with possibilities, not with unreachable goals.” In this, Ellul falls into self-contradiction, failing to understand that “the abolition of power can be accomplished, imposed, and maintained only by means of power,” inasmuch as “it takes a power to check a power.” “Without political power,” freedom is impossible, which is why the ‘ancients’ understood liberty to mean civic participation and why (some of) the ‘modern’ demand representative government and federalism in the modern state. Otherwise, “freedom without law endures as long as a lamb among hungry wolves.” To defend freedom, one needs not the absence of power but a right way of wielding it. Hence the importance of regimes and also of citizen virtue. “The various coercive powers of family, of church, of state, and of school are not inimical to virtue; rather, they help secure it and make it possible.” 

    Ellul presents the unusual spectacle of a thinker who accepts the Marxist critique of modern society and the Marxist expectation that the modern state can, should, and will ‘wither away,’ while refusing to accept the socioeconomic and political means by which Marxists intend to get from here to there. He decries human alienation, capitalism, money; he embraces determinism (although he prefers neo-Marxist cultural determinism to the economic determinism of Marx and Engels), dialectics, and revolution. Perhaps because he is a cultural determinist, not an economic determinist, a materialist, he supposes that cultural revision can replace coercion.

    An even more extreme form of ‘cultural’ politics may be seen in contemporary feminism, which weaponizes words. For his part, Bauman “will defy all those who insist on taking the language and the literature of Western tradition to the verbal veterinarian in order to have them neutered.” In theology, feminists attempt to substitute God, Jesus, and the Spirit for Father, Son and Holy Ghost, “as if the Son were not God, as if the revelation in Scripture could be altered at will, and as if heresy were a trifle.” Jesus almost always spoke of God as Father, “not merely continu[ing] the patriarchal theology of the Old Testament” but intensifying it, inasmuch as God is rarely described as “Father” in the Old Testament. “The feminists, in other words, are fighting with Christ, and they must be made to realize this,” if they do not already. Jesus insists that “no one knows the Father except the Son and those to whom the Son reveals Him, and the Son has revealed Him to us as Father. If you reject that revelation, then, in some profound fashion, you can not know God.”

    Another way feminists describe the Trinity is as Creator, Redeemer, and Sustainer. This replaces the personhood of God with a set of functions—a variation of the Sabellian heresy, “modalism,” which “denied that God is authoritatively revealed to us as three Persons, but which affirmed instead that God merely fulfills three functions and plays three roles.” To this, feminists add a second well-known heresy, the one advanced by Marcion, who “rejected the authoritative witness of the Hebrew Scriptures,” denigrating the God revealed in them. In their version of Marcionism, “feminists reject the God of the Jews because they think He is merely the culture-bound product of a political an sexist agenda. I reject the God of the feminists for precisely the same reason.”

    That agenda includes legalized abortion, again by an act of “linguistic sleight of hand.” To call the murder of babies the ‘abortion’ of a ‘fetus,’ feminist words hide “the real nature (murder) of their action and the real identity (baby) of their victim”; some even go further, calling this the ‘termination of a pregnancy,’ which artfully re-centers the question on the condition of the woman, not the life of her child. This act is done on the basis of the claim that a woman has the right to control her own body. Indeed she does, “but that is not the issue here.” “It is not her body, after all, that is being murdered; it is someone else’s,” and the body of a human being at that—having “twenty-three sets of paired chromosomes,” a set different from her own. “It is not something she may do with as she pleases.” “I do believe in abortion rights. I believe that it is the right of every human being not to be murdered by abortion.”

    More controversially, in turning to the foundations of ethical thought, Bauman argues that no firm morality can be sustained without fidelity to God. His target appears to be a form of Aristotelianism that attempts to incorporate modern evolutionary theory into its teleological account of nature. This neo-Aristotelianism holds that human nature has a purpose and that ethical conduct consists in habituating the soul in ways that conduce to fulfilling that purpose. [1] On the contrary, Bauman writes, “one must not contend that human nature and human flourishing yield moral absolutes, properly so-called, because such a theory fails to account for (1) the origin of human nature, (2) changes in human nature, and (3) the selection of ‘flourishing’ as a category of moral discernment.” 

    With respect to human origins, “if nature arose as the chance result of mindless evolutionary process, a process behind which exists no divine mind and no divine plan, then moral absolutes disappear” because right and wrong themselves must be “accidents, not moral absolutes.” That is, such a theory runs squarely into Hume’s ‘is/ought’ problem. It amounts to “a system of biological relativism.”

    Similarly, if changes in human nature occur as the result either of evolutionary theory’s natural selection or of humanly-designed transformation (for example, manipulation of the human genome to get rid of, say, aggression), then that “is the death knell of any and all moral absolutes supposedly rooted in human nature.” What will be produced will no longer be “fully human”; the means will have destroyed the end. Further, as such changes occur, over time, “which version of human nature supersedes the other and is to be considered the fountain from which all right and wrong arise?” We will then present ourselves with “the logical contradiction of having a number of competing sets of moral absolutes.” 

    Finally, “why flourishing (and not something else) should be the measure of virtue, cannot be proven.” “Flourishing” is a squishy category; Bauman charges that it leaves us with the chaos of personal preferences, whereby there is no real way to choose between the morality of Jesus of Nazareth and the morality of the Marquis de Sade. In arguing as C. S. Lewis does in The Abolition of Man, that there exists among the nations “substantial agreement…about the rules of right and wrong,” and that “therefore these rules of right and wrong are moral absolutes,” makes consensus the “measure of morality.” But “‘majority’ is no synonym for ‘morality.'”

    Given these observations, Bauman concludes that “virtue is not known by reason alone, but by revelation and by Providence.” “If there is no God, there is no good.” 

    The conclusion doesn’t quite follow from the premises, however. The logical contradiction of having a number of competing sets of moral absolutes occurs as well among sets of religious persons as it does among atheists. Substitute ‘piety’ for ‘flourishing’ in the formulation above and you see what I mean. Indeed, Christian moralists are among the first to charge that a man like de Sade has made a (false) god out of his pleasure, especially in the satisfaction of his libido dominandi. And rightly so, one might well argue, but that doesn’t remove the problem of moral pluralism until you can show the falsity of all gods but God. And if one says that reason can’t show that but revelation can, that to know God is to know Him as a Person, noetically by means of His Holy Spirit, not logically as the conclusion of a proof, that still doesn’t show that an atheist can’t sustain a theory of virtue.

    Why not? Because a proponent of virtue as flourishing can reply, ‘I base my ethics on a meaning of ‘good’ that differs from yours. There are at least two ways of calling someone or something good. One is on the basis of the judgment of some superior being; I say, “good dog” or “bad dog” depending upon whether the dog obeys me, as its master. The other is on the basis of whether the dog fulfills its nature, instances the characteristic qualities of its species and breed. A good human might well be good (or as good as humans get) in the eyes of God; a good human might also be good according to the standard of human nature. This might include not only bodily health but a rightly-ordered soul, a soul that exhibits the distinctively human characteristics of speech and reason. 

    Having disposed to his satisfaction of nature as a source of morality, Bauman turns to another putative source of morality, history. He views it favorably, not as a source of morality (in the manner of ‘historicists,’ who tend to claim that the course of events points not only onward but finally upward) but as a source of vicarious experience, from which one’s native prudence may be enhanced. “The history of mankind is a narrative of frauds and deceits,” the storybook of evildoing and evil-saying. “An acquaintance with the ways of evil…engenders for us a protection”; “we need not fall prey to the same old ploys our fathers did.” History provides us with “a treasure trove of wisdom, gleaned from thousands of years of experience and thoughtful reflection.” History also “enables us to make informed predictions about the likely outcome of various possible courses of action.” One comes to beware those who tell us (for example) that the dictatorship of the proletarian vanguard may be harsh but it will yield sweet fruit. Still another benefit of historical study is the study of human reasoning. As Bauman has himself demonstrated, “most current philosophical and theological disagreements stem from presuppositions that reach far back into the history of ideas.” Listening to the latest ‘opinion maker’ or ‘thought leader,’ one almost always finds unoriginality. Intellectual shock tactics become less shocking if you know where the argument is going because you know where it’s been taken before. And the study of history itself delights, “afford[ing] both the excitement of discover and the satisfaction of acquired mastery.”

    Still another source of morality is quite familiar to any theologian, pilgrim or otherwise. It is eschatology, a form of prophecy that can be much abused. In keeping with his personalism, Bauman turns away from “macro-eschatology” or “God’s plan for the nations and the world” toward “micro-eschatology” or “God’s plan for individual people.” The latter is “more suitable for a theological pilgrimage,” as Scripture “is more clear and accessible” in this realm than in the Book of Revelation (to take the most striking example). The Bible’s vision for individual Christians is that “they shall be like Christ,” and Christ is the embodiment of a telos on a human, not a ‘world-historical’ scale. As what the world Christians will live in with Jesus will be like, “I don’t know.” He will surprise us.

    The final source of moral authority in the modern world Bauman addresses is science, which claims not to prophesy but to predict, with ever-increasing rigor, because it can make its predictions come true, with ever-increasing power. He considers scientists to be more like theologians than scientists care to admit, at least in terms of their cosmological theories, although the theories themselves vary more than Christian theological orthodoxy does. That may be because God assists theologians in their quest to understand him more than nature assists scientists in their quest to understand it: “unlike nature, God wills to be understood and actively reveals Himself to us,” given Christian revelation a finality not seen in scientific theologizing. At the same time, scientists “tend to resist the overthrow of their cherished beliefs” as much as anyone else, they can be as stubborn as theologians in resisting such challenges, albeit with less warrant, since they make so much of experimentation and revision of opinion.

    Their claims to empiricism are also misplaced. “Many of the issues of science are neither purely scientific nor genuinely empirical,” inasmuch as scientific presuppositions and procedures are inescapably philosophical and, indeed, empiricism itself rests of philosophic grounds. “If, as some scientists insist, real science is truly empirical and reduces only to empirical methods and to the conclusions reached by using them, then there is no real science, because the theory-independent observation, analysis, and conclusions needed to establish such empirical premises are simply not possible.” “Physics always has its metaphysics.” On the basis of science so conceived, scientists can’t say why science is good.

    Nor can it say what it is. To ask, ‘What is science?’ begs a philosophic, not an empirical answer “because the question itself presupposes and requires a vantage point from outside science.” 

    What has this to do with Christ, as distinguished from philosophy? Science is procedurally a-theist, non-theistic. It implicitly “denies that Christ is Lord of the universe, an inescapably theological denial.” “Because Christ is foundational to the universe, He is foundational to science,” providing the rational ground upon which the sciences stand. By claiming “that only those things that are testable under controlled laboratory conditions qualify as hard knowledge,” that “all else is merely opinion,” scientists assume an empiricism that cannot confirm its own validity. In the moral and political realms, preeminently realms of opinion, this leaves only force, that empirical thing, as the only arbiter. 

    To make a Person, Christ, the foundation of the universe, indeed its Creator, does not, however, require one to accept Bauman’s own radical personalism. He regards all taxonomies as artificial, even if “helpful and serviceable.” “While the beings that populate those categories most emphatically do exist, the families, orders, classes and phyla into which we have pigeon-holed them do not.” Such categories “do not exist outside the taxonomists mind.” This nominalism is little more than empiricism in disguise. It is also un-Biblical, given Adam’s God-given task of naming the plants and animals in the Garden according to their kind. The many nouns Bauman uses in the course of his book and the logical arguments he makes neither help nor serve any person (except by accident) if they exist only in his own head. Such wise sentences as “Because human nature is what it is, without great volumes of enforceable, law, freedom is impossible” fall into the void.

    Bauman ends with a vigorous polemic against the mentality of the New Left of the 1960s, which he once admired. “Those who loved the sixties own today,” having occupied authoritative institutions in the universities, the media, and governmental bureaucracies. But this pilgrim has moved on. “My desire for you is that you throw off the vestiges of leftist cultural subversion” and “become the faithful and ardent friend of God.” That is the true liberation, which the liberationists of the Sixties had not achieved because they could not achieve it on the road they chose to take.

    When he wrote this book, Michael Bauman had left that road, although he may have left a shoe behind on it, never having re-shod his thinking with a realism that recognizes not only persons and things as real but kinds as real, too. He was a colleague of mine for fifteen years, and it is one of my regrets that I didn’t read his book until after he had died. I wish I had given myself the chance to talk to him about it.

     

    Note

    1. An example of this claim may be found in Larry Arhhart: Darwinian Natural Right: The Biological Ethics of Human Nature (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998.)

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Bible Notes

    Why Have There Been No Military Coups in the United States?

    June 9, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Will Morrisey: “Why Have There Been No Military Coups in the United States?” Article published in Constituting America. May 2, 2022.

     

    Plutarch writes of the life of Gaius Marius, the noted Roman general who seized power in the Roman Republic early in the first century B.C. Marius was no patrician. He was born into the equestrian class— “smallholders,” as Plutarch describes them, a family living outside the great city. He rose to prominence on the strength of his own abilities and of his leading virtue, courage. As a young man, he had disdained the liberal arts education which had entered Rome from Greece. After all, were not Greeks now the slaves of Rome their education corruptive of the manliness that resists enslavement? A real man evidently needed no Aristotelian moderation, in Marius’ judgment: Plutarch cites Marius’ “harsh and bitter character,” his “inordinate love of power,” and “insatiable greed,” along with his inveterately superstitious mid, as markers of his rejection of everything urbane and civil. No gentleman he, and proud of it.

    A great military strategist and tactician, Marius began his rise to prominence by crushing the Teutones and Ambrones at today’s Aix-de-Provence in 102 B.C. Using paupers and slaves as his soldiers, he next defeated and captured the formidable African monarch, Jugurtha. When the Teutones and the Cimbri joined forces to invade Italy, moving towards Rome, the Romans elected Marius consul, empowering him to repel the enemy. In this war, he proved a superb manipulator of the souls of his men, taking them to battle with appeals to their fear, their courage, their shame, their honor—all, sometimes, in the same speech.

    “In a military context,” Plutarch writes, Marius’ “status and power were based on the fact that he was needed, but in political life his preeminence was curtailed, and he took refuge in the goodwill and favor of the masses”—not the patrician senators—and “abandoned any attempt to be the best man in Rome, so long as he could be the most powerful.” To do that, he needed to keep his soldiers satisfied and thereby to maintain his power base. This political necessity mirrored the character of his soul: “He was incapable of just quietly enjoying what he had.” Therefore, when he ran out of foreign wars, he could only turn to civil war. Forced into exile by his even more vicious rival, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, he regrouped his forces and came back, turning the city into a field of blood. What animates a military man, the love of victory, caused him to derange his country’s civil life.

    For centuries, Rome had been a proud republic, with elements of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy mixed in rough balance, the senate serving as the balance-wheel. Marius and Sulla overturned that regime temporarily, foreshadowing the end of the republican regime at the hands of Caesars, several decades later. Military overthrow of republics had occurred many times in Greece, as well, and modern history has seen such revolutions in England (Oliver Cromwell), France (Napoleon Bonaparte), Iraq (Saddam Hussein), and many other countries. If there is any truth to the claim of ‘American exceptionalism,’ the absence of any such coup d’état in our own history undoubtedly ranks among the most striking examples of it. The dogs of war have barked no less frequently for American than at other nations, but the wolf of military takeover has remained silent. And this, despite the fact that we have seen some twelve U.S. generals elevated to the presidency, beginning with George Washington. Unlike Marius, our military men have been able to become first in peace after having been first in war, without bringing a general’s command-and-control temperament with them—at least, not beyond the White House staff. the framers of the Articles of Confederation and the ‘anti-federalist’ opponents of the proposed United States Constitution in the late 1780s had provided for no presidency at all, in large measure to avoid the possibility that an independent executive branch could be seized by a military man, using the equivalent of the Roman consulship as his vehicle.

    As students of the Roman regimes, the Framers of the Constitution recognized the need of energy in the executive as much as the Romans did. They also wanted to make their chief executive a defender of republican liberty, not its subverter. Politically ambitious military officers might channel their vigor and courage into peaceful civilian life, including high office, but no more than that. With this intention, the Framers designed the ruling institutions of the new republic in ways that have kept tyrannical souls like those of Marius and Sulla out of the presidency.

    Marius could not have risen to power in Rome except by exploiting Rome’s factionalism, the inveterate resentment of the many plebeians for the few patricians. In Federalist 10, Publius famously calls faction the characteristic vice of popular governments, as liberty is to faction what air is to fire. Factions typically center on what he calls the various and unequal distribution of property. The regulation of property has become “the principal task of modern legislation,” since “neither moral nor religious motives” adequately moderate factitious passions. As Rome itself had repeatedly proven, “Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm.” One way to control faction and thereby to prevent the tyranny that may arise to eradicate it is by designing the republic’s ruling offices not so much along the lines of a mixed regime, as in Rome, but in accordance with the principle of representation. The people will have a voice, but not directly—only through their elected delegates to the bicameral legislature and, much more indirectly, through the Electoral College to the presidency. The most democratic part of the government, the House of Representatives, will consist of persons who know their constituents but do not need simply to register their desires. Representative government enables officials to deliberate, to “refine and enlarge the public views.” The kind of appeal Marius made to the Romans would find itself quickly diluted among the Americans.

    If there is something resembling a ‘mixed-regime republican’ element in the United States government, it can be found in that bicameral legislature. Although, as a democratic republic, America doesn’t have a born-to-rule patrician class as in Rome (and indeed as in most European countries at the time of the Founding), there is no question that Senate members tend to be wealthier than members of the House. In the thirty-fourth Federalist, Publius examines how this kind of legislature will govern military expenditures. Such expenditures, he writes, cannot be limited constitutionally, as it’s impossible to estimate far in advance the cost of wars, “contingencies that must baffle all the efforts of political arithmetic.” As we are not “entirely out of [Europe’s] reach,” and would become less so as naval technology advances, “to model our political systems upon calculations of lasting tranquility would be to calculate on the weaker springs of the human character.”

    Rome exemplified this dilemma, Publius observes. Its liberties “proved the final victim of her military triumphs.” As for modern Europe, its “liberties…as far as they have ever existed, have, with few exceptions, been the price of her military establishments” (Federalist 41). This being so, a standing army “is a dangerous, at the same time that it may be a necessary, provision.” Therefore, “a wise nation will combine all these considerations.”

    The federal union, however, “by itself, destroys every pretext for a military establishment which could be dangerous.” Although one or a few states might be easy prey to foreign invaders, “America united,” even without a standing army, “exhibits a more forbidding posture to foreign ambition than America disunited.” “The moment of [the Union’s] dissolution will be the date of a new order of things.” In that event, “the face of American will be but a copy of that of the continent of Europe,” its liberty “crushed between standing armies and perpetual taxes.” Worse still, a disunited America would see foreign powers playing divide and rule on this continent, even as they do in Europe. As I write these lines, this has been exactly the strategy followed by Russia in its several invasions of Ukraine, perhaps with more to come, beyond Ukraine.

    The fact that all spending bills must originate in the House—again, the most democratic branch of the democratic republic—will limit such spending nonetheless, as the people have won the battle against taxation without representation. At the same time, the more nearly patrician, or at least richer, Senators, with their longer terms in office, will moderate any impassioned rush into war. Congress as a whole can check and balance ambitious presidents, if only by exercising the power of the purse. Further, Congress must limit its funding, as “the Constitution ties down the legislature to two years as the longest admissible term” for military appropriations.

    The Framers built additional constraints into the office of the executive itself. Publius forthrightly remarks that “energy in the executive is a leading character in the definition of good government”—a character the Articles of Confederation lacked. “A feeble executive implies a feeble execution of the government,” which is one way of having “a bad government.” This, he continues, is especially true in war, which is why the American president is commander in chief of the armed forces. In Federalist 70, Publius pays considerable attention to the executive offices of the Roman republic.

    The “ingredients” of executive energy are unity, duration in office, financial support, and competent power.” Safety in the executive depends upon a due dependence upon the people and due responsibility for one’s conduct in office. How did Rome measure up to these standards?

    In its frequent wars, Rome “was obliged to take refuge in the absolute power of a single man, under the formidable title of dictator, as well as against the intrigues of ambitious individuals who aspired to tyranny, and the seditions of whole classes of the community whose conduct threatened the existence of all government, as against the invasion of external enemies who menaced the conquest and destruction of Rome.” The dictator had little or no dependence upon the patricians, let alone on the people as a whole. And he made sure that he could not be prosecuted for anything he did while dictator.

    When it did not suffer under dictatorship, however, Rome had not one but two co-equal executives, the consuls. That is, if something went wrong, each blamed the other. Responsibility was lacking. This executive dualism might well have led to even more rivalry than it did, except that the patricians were so frequently in conflict with the plebeians at the same time they faced foreign wars and invasions. This led the Romans to give one consul authority over foreign policy, the other over domestic policy, keeping the two men distracted from one another. “This expedient must no doubt have had great influence in preventing those collisions and rivalships which might otherwise have embroiled the peace of the republic.”

    In the American republic, by contrast, the executive enjoys the unity of a Roman dictatorship along with the powers of commander in chief, while at the same time being constrained by four-year terms in office and by dependency on Congress for financial support. Publius knows that an executive might be tempted to undertake a life of Marius. “Self-love” often causes “the great interests of society [to be] sacrificed to the vanity, to the conceit, to the obstinacy of individuals who have credit enough to make their passions and their caprices interesting to mankind.” Against this, the Framers designed a regime that frustrates such passions, while recognizing that they will never be extirpated so long as human beings are what they are.

    In addition to the institutional structures ordained in the Constitution, one must notice that the way of life in republican Rome differed from that of America. Rome had begun as a military monarchy, then became a military republic. Even in its founding legend, Romulus overpowered Remus and, as Roman historians from Livy to Tacitus testify, it fought its way through the centuries. Because it was so good at pursuing that way of life, its great generals became its principal heroes. More, as those men ranged farther afield in the republic’s extensive empire, their troops became more attached to their generals than to Rome and its republic. A military republic thus encourages not only habits of obedience to one commander but the geopolitical circumstances in which such a regime might easily threaten the civilian-ruled capital.

    America’s commercial republic is as extensive as many of the ancient empires, but the American way of life inclines us to think of territory less in terms of military rule than of free trade. From the start, Americans have understood their political union as a vast free-trade zone. Ambitious citizens most often devote their lives and energies to peaceful commercial competition, not military rivalry. The best accounts of the distinction between military and commercial republics remain Montesquieu’s Considerations on the Greatness of the Romans and Their Decline and his massive and authoritative The Spirit of the Laws—both works well known to the American Founders.

    Finally, the purpose of the American republic differs from that of Rome. The Declaration of Independence maintains that government should aim at securing the safety and happiness of the people. Romans most assuredly sought their own safety, but it wasn’t happiness so much as glory that its leading men prized. War did not only seek them out; they sought it. And so have many rulers and many peoples, before and since—America (mostly) excepted. Our presidents have sometimes conquered for territory—invoking our ‘Manifest Destiny’ to rule from sea to shining sea on this continent—but seldom for fame, which Alexander Hamilton called “the ruling passion of the noblest minds.” Thanks to the Framers’ work, that ruling passion has stayed within the boundaries of reason, along with the men whose minds are ruled by it.

     

    Filed Under: American Politics

    The Roman Cato with the Soul of Washington

    June 1, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Joseph Addison: Cato: A Tragedy, and Selected Essays. Christine Dunn Henderson and Mark E. Yellin, eds. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2004.

     

    Legend has it that General George Washington had Addison’s Cato performed for his soldiers at Valley Forge. This should be true, whether it is or not. Addison’s portrayal of Cato depicts the soul of a great Stoic with all its austere nobility but also its limitations and the errors that follow from them. Cato’s gravest error is his suicide when his cause seems hopeless. By presenting the play to his men at the nadir of America’s hopes in the War for Independence, Washington was telling them, ‘I shall not desert you.’ And, by implication, ‘Do not desert me, or your country.’ The play’s epigraph, from Seneca’s On Divine Providence, suggests as much: “A brave man, standing erect amid the ruins of the res publica.” British troops under the command George III and his generals seemed likely to ruin the American republics, to bring the rebellious ‘Whigs’ to heel. Souls steeled for Stoic self-rule informed by a sense of divine providence, which seldom announces its moves in advance, can yet emerge victorious from trials of fire.

    Addison wrote the Cato in 1712, and it enjoyed immediate success on the London stage. In Britain’s North American colonies, it had been performed frequently since 1730s and it would remain popular for another generation after the Revolution. Addison was a Whig, a partisan of the Hanoverian succession seen in the person of Queen Anne and her great general, the Duke of Marlborough, whom the Whigs compared to Cato. The Tories, loyal to the Hanoverian line of English monarchs, regarded Marlborough as a usurping Julius Caesar. By asking the great Tory poet, Alexander Pope, to write the Prologue, Addison made an overture across the parties, asking both sides in Britain’s factitious politics to consider human greatness in a Christian light.

    Cato is Cato the Younger, grandson of the eminent Cato the Elder—both courageous opponents of tyranny and defenders of the Roman republic. The younger Cato had allied with Pompey against Julius Caesar. The republican forces lost the Battle of Pharsalus and fled to north Africa, where Pompey was assassinated. Cato now heads the Roman forces, along with the remnant of the Senate. Now exiled in Utica, he has formed an alliance with King Juba I of Numidia. Pope, too, admires Cato, finding in him a fit hero for the tragic stage, which from the first has been intended “To wake the soul by tender strokes of art, / To raise the genius and to mend the heart, / To make mankind in conscious virtue bold, / Live oe’er each scene and be what they behold.” Not only in the time of the ancient Greeks and Romans but “through every age,” even “tyrants no more their savage nature kept, / And foes to virtue wonder’d how they wept” at such dramas. Neither weak and pitying love nor “wild ambition” finds favor in the tragedies: “Here tears shall flow from a more gen’rous cause, / Such tears as patriots shed for dying laws,” as “ancient ardor” rises in modern, British hearts. “What Plato thought” “godlike Cato was,” namely “a brave man struggling in the storms of fate, / And greatly falling with a falling state!”  but finally honored more than triumphant Caesar. 

    Pope would never overlook the literary dimension of the struggle, concluding with an evocation not only of Cato the Younger but of his grandfather. “Britons, attend”: “With honest scorn the first fam’d Cato view’d / Rome learning arts from Greece, whom she subdu’ed; / Our scene precariously subsists too long / On French translation and Italian song.” Have we not defeated the French and their absolute monarch, Louis XIV? Instead, “Dare to have sense yourselves; assert the stage, / Be justly warm’d with your own native rage. / Such plays alone should please a British ear, / As Cato’s self had not disdain’d to hear.” Not Racine or Petrarch so much as Shakespeare and Marlowe. And surely Mr. Addison’s Roman Cato, seen through English eyes for English men.

    At the Governor’s Palace at Utica, Cato’s sons, Portius and Marcus, deplore Caesar’s military triumphs. “Ye Gods, what havoc does ambition make / Among your works!” Portius exclaims (I.11-12). Yet Marcus finds him too calm, too ‘Stoic’: “Thy steady temper, Portius, / Can look on guilt, rebellion, fraud, and Caesar, / In the calm lights of mild philosophy,” but “I’m tortured” by the image of “Th’insulting tyrant prancing o’er the field” at Pharsalia, “his horse’s hoofs wet with patrician blood,” the blood of Roman senators hurled from their positions of rightful authority (I.12-19). To Marcus’ hope that Heaven will punish the insolent victor, Portius points instead to their father—a man “greatly unfortunate” but still fighting for “the cause / Of honor, virtue, liberty, and Rome” with a sword unstained with any but the blood of the guilty, of tyrannical usurpers (I.30-31). The thumotic brother relies on the gods; the philosophic brother relies on a man who embodies the best of Rome and of human nature understood as ethical and political nature.

    Marcus is having none of it. “What can Cato do / Against a world, a base, degenerate world / That courts the yoke and bows the neck to Caesar?” (I.i.36-38). Trapped at Utica, guarded by Numidians, his own army feeble and the Senate ruined, he presents “a poor epitome of Roman greatness”—so much so that my soul is distracted, tempted “to renounce his precepts” (I.i.40-45). Portius adjures him to “remember what our father oft has told us,” that “the ways of heav’n are dark and intricate” and “our understanding traces ’em in vain” (I.i.46-49). Marcus admits that more than their father’s circumstance torments him. He is in love with Lucia, the daughter of one of the exiled Roman senators, but his passion is “unpity’d” by her, his love “successless” (I.i.56). He does not know that Portius shares his passion for the girl but, knowing his temper, dares not reveal himself as a rival, contenting himself with advising his brother to “call up all thy father in thy soul: / to quell the tyrant love”—the soul’s equivalent to political injustice—and “guard thy heart / On this weak side, where most our nature fails” ((I.74-77). [1] Such Stoic self-rule is not for the impassioned soul of Marcus, who determines instead to throw himself into the quest for honor in war, “to rush on certain death” (I.i.81); “Love is not to be reason’d down, or lost / In high ambition and a thirst of greatness” (I.i.84). Not thought but action can redirect his thumoerotic nature from despair. 

    Prince Juba appears, and Portius reflects on “how much he forms himself to glory / And breaks the fierceness of his native temper / To copy my father’s bright example” (I.i.79-82). He too is an exile, his father having been killed by Caesar at the Battle of Thepsur. The prince, in contrast to the Roman usurper, exhibits a virtue that is Roman but not merely Roman, a virtue unconfined to any particular nation, the virtue of human nature itself. And he stands as an example for brother Marcus in another way: He loves Cato’s daughter, Marcia, but, “no sport of passions,” his “sense of honor and desire for fame” bridle his love for the sake of the nobler aim of political liberty (I.i.86). 

    Juba too has a rival in love, the Roman senator Sempronius, a traitor in their midst. Before Portius heads for the meeting of the Senate-in-exile, he promises to “animate the soldiers’ drooping courage, / With love of freedom and contempt of life,” telling Sempronius that although we cannot “command success,” “we’ll do more, we’ll deserve it.” Sempronius fumes, “Curse on the stripling! how he apes his sire! / Ambitiously sententious!” (I.ii.40-47). Sempronius plans to betray Cato and seize his daughter after Caesar rewards him for handing Cato over.

    There is a traitor among the Numidians, too: Syphax, who is preparing a revolt among his people—who, he claims, “Complain aloud of Cato’s discipline” (I.iii.4). Sempronius wishes that he could turn Juba against Cato, as well, at which urging Syphax laments that the young man is “lost,” his thoughts “full of Cato’s virtues” (I.iii.22). “Of faith, of honor, and I know not what, / That have corrupted his Numidian temper, / And struck th’ infection into all his soul” (I.iii.25-27). Nonetheless, Syphax promises to make another attempt. As for Sempronius, he heads for the Senate as well, scheming to “conceal my thoughts in passion” by “bellow[ing] out for Rome and my country” even as he schemes to ruin the men he will address.

    True to his word, Syphax tries Juba again, appealing to his national pride, his Numidian patriotism, which might be turned to rebellion against Roman rule. Juba will have none of it. He esteems the “Roman soul,” which aims to civilize the world, “lay it under the restraint of laws,” and “make man mild and sociable to man” by means of “wisdom, discipline, and lib’ral arts” (I.iv.30-35). Only “virtues like these” will “make human nature shine, reform the soul, / And break our fierce barbarians into men” (I.iv.37-38). No, Juba, Syphax counters, “this Roman polish” only “render[s] man…tractable and time,” covering over natural passion, “set[ting] our looks at variance with our thoughts” and thereby “chang[ing] us into other creatures / Than the Gods design’d us” (I.iv.41-43, 46-47). Any Numidian better practices Cato’s “boasted virtues” (I.iv.62). Juba has his answer ready: the Numidian hunter’s virtues do not grow from choice, as Cato’s do, from “steadiness of mind,” not ignorance and necessity (I.iv.77). This is why Cato can endure suffering without resentment and even “thank the Gods that throw the weight upon him” (I.iv.80). The foundation of Roman civility is the rule of reason, innate to human beings as such, the right criterion for judging national customs and laws.

    Syphax insists that Cato’s “rank pride” and “haughtiness of soul” mesmerized Juba’s father, leading him to an inglorious death at the hands of a slave (I.iv.81-85). You should “abandon Cato” (I.iv.89). You don’t really esteem him at all, nor do you honor your father; you merely wish to marry his daughter. You are not man of honor, only a boy in love. Yes, I do love her, the young man admits, but for honorable reasons and indeed for her honorableness: “The virtuous Marcia towers above her sex” in her “inward greatness,” her “unaffected wisdom,” and her “sanctity of manners” (I.iv.150-151). That is, he loves her for her natural virtues, as these have been cultivated by her family and her country.

    We soon see Marcia and Lucia for ourselves. Of her two suitors, Lucia prefers Portius, the philosophic brother, to Marcus. As for Marcia, she of course prefers Juba to Semponius, but she remains very much Cato’s worthy daughter, telling her beloved Juba to go off to the war in support of her father and advising Lucia to wait until after the war to confer her love on Portius, lest she spread disarray in Cato’s household by openly favoring one brother over the other. “Let us not, Lucia, aggravate our sorrows, / But to the Gods permit th’ event of things,” as “the pure limpid stream, when foul with stains / Of rushing torrents and descending rains, / Works itself clear, and as it runs, refines” (I.vi.78-79, 82-84). 

    Act II begins with Cato before the Utican Senate, warning of Caesar’s advancing army. Sempronius makes his calculatedly fiery speech, only to have Cato reprove him. “Let not a torrent of impetuous zeal / Transport thee thus beyond the bounds of reason,” as “true fortitude is seen in great exploits, / That justice warrants, and that wisdom guides; / All else is tow’ring frenzy and distraction” (II.i.43-47). Lucius then makes a pacific speech, claiming that the gods oppose us, that Caesar is only their chosen scourge, than no more Roman blood should be shed. Cato positions himself as the virtuous mean between the extremes of Sempronius’ apparent “immodest valor” and Lucius’ “fear” (II.81-82). His moderation should not be mistaken for mediocrity, however. “A day, an hour, of virtuous liberty / Is worth a whole eternity in bondage” (II.i.100)—a judgment said to have inspired Patrick Henry’s “Give me liberty or give me death.” And in answer to a peace overture from Caesar himself, Cato replies to his ambassador, “My life is grafted on the fate of Rome”; if Caesar would save Cato, “bid him spare his country” (II.ii.8-9). As for himself, I “disdain a life” that “your dictator” “has pow’r to offer” me (II.ii.8-10). Asked what terms he will accept, Cato accordingly replies, “Bid him disband his legions, / Restore the commonwealth to liberty, / submit his actions to the public censure, / And stand the judgment of a Roman senate. Bid him do this, and Cato is his friend.” (II.ii.29-33). But for now, I am no friend of Caesar but “a friend to virtue”—the truly Roman characteristic that Romans share with human nature itself, bringing their civilizing empire of liberty to those they conquer (II.ii.41). Caesar’s conquests have only “made Rome’s senate little”—the Senate, lynchpin and moderating balance wheel of the republic (II.ii.47). “By the Gods I swear, millions of worlds / Should never buy me to be like that Caesar” (II.ii.57).

    To Juba, Cato confides his understanding of divine providence. The “misfortune and affliction” the gods impose “are not ills; else would they never fall / On heav’n’s first fav’rites, and the best of men” II.iv.51-53). No, “The Gods, in bounty, work up storms about us, / That give mankind occasion to exert / Their hidden strength, and throw out into practice / Virtues that shun the day, and lie conceal’d / In the smooth seasons and the calms of life” (II.iv.54-58). He disappoints his young ally by refusing his daughter’s hand in marriage; Roman, all-too-Roman, he does not think a Numidian a worthy suitor, despite Juba’s evident ‘Romanness,’ which is really humanitas. Syphax swoops in, attempting once again to turn the prince against Cato, urging him to eschew honor as a “fine imaginary notion” and to kidnap the girl, even as the early Romans seized the Sabine women (II.v. 89). But Juba calls him “a false old traitor,” intending to redeem the Carthaginians’ reputation for faithlessness and to vindicate his honor in the eyes of Cato (II.v.61). Furious at the insult, perhaps because it is true, Syphax returns to Sempronius, who assures his that factious Roman troops “will bear no more / This medley of philosophy and war,” Stoicism and Achilles, from Cato. Syphax vows to rally his Numidian troops to aid the revolt.

    The third Act begins where the play began, with the sons of Cato in dialogue. Portius knows that Marcus loves his beloved, Lucia, but Marcus does not know of Portius’ love for her. He asks Portius to plead his cause to her, “With all the strength and heats of eloquence / Fraternal love and friendship can inspire” (III.i.34-35). When he leaves and Lucia arrives, he does just that (“Oh, Lucia, language is to faint to show / His rage of love; it preys upon his life; / He pines, he sickens, he despairs, he dies,” his “noble soul” ravaged (III.ii.3-5, 10). Kind Lucia, who knows of Portius’ love for her, and who requites it, worries that if Marcus knew of their love it “might perhaps destroy” him (III.29). For his part, Portius counsels her not to reject Marcus’ suit outright but “hold him up in life, and cheer his soul / With the faint glimm’ring of a doubtful hope” (III.ii.24-25). Lucia refuses. She vows to the gods to refuse them both, denying her own love to prevent “thy sister’s tears, / Thy father’s anguish, and thy brother’s death” (III.ii.28-29). She offers him the faint glimmering of a doubtful hope, saying that she will hold fast in her decision “while such a cloud of mischiefs hangs about us” (III.ii.34). Understandably “thunderstruck” at first, philosophic Portius then sees her virtue, her prudential foresight of the evils his suit would have incurred, had it succeeded (III.ii.37). That does little to console him, but Lucia holds firm in her vow. When she leaves and Marcus returns, Portius tells him that she “compassionates your pains, and pities you”—no comfort to the passionate brother, who regrets what a “fool that I was to choose so cold a friend / To urge my cause!” (III.iii.13-17). 

    The noise of Sempronius’ mutiny interrupt them. He has decided to carry Marcia off and join Caesar, frustrated at the continued loyalty of Juba and his Numidians—Romans in the core of their nature, after all. But Cato overawes the Roman rebels, shaming them, reminding them of his virtue, and telling to go join Caesar, if that is what they desire. [2] Ever-perfidious Sempronius recommends the death penalty for the rebels, which Cato, changing his mind, mistakenly agrees to inflict, never suspecting his colleague’s treachery. Sempronius immediately has them executed, irate at their uselessness to his scheme. He continues to desire Sempronius, and when Syphax cannot understand how he could “turn a woman’s slave” (III.vii. 11), he assures her that he only intends to kidnap and rape her (“bend her stubborn virtue to my passion”), then “cast her off” (III.vii.15-16). This reassures his henchman: “Well said! that’s spoken like thyself, Sempronius.” (III.vii.17). Syphax recommends that he dress himself as Juba to get past the Numidians who guard her. In his own way, Sempronius emulates the gods—specifically, Pluto, who seized Proserpine and carried “to hell’s tremendous gloom the affrighted maid, / There grimly smiled, pleas’d with the beauteous prize, / Nor envy’d Jove his sunshine and his skies” (III.vii.31-34).

    Not suspecting this vile scheme, Marcia fears rather that her father will give her in marriage to Sempronius. She too is a Stoic, however: “While Cato lives, his daughter has no right / To love or hate, but as his choice directs” (IV.i.20-21). She refuses to trust her passions, telling Lucia, “When love once pleads admission to our hearts, / (In spite of all the virtue we can boast) / The woman who deliberates is lost” (IV.i.29-31). Her own reason will not suffice in that circumstance, so her father’s reason ought to prevail. When Sempronius arrives, deceiving the guards, and prepares to play out his sinister version of the rape of the Sabine women, a deus ex machina in the person of Juba discovers him and kills the “proud, barbarous man” (IV.ii.19), who dies in fury “by a boy’s hand,” attired in “a vile / Numidian dress, and for a worthless woman,” one he desired chiefly to spite Cato and Juba (IV.ii.21-22). He is the real barbarian, the false Roman, Juba the true one. 

    Marcia remains steadfast in her civic Stoicism. When she and Juba discover their love for one another, she nonetheless continues to insist that Juba “prosper in the paths of honor” (IViii.88)—go off to fight Caesar at her father’s side. But Cato himself has begun to despair, telling Lucius, “The torrent bears too hard upon me: / Justice gives way to force: the conquer’d world / Is Caesar’s: Cato has no business in it.” (IV.iv.22-24). On the contrary, his friend insists, “While pride, oppression, and injustice reign, / The world will still demand her Cato’s presence” (IV.25-26). To Cato’s objection, that he will never submit to be ruled by a tyrant, however, Lucius can only respond that Caesar will not impose “ungen’rous terms” upon the defeated rival, as “the virtues of humanity are Caesar’s” (IV.33-34). This earns him the riposte, “Such popular humanity is treason” (IV.iv.33-36). Cato’s Stoic willingness to suffer draws the line at submission to tyranny. That is, the clementia of Caesar, whether sincere or feigned, bespeaks the superiority of a man who acts like a god toward a fellow man and citizen. Cato is, finally, a citizen-Stoic, not a philosopher-Stoic. The problem will turn out to be not so much Cato’s morality but his misunderstanding of providence. He expects defeat because precisely because he does not foresee the providential plan. He does not foresee the providential plan because it is given to no one to see that.

    Juba arrives, confessing his shame at being a Numidian—that is, a prince of a nation whose soldiers were ready to desert their ally. No matter, Cato assures him: “Thou hast a Roman soul” (IV.iv.43). What is more, “Falsehood and fraud shoot up in every soil, / The produce of all climes–Rome has its Caesars” (IV.iv.45-46). Juba “has stood the test of fortune” (IV.iv.49).

    Learning next that his son Marcus has died in battle, though not before killing Syphax, Cato pronounces himself “satisfied,” as “my boy has done his duty” (IV.iv.70). Upon seeing the corpse, he simply remarks, “How beautiful is death, when earn’d by virtue” and “what pity is it / That we can die but once to serve our country!” (IV.iv.80-83). The first aphorism is Stoic, the second Roman. He turns to his surviving son, the philosophic one, telling him to remember that “thy life is not thy own, when Rome demands it” (IV.iv.87). It is Rome, “not a private loss,” that “requires our tears” (IV.iv.89-90). Rome had subdued the world thanks to her virtue, but with her virtue gone, having submitted tamely to its rapist, Caesar—who has reversed one of the original founding acts of Rome, the so-called rape which in fact brought wives to young Roman men—the Empire has fallen, “fall’n into Caesar’s hands” (IV.iv.105). He calmly grants Lucius the right to sue for peace from ‘humane’ Julius and advises his son to retire to “thy paternal seat, the Sabine field,” where he may live virtuously in a private life, which is “the post of honor” under a tyrannical regime (IV.iv.135, 142). If the kidnapping of the Sabine women enabled the earliest Romans to sustain themselves as a civil society, perhaps a retreat to the family, a retreat to the Sabine field, will form the foundation of a new Rome, if such can be restored after the barbarous tyrant, the criminal rapist, has had his day.

    But Cato has a different plan for himself. Having satisfied himself that he foresees the intention of Providence, he reads the Phaedo, what Addison in his stage direction calls “Plato’s book on the immortality of the soul”; “Plato,” Cato says, “thou reason’st well!” (V.i.1). Plato’s Socrates had reasoned that the prospect of the soul’s immortal life on the Isles of the Blessed removes the sting of death. Given what he takes to be the equally certain prospect of Caesar’s tyranny in this world, a “world made for Caesar,” Cato pronounces himself “weary of conjecture,” weary of philosophizing, ready to the action of suicide, which will end conjecture (V.i.19-20). “Let guilt or fear / Disturb man’s rest. Cato knows neither of ’em, / Indifferent in his choice to sleep or die,” given Plato’s proof that we awaken from death as surely as we awaken from sleep (V.i.38-40). Addison’s Christian audience might well think the same thing, under similar circumstances. If God’s Providence ordains life in Paradise after death, why prolong life in this world, known to be a vail of tears? This would become Nietzsche’s charge against Christianity, that it loves an imagined life and therefore real death more than real life. By Addison’s time, Machiavelli had already anticipated that thought.

    Portius joins his father, who assures him that all is well, as “I’m master of myself,” never to be mastered by Caesar (V.ii.13). Having convinced his son that he won’t commit suicide, having allowed Portius, Lucia, and Lucius that he retires to sleep—what he must regard as an instance of the noble lie—Cato prepares to execute himself, even as Lucius assures the women, “While Cato lives—his presence will protect us” (V.iv.38). His presence is needed, as Juba brings news of an impending battle with Caesar’s forces. Portius joins them with the news that Pompey’s son has unexpectedly brought reinforcements from Spain. “Call[ing] out for vengeance on his father’s death”—the very filial piety that Cato understands to be the foundation of Roman civil order—he “rouses the whole nation up to arms” (V.iv.55-57). “Were Cato at their head, once more might Rome / Assert her rights and claim her liberty” (V.iv.58-59). 

    There will be no human version of a deus ex machina, this time. They hear the death-cry of Cato in the next room. Mortally wounded, he blesses his friend, Lucius, his son and his son’s future wife, Marcus and Lucia, and his daughter and her future husband, Marcia and Juba. Of Juba, he says, “A senator of Rome, while Rome surviv’d, / Would not have match’d his daughter with a king,” were the king a foreigner, “but Caesar’s arms have thrown down all distinction,” all conventional distinction: “Whoe’er is brave and virtuous, is a Roman.” (V.iv.88-91). In his civic despair, he has made two philosophic discoveries, the first a distinction, the distinction between convention and nature, the second the uncovering of a just filial and political order in light of a criterion set by nature, the criterion of virtue, of human nature undisfigured by passion. “Methinks a beam of light breaks in / On my departing soul” (V.iv.94-95). Dying, what he cannot do is to act in accordance with that beam of light. His ascent from the cave of convention isn’t comic, as it is in Plato’s Republic, but tragic. “Alas, I fear / I’ve been too hasty” (V.iv.95-96), he admits, with Stoic understatement. He can only ask forgiveness. Forgiveness, above all, for his failure to do what he wanted most to do, to save Rome from a regime of tyranny. Forgiveness also, perhaps, for his failure to heed his own advice to his sons, which Portius had remarked in the play’s first scene: We do not know what heaven has traced out for us; the ways of heaven are dark and intricate.

    It is left to the ranking surviving Roman in his camp, his friend Lucius, to set the new policy. With Cato, they might have won. Without him, no one believes they can. 

    “Let us bear this awful corpse to Caesar,

    And lay it in his sight, that it may stand

    A fence betwixt us and the victor’s wrath; 

    Cato, though dead, shall still protect his friends.” (V.iv.103-106).

    And Lucius adds a properly Stoic, sententious final thought, saying that these events show the malign effects of “civil discord” not only to Romans but “to all nations,” namely, “fraud, and cruelty, and strife,” along with what is not the least evil, “rob[bing] the guilty world of Cato’s life,” the life of one of the best in the world, one of the best examples of human nature his countrymen had ever seen (V.iv.108, 111-112). 

     

    Notes

    1. George Washington will counsel his niece in exactly the same way. See his letter to letter to Eleanor Parke Custis, January 1, 1795.
    2. In facing down the rebellious officers at Newburgh, New York, Washington was enacting a similar scene in real life, supremely imitating Addison’s art in his life. See his Speech to the Officers of the Army, March 15, 1783.

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

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