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    Spanish Conquistadors Through a ‘Postmodernist’ Lens

    May 3, 2023 by Will Morrisey

    Tzetan Todorov: The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other. Richard Howard translation. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999 [1982].

     

    “My subject,” Todorov announces, is “the discovery self makes of other“—a sure sign of a postmodern-all-too-postmodern exercise. Whereas moderns treat the soul as a ‘self,’ with ‘self’ (rather than God or polis) as the locus of human life, postmodernists treat ‘self’ and non-‘self’ or ‘other’ as that locus, making much of ‘intersubjectivity’ in an effort to undermine ‘bourgeois individualism,’ ‘Lockean liberalism,’ and other such putative horrors. The good news is that Todorov is at core a sensible, honest Bulgarian, albeit one who lives in France and writes in French. He has “chosen to narrate a history” of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean islands and Aztec Mexico but admits that his “main interest is less a historian’s than a moralist’s; the present is more important to me than the past.”  He wants the story to be “as true a possible but in telling [it] I shall try never to lose sight of what biblical exegesis used to call its tropological or ethical meaning.” We remain ‘selves’ encountering ‘others,’ and this old story, retold in today’s terms, may teach us a thing or two.

    Why this story, among so many other possible stories? First, because “the discovery of America, or of the Americans, is certainly the most astonishing encounter of our”—our Europeans’—long “history,” Europeans having more or less always known something of “the existence of Africa, India, or China,” which share with them the same land mass.  What is more, that encounter resulted in “the greatest genocide in human history,” genocide being defined by Todorov not simply as mass homicide or intentional murder but as that in addition to millions of unintended deaths resulting from disease. Finally, Columbus’s expedition and the ensuing conquest serves as the archē, the formative beginning, of modernity, of ‘Europeanness’ as Europeans, and indeed the rest of the world, now live it. “Since that date,” 1492, “the world has shrunk”; “men have discovered the totality of which they are a part, whereas hitherto they formed a 0part without a whole.” The world shrank because technology shrank it, beginning with Spanish galleons and cannons. 

    Not that Columbus himself could be described as a modern man. He set out to find gold, a decidedly traditional motive, in China, where he hoped to meet the Emperor and spread Christianity. “The universal victory of Christianity—this is the motive that animates Columbus, a profoundly pious man (he never sets sail on Sunday), who for this very reason regards himself as chosen, as charged with a divine mission, and who sees divine intervention everywhere, in the movement of the waves as in the wreck of his ship (on a Christmas night!).” Even his desire for gold has a pious aim, to fund the reconquest of Jerusalem for Christianity. “The project of the crusades had been abandoned since the Middle Ages,” but not for long, if Columbus can help it. “The man who was to give birth to a new world could not yet belong to it.”

    Columbus was rightly convinced he had discovered a new continent, for three reasons: “the abundance of fresh water; the authority of the sacred books; the opinion of other men he has met with.” Natural, divine, human: the elements of his interpretation of what he had found corresponded to his motives: “a delight in nature,” love of God, desire for wealth. His beliefs “influence his interpretations,” as he not only sees the Amerindians through Biblical eyes (they are pagans, the Christian equivalent of gentiles in Israelite eyes), but through the eyes of classical antiquity, as well. The New World has “Cyclopes and mermaids, in Amazons and men with tails.” The mermaids disappoint him, as “they were not as beautiful as they are painted, for they had something masculine in the countenance.” That is, rather as Christian exegetes see anticipations of Christ in the Old Testament, Columbus understands the New World in light of Scripture and of the scripts of antiquity, including those that record the Homeric epics and stories related by Herodotus. This doesn’t stop him from accurate perception of nature when it counts. He navigates by the stars and predicts the weather; he even uses his ‘philosophic’ knowledge politically, threatening “to steal the moon” from recalcitrant Indians and making good on his threat when the lunar eclipse he expected began, winning their obedience. And he also delights in nature, in its beauty; for him the tropiques are not triste but full of color and intricate harmonies. 

    Adam-like, he gives names to the things he discovers. According to one Spanish chronicler, Columbus’s own, name, Cristobal or Christum Ferens means “the bearer of Christ, and it was thus that he often signed his name.” His surname, Colón, means “repopulator,” and the chronicler thinks it “befits this man, in that he was the first to bring the people of Spain (albeit not as they should have been) to found colonies, or new populations, which, being established amid the original inhabitants…should constitute a new…Christian Church and a happy republic.” Names should fit persons and things. Todorov observes that “the first Gesture Columbus makes upon contact with the newly discovered lands is an at of extended nomination: this is the declaration according to which these lands are henceforth part of the Kingdom of Spain.” Naming presumes authority, as God Himself bestows names and bestows the authority to name the lesser creations upon the first Man. 

    Todorov cautions that this authoritative naming occludes “the entire dimension of intersubjectivity,” inasmuch as to name a fellow human being (at least, one who is not an infant) presumes the right to rule an adult person while also ignoring “the arbitrary character of signs.” In naming, have you really understood the thing you have named, or have you only imposed a meaning upon it? This can extend even to translation, as when Columbus learns the Indian word cacique and simply wants to know “what Spanish word it corresponds to.” “Not for a moment does Columbus doubt that the Indians distinguish, as the Spaniards do, between nobleman, governor, and judge; his curiosity, quite limited moreover, bears only on the exact Indian equivalent for these terms.” He “does not succeed in his human communications” with the Indians “because he is not interested in them” as persons, only as subjects, and subjects not in the sense of fellow human ‘selves’ but as political subjects, rightful underlings.

    Well, maybe. If Columbus wants to convert the Indians to Christianity, does he not understand them as human beings with souls that need such conversion? Even if they are “part of the landscape” (and in a sense they are—integrated within it), they are not only part of the landscape, even in his eyes. He is astonished by their nakedness, in which they resemble animals, they seem to him spiritually naked, too, having no apparent religion, not even idolatry. They are innocent of money, giving no evidence of thinking in terms of private property, so they lack the sin of covetousness, rather as Rousseau later conceived of the way of life of “noble” savages. So, as Todorov next sees, Columbus does understand them as human, with certain natural or prelapsarian virtues, but as defective humans, spiritually deprived and hence in need of subjection—conscious subjection, ultimately, to the God they do not know but immediately to the Spaniards who bring them the Word of that God. “What is denied,” Todorov laments, in full ‘postmodernist’ mode, “is the existence of a human substance truly other, something capable of being not merely an imperfect state of oneself.” That is, Columbus wants to assimilate the Indians, for both his and their own good, and for the glory of God, His Church, and the Spanish Crown. “There is never a justification of this desire to make the Indians adopt the Spanish customs,” to “propagate the Gospel”; its rightness is “self-evident.” 

    This sets up an exchange of sorts, “a certain equilibrium,” as “the Spaniards give religion and take gold.” Todorov objects, despite the fact that a Christian would regard this exchange as eminently liberal on the Spanish (well, Christian) side, salvation being infinitely more valuable than material wealth. “To propagate the faith presupposes that the Indians are considered his equals (before God).” But what if they are unwilling to give their wealth, to make the exchange? “Then they must be subdued, in military and political terms, so that it may be taken from them by force”—treated, “from the human perspective this time, in a position of inequality,” of inferiority. The danger in practice is this: “By gradual stages, Columbus will shift from assimilationism, which implied an equality of principle, to an ideology of enslavement, and hence to the assertion of the Indians’ inferiority.” That is, he shifts from what Aristotle classifies as parental rule, rule for the good of the ruled, to masterly rule, rule for the good (or supposed good) of the master. Columbus himself sees the problem and moves to meet it, distinguishing Indians who practice cannibalism from those who do not, Indians who are peaceful (“submitting to his power”) from bellicose Indians who thereby deserve to be punished. Todorov isn’t satisfied: “There is no middle path” in Columbus’s thinking, no middling way of life between good and bad Indians. In Christianity, you are either on the way of life leading to salvation, the straight and narrow way, or you are on the crooked way to Hell. If you then conceive of the Christian Church as the bearer of the Holy Spirit, you should work by the means of the Holy Spirit, by persuasion, except that at times even the Holy Spirit exercises force, knocking the unthinking non-Christian off his horse as he heads along the road not to Jerusalem but Damascus. Although God can make such distinctions, human beings may well blur them, doing horrific injury to one another in their mistaken assumption of Godlike wisdom.

    Todorov sees much of that confusion of the Holy Spirit with the Will to Power in the conquistadors who followed Columbus. How, he asks, in the years 1519 to 1521, did Hernando Cortés, with only a few hundred men under his command, defeat the great Montezuma, who had several hundred thousand? (Four centuries later, Europeans would wonder the same thing about General Zachary Taylor and his more or less unimpeded march to Mexico City.) It turns out that Cortés acted as a Roman would have done, not even dividing and conquering but conquering an already divided Amerindian population, a concatenation of tribal societies incapable of uniting under one commander. What is more, just as many of the regions within nineteenth-century Mexico had little love for the central government in the capital, so “the Indians in the regions Cortés first passed through are not more impressed by his imperialist intentions because they have already been conquered and colonized—by the Aztecs.” “Cortés often appears to them as a lesser evil, as a liberator, so to speak, who permits them to throw off the yoke of a tyranny especially detestable because so close at hand.” Even if the Spaniards burn the Indians’ book in order “to wipe out their religion,” are they any worse than the Aztecs, who had done the same things a hundred years before? In both cases, the attacks on religious writings and holy places may have played a larger role in the conquests than military force and disease.

    The religious beliefs of the Indians themselves contributed to their own conquest by the Spaniards. Like Christians, they “devoted a great part of their time and their powers to the interpretation of messages,” but in their case they understood time itself, and the messages conveyed over time, in an entirely different way. To them, divination was the perception of cyclical patterns—much like the astrology which predated Biblical prophecy in most parts of the world and persists to this day among those still resistant to Biblical patterns of thought. The Aztec calendar consisted of recurrent months and days, as ours do, but each day “possesses its own character, propitious or unlucky, which is transmitted to actions performed on that day and even more to the persons born on it.” As with astrology, “to know someone’s birthday is to know his fate.” Any deviation from this pattern betokens an omen, usually an ill omen, a malign supernatural intervention. “The world is from the start posited as overdetermined”; “the key word of Mesoamerican society is order,” and order confirmed by rituals, rites. One Spanish observer wrote, “The good order was such that no one dared to interfere with another’s job or express an opinion, since he would be rebuffed immediately.” Even the persons selected for ritual sacrifice “accept[ed] their lot, if not with joy, in any case without despair”; “the same is true of soldiers on the battlefield,” who believed, like those sacrificed at the temples, that “their blood will help keep society alive.” “No one’s life is ever an open and indeterminate field, to be shaped by an individual free will, but rather the realization of an order always preordained.” 

    This being so, when Montezuma learned of the unprecedented, omen-laden event of the arrival of the Spaniards, he consulted wizards and necromancers, relying on the gods to explain this phenomenon and to tell him what to do. “The identity of the Spaniards is so different, their behavior to such a degree unforeseeable, that the whole system of communication is upset, and the Aztecs no longer succeed precisely where they had previously excelled: in gathering information,” in knowing how the gods had ordered the world. They were spiritually paralyzed. Must these white-skinned beings not be gods? True, Columbus believed that his voyage of Christian conquest was foretold in Holy Scripture, designed by Providence, but what Providence provides is victory over those lacking the understanding that time is linear, not cyclical. In the Biblical account, events which occur in time point back to God’s founding of human life and forward toward His refounding of that life under Christ, His Son. The impressive attention to education seen in both peoples, families’ care for the intellectual nurturing of their children, led in opposite directions. The Aztec regime had two types of schools, one in which students were prepared for the warrior’s way of life, the other that prepared them for what we would call the ‘civilian’ ways of life, the lives of priests, judges, kings and their accessory co-rulers. The second type of school put a premium on the use of words, of “interpretation and speech, of rhetoric and hermeneutics.” To rule well was in large measure to rule well; “power demands wisdom, which is attested by the capacity to interpret.” Students who failed the tests of good speech, preeminently right interpretation, were put to death. No remedial classes for young Aztecs or the Mayans they displaced. The word for ruler, tlatoani, means the one who possesses speech (“something in the manner of our ‘dictator,'” Todorov remarks). 

    In much of this, the Spaniards would concur. Neither Athens nor Jerusalem (nor Rome, nor Madrid) overlooked the power of speech. But all of those cities also had writing. The Aztecs had pictograms, only. Their visual signs were unintelligible without the “ritual discourse accompanying them.” For the Aztecs, memory could only be invested in speech and ritual actions; disrupt the symbols and the meaning of life, the way of life, vanishes. The Aztecs communicated their way of life through memories of ancestors. In conversing with them, the Spanish Christians enjoyed the advantages of both the written Word and written words, enabling them to travel far from their homeland in the service of a universal religion whose precepts and stories sustain themselves in a form at once portable in form but stable in meaning. When Cortés tells the Aztecs “how vain and foolish was their belief, for they placed their trust in idols which could not even defend themselves and were so easily overthrown,” the Aztecs “replied that they had been brought up in that belief by their fathers.” They were helpless in the face of changes imposed by men who thought not only in terms of the past but in terms of a prophesied but never-before-seen future. If time consists of the eternal return of the same, how can one understand the unprecedented? Ritualism won’t suffice to defend the regime from a regime in which religious rituals invoke not only the past in the present but the future in the past and in the present. For the Spaniards, by contrast, “the ease of their conquest” proves “the excellence of the Christian religion,” with its “infinite progression toward the final victory of the Christian spirit”—a “conception subsequently inherited by communism,” our Bulgarian refugee ominously intones. Like the communists, the Spaniards succeeded for a time in “imposing their superiority” over another regime only to destroy “their own capacity to integrate themselves into the world,” taking their conquest several bridges too far.

    Unlike previous Spanish commanders in the New World, Cortés understood politics, deciding that “he will not be content with extorting gold, but must subjugate the kingdom itself.” It probably would be more just to say that he understood that both gold extraction and Christian conversion, the accomplishment of Spain’s economic and religious ends, required changing the political regimes of the Indians, which in turn required military conquest. “It is to him that we owe the invention, on the one hand, of conquest tactics, and on the other, of a policy of peacetime colonization.” Once again, Cortés has the advantage of knowing what natural philosophy has discovered rather than relying on magic. At the same time, his religion—universalist and egalitarian—will not tolerate compromise with the many gods of the Aztecs and the temples and idols devoted to them. In his anti-Christian bias, Todorov complains that “the Spaniards’ God is an auxiliary rather than a Lord, a being to be used rather than enjoyed”; this is premature Machiavellianism. (Sure enough, he writes, “Cortés’s behavior irresistibly suggests the almost contemporary teachings of Machiavelli,” who cited King Ferdinand as “a model of the ‘new prince.'” But the use of exemplary punishments, which Todorov notices and is indeed applauded by Machiavelli, was hardly a new, distinctively ‘modern’ device of rule.) The Christian God is both to be ‘used’ in the sense of prayed to, and enjoyed, and there’s no evidence that the Spaniards thought any differently. 

    Although Cortés understood the Aztecs better than Montezuma understood the Spaniards, “this superior understanding does not keep the conquistadors from destroying Mexican civilization and society.” Indeed, “we suspect that destruction becomes possible precisely because of this understanding.” But “should not understanding go hand in hand with sympathy?” But, one must ask, why should it? I might understand Stalin without much sympathizing with him. Or I might sympathize with Stalin and out of that very sympathy wish to destroy the evil regime he has built and to convert the atheist to Christianity along with that. Todorov acknowledges that Cortés considered the Mexican peoples highly civilized—well-ordered, with large marketplaces, impressive buildings, and refined manners. Yet surely the Egyptians and the Babylonians were as civilized, even more civilized, than the Israelites, according to those measurements. “Cortés goes into ecstasies about the Aztec productions but does not acknowledge their makers as human individualities to be set on the same level as himself.” But he does so acknowledge them, qua human. It is their lack of Christianity and some of the decidedly un-Christian and indeed inhumane religious and dietary practices that he deplores. 

    None of this commits one to endorse the conquest itself, the means by which it was effected, and especially its devastating consequences, which Todorov rightly and tellingly remarks: in 1500, 80 million people lived in the Americas but by the middle of the next century there were 10 million. In Mexico, the population dropped from 25 million to one million. “If the word genocide has ever been applied to a situation with some accuracy, this is the case”; “none of the great massacres of the twentieth century can be compared to this hecatomb.” True, but did this hideous mass of death result from massacre? That is, the term ‘genocide’ ordinarily means deliberate killing on a mass scale. Did the Spaniards intend to do that? On the contrary, “the Spaniards did not undertake a direct extermination of these millions of Indians, nor could they have done so.” The vast majority of these victims died of diseases, although Todorov is confident that the Spaniards knew how to fight bacteriological warfare they would have done so because they regarded the mass deaths of the Spanish as “proof that God is on the conquerors’ side.” That is ‘a bit of a stretch,’ as the saying goes. Europeans themselves took the same view of their own deaths when the plague struck in the Middle Ages, but that would not have justified the use of microbes in war, in their own eyes. The judgment of God is the judgment of God, and diseases were (mis)understood as God’s judgment, since they were beyond human control. 

    Still, the Spaniards did murder and torture some of the Indians. “Torture is inflicted in order to discover the hiding places of treasure; human beings are exploited in order to obtain profits.” That is a fair indictment, although it fails to distinguish between mercantilism and ‘capitalism.’ With its valorization of material objects, gold being first among them, mercantilism fails to recognize humanity as the main source of the wealth of nations. Slavery does recognize that, but in the wrong way, failing to understand (quite apart from natural right) that free workers produce more than enslaved ones, over a lifetime. Worse, some of the torture-murders can only be understood as spurred by “an intrinsic pleasure in cruelty, in the fact of exerting their power over others, in the demonstration of their capacity to inflict death.” But Todorov doesn’t want to attribute this to human nature, a term he puts in scare quotes, despite his recognition that the Aztecs, too, killed, tortured, and enslaved their enemies, sacrificing 80,400 persons on one festive occasion. The difference is that in Christianity libido dominandi is a sin—arguably the original one, induced by Satan’s promise, “You shall be as gods.” Todorov sees some this, writing that for the Aztecs, “the sacrifice is performed in public and testifies to the power of the social fabric, to its mastery over the individual.” Massacre, as practiced by the Spaniards, “reveals the weakness of this same social fabric, the desuetude of the moral principles that once assured the group’s coherence” during “colonial wars waged far from the metropolitan country” and hidden from the authorities of that country.

    Todorov claims that massacre bespeaks not human nature but modernity. “Far from the central government, far from royal law, all prohibitions give way, the social link, already loosened, snaps, revealing not a primitive nature, the beast sleeping in each of us, but a modern being, one with a great future in fact, restrained by no morality and inflicting death because and when he pleases,” heralding “the advent of modern times.” To believe this, one must believe that there were no massacres in antiquity. This error may indicate Todorov’s intention to make “the present more important than the past.” In fact it indicates a commitment to historicism. 

    Todorov next moves to distinguish not only the “doctrine of inequality” from the doctrine “which affirms the equality of all men” but also “identity” from “difference.” To begin, he cites the Requerimiento, a document written in 1514 by the royal jurist, Palacios Rubios, narrating the history of humanity since the birth of Jesus, asserting the authority of the Catholic Church. The edict ‘required’ the Indians to place themselves under the rule of the Spanish, themselves subjects of the Church; it was to be promulgated to them, in accordance with the law of nations, although there is no evidence that the public reading was properly translated for them. If the Indians obey, “no one has the right to take them as slaves,” but if they do not obey, if they become rebels against God’s Kingdom, instantiated by Spain a just war on behalf of both kingdoms will follow. Apart from the blatant procedural injustice of this grim charade, Todorov would convict the Spanish of contradicting Christian egalitarianism with human slavery. The Spanish offer the Indians a choice “between two positions of inferiority,” namely, voluntary serfdom or involuntary slavery. “The Indians are posited as inferiors from the start, for it is the Spaniards who determine the rules of the game.”

    But whose rules would Spaniards follow? Perhaps the rules of just war, as set down by the eminent theologian and jurist Francisco de Vitoria. Todorov is scarcely more impressed by those rules than he is by the Requerimiento. Vitoria cites “the natural right to society and communication,” referring to the right of persons to move outside their native country and to travel to other countries in order to trade. He limits this right when it comes to evangelizing, however, “think[ing] only of the Spaniards’ freedom to preach the Gospels to the Indians,” never of the Indians’ right to preach paganism in Spain. “Christian ‘salvation’ is an absolute value for him.” Vitoria’s rule violates the principle of reciprocity.

    What about wars of regime change—specifically, wars against tyrannies that sacrifice and eat innocents? This, too, violates the principle of reciprocity, since “even if this rule were applied alike to Indians and Spaniards, it is the latter who have decided on the meaning of the word tyranny, and this is the essential thing.” Why, however, is that the essential thing? Todorov says it’s because the Spaniards decided “that human sacrifice is the consequence of tyranny, but massacre is not.” But does Vitoria say that massacre is just? He does not. Todorov has shifted from Vitorian principle to conquistador practice, and far from seamlessly.

    Vitoria does say that the “barbarians” cannot govern themselves “any more than madmen or even wild beasts,” making it just to intervene “in order to exercise the rights of guardianship.” Here again, Todorov doesn’t say that this is unjust because the Indians do govern themselves (this would implicate him in relativizing cannibalism and human sacrifice); instead, he contents himself by asking who “decides what is barbarity or savagery and what is civilization,” answering, “only one of the two parties to the agreement, between whom subsists no equality or reciprocity.” Todorov denies that “one has the right to impose on others what one considers as the good, without concern as to whether or not this is also the good from the other’s point of view.” But what if one does consider this, and still regards the asserted ‘good’ of ‘the other’ as evil?

    Reciprocity of rule is what Aristotle calls political rule; it should not prevail among unequals, such as parents and children or masters and natural slaves, i.e., those incapable of ruling themselves or, more precisely, those incapable of ruling themselves justly. (The eminent Spanish Aristotelian scholar, Juan Ginés Sepúlveda, made exactly that argument, comparing Spaniards to parents, Indians to children.) [1] The real question is less ‘who’ rules but the nature of the persons in the polis. If the Indians are “imperfectly human” inasmuch as they practice cannibalism, sodomy, and human sacrifice, they are surely candidates for non-political rule. The problems is rather that the Spaniards themselves are inclined to massacre them, making at least some of them unfit for rule over anyone, and that some of them misuse Christianity as an excuse for military conquest. [2] Several of them are ignorant of the Indians’ way of life, claiming that they “exercise none of the human arts or industries,” a claim that not even Cortés makes. One of them, Gonzalo Fernández de Ovidedo y Valdés, advocated genocide, offering his readers the vicious image, “Who can deny that the use of gunpowder against pagans is the burning of incense to Our Lord?” 

    Todorov allows that the Spaniards were more “advanced” than the Indians in one area: technology, including not only weaponry but writing. Beyond that, their moral-political criticisms were nothing more than instances of “anti-Indian prejudice.” Among the Spanish thinkers, he prefers Bartolomé de las Casas, who rejected Aristotle for Christ, Who commanded us to love our neighbor as ourselves. For Las Casas, “All the Indians to be found [in the New World] are to be held as free: for in truth so they are, by the same right as I myself am free.” Against Aristotle, Las Casas claimed that “there is no natural difference in the creation of man” inasmuch as all possess reason and so can be “corrected” by God’s grace. Christianity, a universalist religion, “is suited to all the nations of the world,” and God has ordained that all shall receive it in the course of time. Las Casas went so far that the “gentleness and decency” of the Indians showed that they were “supremely fitted and prepared to abandon the worship of idols and to accept, province, by province and people by people, the word of God and the preaching of the truth.” Even the ease with which Spaniards defeat them in battle indicates that they incline toward Christian peaceableness. They will abandon their evil practices, if rightly taught. For Las Casas, the conquistadors are the Satanic ones. 

    While Todorov prefers Las Casas, he rejects his argument, again on ‘postmodernist’ grounds: Who decides on judging the Indians by the Christian standard, other than Spanish Christians? Las Casas merely reverses the roles of Indians and Spanish, ascribing the role of the innocents to the Indians, the role of evildoers to the Spanish. “There is an incontestable generosity on the part of Las Casas, who refuses to despise others simply because they are different. But he goes one step further and adds: moreover, they are not (or will not be) indifferent. The postulate of equality involves the assertion of identity, and the second great figure of alterity, even if it is incontestably more attractive, leads to a knowledge of the other even less valid than the first.” This is because the very agapic love Las Casas bears for the Indians distorts his perception of them. “Can we really love someone if we know little or nothing of his identify; if we see, in place of that identity, a projection of ourselves or of our ideals?” The Christian answer to this question is ‘Yes.’ A human being, even a defective human being, is susceptible to the workings of divine grace; one does not need to know more than that in order to love him, Christianly. Las Casas would have the Spaniards wrest the Indians from “the power of these unnatural fathers,” the conquistadors, and brought under the rule of the husbandly—in Aristotle’s sense, the reciprocal or political rule—of the priests. This point is lost on Todorov, who equates the husband-wife relationship with the master-slave relationship. He asks, “Is there not already a violence in the conviction that one possesses the truth oneself, whereas this is not the case for others, and that one must furthermore impose that truth on those others?” Clearly not: Todorov himself evidently doesn’t regard the truth as negotiable; he would not impose what he takes to be the truth on others under normal circumstances, but he does not object to warfare under extraordinary circumstances. In a subsequent book, he has no objection whatever to the Allied response to Nazi Germany in the Second World War. But here he prefers to emphasize “the relativity of values.”

    Vitoria addresses the problem of ‘who says’ a war is just by arguing that it cannot be left to fickle and manipulable public opinion but only to the wise. Wisdom requires accurate information, among other things. Although Todorov claims that Vitoria “does not envisage the possibility of the leaders’ bad faith,” he evidently does, since he regards men of bad faith as supremely unwise, at very least violators of the commandment not to lie. He also says that Vitoria relied on rumor, failing genuinely to seek the truth about the Indians. But in that case, he wasn’t really wise. He did not meet one of his own criteria for wisdom. 

    Todorov would reorganize moral judgment alone three “axes.” The first is what he calls “a value judgment”: Is the person good or bad, my equal or my inferior? Second, there is a “praxeological” judgment: Do I “identify myself with him” or “impose my own image upon him”? Third, there is an “epistemic” judgement: How well do I know him? Las Casas, for example, visited Mexico, learned more about the Indians and the Spanish colonizers, concluding that the military response to the Indians “risks being worse than the disease,” namely, the Indians’ practices of cannibalism and human sacrifice. He also inclined now to minimize the disease, claiming that each human being has an intuitive knowledge of God in the sense that everyone understands that there must be someone or something “than which there is nothing better or greater”; further, men worship the god so conceived as best they can; and that the proof of living worship can be seen in whether the worshipper offers god the most precious thing, human life. Since the Indians did in fact offer human sacrifices, they were sincere if mistaken worshippers of God. Todorov applauds. Here, “equality is no longer bought at the price of identity; it is not an absolute value that we are concerned with,” as “each man has the right to approach god by the path that suits him.” More, “there is no longer a true God (ours) but a coexistence of possible universes” of belief, none more valid than another. “Las Cases has surreptitiously abandoned theology and practices here a kind of religious anthropology,” which Todorov praises as “the first step toward the abandonment of religious discourse itself.” The difficulty with this argument is that anthropology is not only non-religion but amoral. The mere observation of ‘difference’ yields no moral conclusion. If you subtract religion (and/or moral philosophy) from anthropology you get exactly zero moral guidance, since there is no justification for multiculturalism, intersubjectivity, respect for ‘the other,’ either.

    Las Casas himself ended by judging the Spanish much more harshly than he judged the Indians, prophesying that God would revenge them for their bloodshed in the service greed. Todorov applies this claim to all of Europe, regarding the ongoing colonization of Europe by non-Europeans as a sort of backlash against imperial conquests, although he hastens to add that this “cannot be considered my ideal.” He would rather have all human beings “discover the other.” More interestingly, he recognizes that European attempts to assimilate the rest of the populations of the world have succeeded. “The colonized peoples have adopted our customs and have put on clothes.” This happened in part, “paradoxically,” thanks to “Europeans’ capacity to understand the other.” Montesquieu was a European, studied by Europeans. Even Cortés, as Todorov has remarked, understood the Indians better than they understood him. This is another way of saying that Europeans discovered philosophy in addition to adopting Christianity. Europeans “exhibit remarkable qualities of flexibility and improvisation which permit them all the better to impose their own way of life.” (By practicing writing rather than pictograms, a particular European technology lends itself to exactly such flexibility and improvisation.) Egalitarianism serves both colonialism and anti-colonialism. “To experience difference in equality is easier said than done.” Todorov hopes for “a dialogue of cultures.” [3] He intends to conduct this dialogue in writing, to be sure, but in the form of narrative rather than the “systematic discourse” favored by scientistic Europeans. Narrative history “can be exemplary for us because it permits us to reflect upon ourselves,” yielding self-knowledge ‘through the knowledge of the Other.”

    “I do not believe that history obeys a system”—few victims of a Marxist regime would. Rather, “to become conscious of the relativity (hence of the arbitrariness) of any feature of our culture is already to shift it a little, and that history (not the science but its object) is nothing other than a series of such imperceptible shifts.” Yet one must ask: Shifts to where? What constitutes a moral “advance”?

     

    Note

    1. Sepúlveda cites four reasons for considering war against the Indians just: that the Indians refuse obedience to the Spaniards, whereas their “natural condition“—note well, not their nature—is “such that they should obey others”; that the “portentous crime of human flesh,” a “special offense to nature,” and “the worship of demons,” an offense against God, and human sacrifice should be abolished; that the  “numerous innocent mortals” who are sacrificed annually should be saved; and that “war on the infidels is justified because it opens the way to the propagation of Christian religion and eases the task of the missionaries.” The Spanish therefore have the duty to rule them—to, as Todorov puts it, “impose the good on others.” While admitting that some of these claims “are not far from the truth,” he nonetheless rejects them in favor of postmodern ‘intersubjectivity.’ 
    2. Todorov quotes Sepúlveda quoting Augustine to the effect that the salvation of one soul is worth more than the sacrifice of many human lives—this, in support of the right to undertake massacres in the service of Christian evangelism. This is an obvious distortion of Augustine’s teaching, which would concur with the principle—one immortal soul is worth more than—any number of physical bodies—but would deny the conclusion. Only if a human being could know that God would never have converted the souls that animated those dead bodies could he put the principle into practice. “God knows,” he writes in his Epistle 34, “that I do not want anybody forced into the Catholic community against his will. My only desire is that the truth be openly proclaimed to all men who are in error, and that once it has been made manifest through my ministry and God’s assistance, it be persuasive enough om make them embrace and follow it.” More menacingly, he does grant Catholic authorities the right to physical punishment of evil men, on the grounds that they will thereby be forced to consider the error of their ways, rather as we whip a boy so that “he will learn” not to commit wrongdoing. In so dealing with heretics, Catholic authorities act as loving parents. But this is quite far from commending massacres in the name of God. 
    3. He has his predecessors, a familiar example being André Malraux, whose first book, The Temptation of the West, was intended to undermine imperialism by challenging its ‘epistemological’ assumptions. And of course he titled one of his earliest novels, set in China, The Conquerors.

     

     

    Filed Under: Nations

    The Life of the Mind as a Way of Life

    April 26, 2023 by Will Morrisey

    Philip Gilbert Hamerton: The Intellectual Life.  Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1877.

     

    It isn’t always easy, Socrates might conclude. The Englishman Hamerton concurs, even as he “propose[s] to consider the possibilities of a satisfactory intellectual life under various conditions of ordinary human existence,” “favorable and unfavorable,” but none so dire as those prevailing in ancient Athens, much less Sparta.  Indeed, even “if a man were so placed and endowed in every way that all his work should be made as easy as the ignorant imagine it to be, that man would find in that very facility itself a condition most unfavorable”—a paradox to which he shall return.

    Difficulties notwithstanding, “all who are born with considerable intellectual faculties are urged toward the intellectual life by irresistible instinct, as waterfowl are urged to an aquatic life.” Unlike a duck, whose “life is in perfect accordance with its instincts,” the human intellect is not. It is easily distracted, “hampered by vexatious impediments of the most various and complicated kinds.” That is, the very fact of human intelligence both endows and interferes with the life of the intellect. This requires more than instinct, more than intelligence or even knowledge; it requires virtue. “It is not erudition that makes the intellectual man, but a sort of virtue which delights in vigorous and beautiful thinking, just as moral virtue delights in vigorous and beautiful conduct,” intellectual life being “not so much an accomplishment but a state or condition of mind in which it seeks earnestly for the highest and purest truth,” an “aspiration” to come “a little nearer to the Supreme Intellect whose effulgence draws us whilst it dazzles.” The intellectual quest reveals “a little more, and yet a little more, of the eternal order of the Universe, establishing us so firmly in what is known, that we acquire an unshakable confidence in the laws which govern what is not, and never can be, known.”

    Hamerton divides his book into twelve parts, each in the form of a letter, suggesting that the intimate character of advice concerning one’s way of life comports best with the most intimate literary genre. Each letter is to a real (if unidentified) person, although many of them were not sent. Beginning with “the physical basis” of the intellectual life, he moves through personal morality, education or intellectual discipline, the use of time, economics (“the influences of money”), civil society (“custom and tradition”), family (“women and marriage”), politics (“aristocracy and democracy”), with concluding letters on the need for and the dangers of solitude, the importance of “intellectual hygienics,” the lure of trades and professions, and, simply but in some ways comprehensively, “surroundings.”

    The life of the mind first requires bodily health, as “all intellectual labor proceeds upon a physical basis”—a “close connection…exists between intellectual production and the state of the body and the brain”—and “the excessive exercise of the mental powers is injurious to bodily health.” Exercise stands as “the best tranquilizer of the nervous system which has yet to be discovered,” the best means of “avoiding the bad effects of an entirely sedentary life.” “Literary work act simply as a strong stimulant, “innocent” and even “decidedly beneficial” in “moderate quantities, but “act[ing] like poison on the nervous system” if overindulged. While the sedentary life inclines to bad digestion, the intellectual life requires plenty of food. Exercise answers the dilemma.

    Hamerton holds up the example of Immanuel Kant, who became famous among his neighbors for his daily walks and other regular habits, enabling him to maintain his health throughout a long life. “What a happy man he was to possess that first of blessings, and what a sensible man to know the value of it,” having seen that he had in some ways earned his life rather than resting in “the mere consciousness of possessing one of the unearned gifts of nature.” Kant “walked alone, but ate in company” for “good physiological reasons”—walking, he could keep his own pace—and “good intellectual reasons also”—dining, conversation brings dialectic with it. Hamerton demurs only when he considers the “excessive regularity” of Kant’s habits—rising at exactly the same minute every day, to give one example. Only a man who always stays at home, rejecting the intellectual benefits of travel, only an unmarried man “without a disturbance that would have been intolerable to him,” could have pulled it off. “Few lives can be so minutely regulated without risk of future inconvenience. ” 

    Kant viewed beer with horror, but Hamerton comes to the defense of “that honest northern drink.”. While wine is good, “the pure juice of the grape sustain[ing] the force and activity of the brain,” beer “gives rest and calm” to the nervous system; “no other drink can procure [that] so safely.” Admittedly, beer drinkers are said to be slow, “a little stupid,” with an ox-like placidity not quite favorable to any brilliant intellectual display,” “but there are times when this placidity is what the laboring brain most needs.” “After the agitations of too active thinking there is safety in a tankard of ale. The wine drinkers are agile, but they are excitable; the beer drinkers are heavy, but in their heaviness there is peace.” Man being a social and political animal, it must be said that beer has salutary social and political effects, as well. “In that clear golden drink which England has brewed for more than a thousand Octobers, and will brew for a thousand more, we may find perhaps some explanation of that absence of irritability which is the safeguard of the national character which makes it faithful in its affections, easy to govern, not easy to excite to violence.” The English are the sort of people likely to leave livers of the life of the intellect in peace. 

    Whatever one’s choice of libation, “not the nectar of the gods themselves were worth the dash of a wave upon the beach, and the pure cool air of the morning.” The best thing is moderate, steady exercise, not sudden exertion. Walking, for example: “nothing in the habits of Wordsworth, that model of excellent habits, can be better as an example to men of letters than his love of pedestrian excursions.” Get outdoors. “The fatal flaw of the studious temper is, that in exercise itself it must find some intellectual charm, so that we quit our books in the library only to go and read the infinite book of nature.” That infinite book very much includes bad weather, and Hamerton commends “daily exposure to the health-giving inclemencies of the weather,” of which his native British Isles have never been ungenerous. Altogether, “the physical activity of men eminent in literature has added abundance to their material and energy to their style,” “the activity of scientific men has led them to innumerable discoveries,” “the more sensitive and contemplative study of the fine arts has been carried to a higher perfection by artists who painted action in which they had had their part or natural beauty which they had traveled far to see,” and “even philosophy itself owes much to mere physical courage and endurance,” as “much that in noblest in ancient thinking may be due to the hardy health of Socrates.”

    While “young men are careless of longevity,” they shouldn’t be. “How precious are added years to the fullness of the intellectual life!” “I compare the life of the intellectual to a long wedge of gold—the thin end of it begins at birth, and the depth and value of it go on indefinitely increases till at last comes Death (a personage for whom Nathaniel Hawthorne had a peculiar dislike for his unmannerly habit of interruption), who stops the auriferous processes.” Happy the “fortunate old men whose thoughts went deeper and deeper like a wall that runs out into the sea!”

    Even as he celebrates vigorous good health, Hamerton warns that “the pets of Nature, who do not know what suffering is, and cannot realize it, have always a certain rawness, like foolish landsmen who laugh at the terrors of the ocean, because they have neither experience enough to know what those terrors are, nor brains enough to imagine them.” Absent the worst pain or prostration, illness may prove a portal “to regions of disinterested thought, where all personal anxieties are forgotten.” Mind and body do not “invariably fail together,” and “minds of great spiritual energy possess the wonderful faculty of indefinitely improving themselves whist the body steadily deteriorates.” The dying man of intellect may consider that “the mind of every intellectual human being is part and parcel of the great permanent mind of humanity; and even if its influence soon ceases to be traceable—if the spoken words are forgotten—if the written volume is not reprinted or even quoted, it has not worked in vain.”

    Turning from the physical to the moral basis of intellectual life, Hamerton admits the claim of some moralists, that “intellectual living” gratifies “the love of pleasure.” But so does the moral life. “The two most powerful mental stimulants—since they overcome the fear of death—are unquestionably religion and patriotism.” These enable men “to bear much, to perform much which would be beyond their natural force if it were not sustained” by such stimulants. And so it is with the intellectual life. Because its labors are so severe, its pleasures are glorious. Those labors that require patience, courage, and self-discipline, all with “only the most meager and precarious pecuniary reward.” This is why “the Creator of intellectual man” has made the labor itself “intensely attractive and interesting to the few who were fitted for it by their constitution.” “A divine drunkenness was given to them for their encouragement, surpassing the gift of the grape.”

    All work involves drudgery, which requires “moral courage” to face and to endure.  You can “be sure that there has been great moral strength in all who have come to intellectual greatness,” which of course is not to claim that all who have achieved intellectual greatness have been moral exemplars in every respect. “All great artists, without exception, have been distinguished for their firm faith in steady well-directed labor”; the fine arts are a ‘school of patience” and of humility,” a school Hamerton himself knew quite well. As for philosophy, Giordano Bruno’s “noble passion” for it enabled him “to endure labor and pain and exile.” The virtue at first most needed, “intellectual discipline,” finds its support in “the great pleasures of intellectual life,” “not its negation.” “The origin of discipline is the desire to do not merely our best with the degree of power and knowledge which at the time we do actually happen to possess, but with that which we might possess if we submitted to the necessary training.” The discipline itself consists in the establishment of “a strong central authority in the mind” to regulate the mind’s powers; in establishing that power, in curbing the unintellectual passions, a soul can achieve “the most essential virtue” of the intellectual life, its culminating virtue, disinterestedness. All other virtues have been practiced by men “opposed to intellectual liberty,” as “the habits of advocacy…debar them from all elevated speculation.” “Every partisan” falls into that. Thus, a doctor will “never trust” his own judgment when he feels “the approaches of disease” and even the finest lawyer isn’t allowed to be the judge in his own case. The disinterested man will “not look upon an opponent as an enemy to be repelled, but as a torch-bearer to be welcomed for any light that he may bring.” By emphasizing the importance of disinterestedness rather than wisdom, the possession of the “light” itself, Hamerton exercises the caution inculcated by the virtue of humility he has already praised. 

    Such disinterestedness may even inflect erotic longings of the less intellectual sort. “A most distinguished foreign writer, of the female sex”—he is almost surely thinking of Georges Sand—has “made a succession of domestic arrangements which, if generally imitated by others, would be subversive of any conceivable system of morality; and yet it is clear in this case that the temptation was chiefly, if not entirely, intellectual,” as “the successive companions of this remarkable woman were all of them men of exceptional intellectual power, and her motive for changing them was an unbridled intellectual curiosity,” along with the unbuttoned physical one. Hamerton soberly reiterates that such conduct, while understandable, would endanger “the well-being of a community,” destroying “the sense of security on which the idea of the family is founded.” One suspects so.

    As to education, Hamerton compares it to cooking: it’s not quantity but proportion that counts. With their taste for the well-measured, aristocrats are the ones who best understand that “there is a sort of intellectual chemistry which is quite as marvelous as material chemistry, and a thousand times more difficult to observe.” One must therefore avoid too much exposure to writers who write copiously but with little measure (it is of course possible to do both). He had in mind a friend who wrote with “ease and charm,” and likely would have gone on doing so, had he not “determined to study Locke’s philosophical compositions.” As a result, “my friend’s style suddenly lost its grace”; “having been in too close communication with a writer who was not a literary artist, his own art had deteriorated in consequence.” In fairness to Locke, it must be said that he was a master of the style that suited his intention of deliberate obscurity in some controversial matters; his gracelessness has a grace of its own. The point is nonetheless well taken.

    One should educate oneself rather like another Hamertonian acquaintance, an old-fashioned country gentleman who “accumulated his learning as quietly as a stout lady accumulates her fat, by the daily satisfaction of his appetite.” Since “no one can retain knowledge without using it,” and life is short even if art is long, whittle down that appetite. “If you have fifteen different pursuits, ten of them, at any given time, will be lying by neglected.” “It seems like a sort of polygamy to have different pursuits. It is natural to think of them as jealous wives tormenting some Mormon prophet.” Better to learn those things for which you have an “inward want” to know; intellectual eros provides a natural discipline. Don’t waste time on hills too steep for the strength of your legs; “in vain you urge me to go in quest of sciences for which I have no natural aptitude.”

    That is, listen first of all to yourself. “Whatever you study, someone will consider that particular study a foolish waste of time.” To such critics there is “one reply”: “We work for culture.” Not for fame or fortune. “More than all other men have authors reason to appreciate the indirect utilities of knowledge that is apparently irrelevant. Who can tell what knowledge will be of most use to them?” Indeed, “it seems to me, in looking back over the last thirty years, that the only time really wasted has been that spent in laborious obedience to some external authority.”

    Extraneous pursuits are unfortunately encouraged by the French custom of government prizes for some of them. One should never learn or work at something one doesn’t “really care for.” This in no way precludes “miscellaneous reading”—dipping into things not immediately useful. You never know when they might become so, and, let’s face it, “if the essence of dilettantism is to be contented with imperfect attainment, I fear that all educated people must be considered dilettantes.” The same goes for learning languages. No one really knows more than three modern languages, and it takes five years’ residence in a foreign country to attain mastery.” [1] Generally, “a good literary or artistic memory is not like a post-office that takes in everything, but like a well-edited periodical which prints nothing that does not harmonize with its intellectual life.” Scholarly writing, in contrast, requires you to take notes, too. “The rational art of memory is that used in natural science. We remember anatomy and botany because, although the facts they teach are infinitely numerous, they are arranged to the constructive order of nature.”

    Constructive order proves needful in the exercise of “time-thrift.” “Nothing is so favorable to sound culture as the definite fixing of limits” to time spent in study. One pursuit, “with several auxiliaries,” so long as they really are auxiliary, “is the true principle of arrangement.” “The most illusory of all the work that we propose to ourselves is reading,” an activity in which our eyes very much tend to be bigger than our stomachs. Do not underestimate the benefits of idleness. “A year of downright loitering” can be “a desirable element in a liberal education” because you will be observing people and things, not only reading books. “What the Philistines call”—he’s read his Matthew Arnold—wasted time “is often rich in the most various experience to the intelligent,” whose minds remain active even when their bodies are not. Your main enemy isn’t idleness but interruption, “the pottering details of business.” Attention isn’t an electric current, which can be turned on and off.

    Attention is a thing to be concentrated. “There is great danger in apparently unlimited opportunities, and a splendid compensation for those who are confined by circumstances to a narrow but fruitful field.” Montaigne, with his five shelves of books constantly in front of him, wrote better essays than we do. And in the ancient world, when books were rare, writers were surely no less perspicuous than today. Those were the books Montaigne had, and “to supply our need, within the narrow limits of the few and transient hours that we can call our own, is enough for the wise everywhere, as it was for Montaigne in his tower.”

    Money matters do matter, but wealth can be an impediment to the intellectual life, especially for the English, who so often feel compelled to manage it. Given the distracting social obligations they are expected to shoulder, the wealthy best assist culture as patrons. As for young men, they “get on better for not being too comfortably well off.” “All intellectual lives, however much they may differ in the variety of their purposes, have at least this purpose in common, that they are mainly devoted to self-education of one kind or another.” That being so, if you provide a young man “to earn more money than that which comes to him without especial care about it, you interrupt his schooling.” Kepler had “to waste his time over horoscopes in order to make money,” and the same might be said for those who pore over stock market quotes.

    “The art is to use money so that it shall be the protector and not the scatterer of our time, the body-guard of the sovereign Intellect and Will.” If you are poor, concentrate your attention on one subject, a few authors. Consider yourself fortunate not to need to “satisfy public opinion,” as prosperous businessmen have done, and must do. Never envy the rich. They are likely to be distracted by the many objects “that are presented to their attention.” “But when I open a noble volume, I say to myself, ‘Now the only Croesus I envy is he who is reading a better book than this.'”

    Public opinion is shaped by custom and tradition, by which Hamerton means, primarily, religion. He who essays the intellectual life had better recognize that “the penalties imposed by society for the infraction of very trifling details of custom are often, as it seems out of all proportion to the offense; but so are the penalties of nature,” as those who exercise and ‘eat healthy’ on occasion learn. Like nature, “Society will be obeyed: if you refuse obedience, you must take the consequences”; the consequence in a modern liberal society is exclusion. While “in the life of every intellectual man there comes a time when he questions custom at all points,” and while “without you, Western Europe would have been a second China,” your salutary questioning should not extend to customs regarding vice and hypocrisy. Nor should one make petty rebellion against harmless customs—against wearing a dark jacket at a formal dinner. “What is the use of wasting this beneficial power of rebellion on matters too trivial to be worth attention? Does it hurt your conscience to appear in a dress-coat?” If you will “let society arrange your dress for you (it will save you infinite trouble)” you can concentrate on resisting its attempts “to stifle the expression of your thought.”

    The authority of tradition has declined. Scientific discoveries and a sort of faith in ‘the future’ have largely replaced it. “There is a break between the existence of our forefathers and that of our posterity, and it is we who have the misfortune to be situated exactly where the break occurs.” The “modern mind” looks forward, not back at tradition. And that mind is ‘democratic,’ in Tocqueville’s sense. It takes its guidance from around itself, not from above itself; “in our day the real regulator of morality is not the church but public opinion.” And finally, the modern mind orients itself by the experimental “scientific spirit,” which Hamerton takes to have been “conducive to moral health generally”—a judgement the experiences of subsequent centuries would call into question. 

    Tradition includes religious beliefs. Religion is not philosophy, although there is an “intellectual morality,” and “philosophy is the religion of the intellectual” in that sense. More precisely, “the intellect gives morality, philosophy, precious things indeed, but not religion.” Athens is not Jerusalem. “The difficulty of the intellectual life is, that whilst it can never assume a position of hostility to religion”—he surely means ‘should’—which “it must always recognize as the greatest natural force for the amelioration of mankind, it is nevertheless compelled to enunciate truths which may happen to be in contradiction with dogmas received at this or that particular time.” To attempt to reconcile such truths with such dogmas endangers “intellectual integrity.” “The religious life is based upon authority, the intellectual life is based upon personal investigation,” which requires “intellectual fearlessness which accepts a proved fact without reference to its personal or its social consequences.” Hamerton does not pause to consider whether the modern faith in a future undergirded by experimental science placed at the service of the conquest of nature might deserve such fearless questioning, too. And he does not anticipate (in the 1870s it would have been difficult) the political consequences of that faith under some regimes in the next century, and beyond. When he observes that “the freedom of the intellectual life can never be secured except by treating as if they were doubtful several affirmations which large masses of mankind hold to be certainties as indisputable as the facts of science,” he has in mind the doctrines of Papal and of Scriptural infallibility. “The intellect does not recognize authority in any one,” since “our work is simply to ascertain truth by our own independent methods, alike without hostility to any persons claiming authority, and without any deference to them.”

    Custom, especially religious custom, includes marriage, a topic “of which men know less than they know of any other subject of universal interest.” “People are almost always wrong in their estimates of the marriages of others, and the best proof how little we know the real tastes and needs of those with whom we are most intimate, is our unfailing surprise at the marriages they make.” (As André Maurois would put it, much more elegantly, in literature, as in love, we are astonished by what others choose.) 

    A man walking the intellectual way of life has “only two courses.” He can marry an unintellectual, loving, and practical woman happy to run the household, tend to children, and “love him in a truthful spirit without jealousy of his occupations,” or marry a woman “willing to become his companion in the arduous paths of intellectual labor.” The practical sort of wife is better for the artist, the companionable sort better for writer. Above all, one must avoid some mixture of the two. A friend of Hamerton’s lamented, “She knew nothing when I married her. I tried to teach her something; it made her angry, and I gave it up.” “It is not by adding to our knowledge, but by understanding us, that women are our helpers,” Hamerton suggests; their “divine sympathy” assuages the “fearfully solitary” intellectual life.

    As for Hamerton himself (both writer and artist, and so in bit of a pickle), we know from their joint autobiography-biography that his wife, Eugénie Gindriez, annoyed him somewhat as a critic of his etchings (she was right) while proving an excellent intellectual companion, wife, and mother. “The intellectual ideal seems to be that of a conversation on all the subjects you must care about, which should never lose its interest.” That they had. Social customs themselves had served them well, in this instance, as the intellectual separation of the sexes had declined since the beginning of the century: “Happily we are coming back to the old rational notion of culture independent of the question of sex.” This is fortunate, since “women are by nature more subservient to custom than we are, more than we can easily conceive,” worrying more about what the neighbors will think and, worse, say. “A woman will either take your side against the customs of the little world around, or she will take the side of custom against you.” Women are simply more ‘social’ than men, with “natural sympathy with all the observances of custom” that you, sir, incline to neglect. “Unless you win her wholly to your side, she may undertake the enterprise of curing your eccentricities and adapting you to the ideal of her taste,” that is, to the tastes of those around her. As a result of this ineluctable tension, “conversation between the sexes will always be partially insincere,” as “consideration for the feelings of women gives an agreeable tone to society, but it is fatal to the severity of truth.” Still, “as culture” distinguished from custom “becomes more general women will hear truth more frequently,” he optimistically expects. But for now, “men disguise their thoughts for women as if to venture into the feminine world were a dangerous as traveling in Arabia.”

    The problem is even more acute when it comes to mothers. Hamerton writes to a “well educated” young man who found it difficult “to live agreeably with his mother, a person of somewhat authoritative disposition, but uneducated”—not unlike Hamerton’s beloved aunt, who had raised him and hoped that he would join the clergy. Your mother, Hamerton explains, expects deference from her son; deference comports ill with contradiction, which at best can be attempted with discretion; you, however, listen to her heartily asserted opinions, “irresistibly urged to set her right.” “Even before specialists your mother has an independence of opinion, and a degree of faith in her own conclusions, which would be admirable if they were founded upon right reason and a careful study of the subject.” She is, and will remain, “convinced that she knows more about disease than the physician, and more about legal business than an old attorney.” And as for theology, well, “in theology no parson can approach her; but here a woman may consider herself on her own ground, as theology is the specialty of women.” For her son to disagree, he must become didactic, that is, annoying, spoiling her temper without improving her mind. Why so? Because “she does not think simply, ‘Is that true of such a thing?’ but she thinks, ‘Does he love me or respect me?'” And there you have it. Roll with it.

    Beyond the family and the customs governing it, fundamentally religious customs and teachings, there are the social classes. In Hamerton’s Victorian England and Third-Republic France, social class mattered more than it does today (which is not to say that it no longer matters). “The love and pursuit of culture lead each of us out of his class” since “class-views of any kind, whether of the aristocracy, or of the middle class, or of the people, inevitably narrow the mind and hinder it from receiving pure truth.” Intellectual love and pursuit yield something like a Platonic ascent from the Cave. The “largest and best minds” may prudently “continue to conform” to the customs of whichever class in which they were raised, but they “always emancipate themselves from it intellectually, and arrive at a sort of neutral region, where the light is colorless, and clear, and equal, like plain daylight out of doors.” Forgetting ourselves, we “become absorbed in our pursuits for their own sakes,” as “the feeling of caste drops from us.” Viewing the most eminent English writers of his century, Hamerton judges Dickens and Burns too democratic (the poet went so far as to rhyme “asses” with “Parnassus”), Trollope and Tennyson too aristocratic, too disdainful of shopkeepers (“the intensity of the prejudices of caste prevents them from seeing any possibility of true gentlemanhood in a draper or a grocer”). And “the consciousness of our contempt embitters the feeling of men of other cates, and prevents them from accepting our guidance when it might be of the greatest practical utility to them.” [2]

    That is, aristocrats as customarily defined may be liberal or illiberal. The illiberal spirit “cares nothing for culture, nothing for excellence, nothing for the superiorities that make men truly great; all it cares for is to have reserved seats in the great assemblage of the world.” Hamerton prefers the Aristotelian definition, the gentleman as spoudaios, as the serious man, the man in full. “I maintain that it is right and wise in a nation to set before itself the highest attainable ideal of human life as the existence of the complete gentleman.” Amidst the ever-increasing democracy of his time, Hamerton censures enviousness, that characteristic passion of egalitarians. “Instead of rendering a service to itself,” democracy “does exactly the contrary when it cannot endure and will not tolerate the presence of high-spirited gentlemen in the state.” The “class-spirit” or prejudice “is odious in the narrow-minded, pompous, selfish, pitiless aristocrat who thinks that the sons of the people were made by Almighty God to be his lackeys and their daughters to be his mistresses; it is odious also, to the full as odious, in the narrow-minded, envious democrat who cannot bear to see any elegance of living, or grace of manner, or culture of mind above the range of his own capacity or his own purse.”

    On balance, Hamerton has stronger hopes for aristocratic liberality than for democratic magnanimity. “The personages most popular in democratic countries are often remarkably deficient in dignity, and liked the better for it.” While “democratic feeling raises the lower classes and increases their self-respect, which is indeed one of the greatest imaginable benefits to a nation, it has a tendency to fix one uniform type of behavior and of thought s the sole type in conformity with what is accepted for ‘common sense.'” This leveling spirit is democracy’s worst feature. “An aristocracy can be very narrow and intolerant, but it can only exclude from its own pale, whereas when a democracy is intolerant it excludes from all human intercourse,” “driv[ing] men of culture into solitude” in the manner of France’s “noxious swarm of Communards.” “Since the year 1870 we do not speculate about the democratic temper in its intensest expression: we have seen it at work, and we know it,” having seen that “every beautiful building, every precious manuscript and treasure, has to be protected” against burning and rioting levelers. “The ultra-democratic spirit is hostile to culture, from its hatred of all delicate and romantic sentiment, form its scorn of the tenderer and finer feelings of our nature, and especially from its brutish incapacity to comprehend the needs of the higher life.” While “the intellectual spirit studies the past critically, and does not accept history as a legend as accepted by the credulous, still the intellectual spirit has deep respect for all that is noble in the past, and would preserve the record of it forever.”

    For all that, “our best hopes for the liberal culture of the intellect are centered in the democratic idea” because aristocrats “think too much of persons and positions.” They lack the disinterestedness of the intellect. “From the intellectual point of view, it is a necessary virtue to forget your station to forget yourself entirely, and to think of the subject only, in a manner perfectly disinterested.” The “theoretic equality” of democracy lends itself to such disinterestedness, although it must be said, from the vantage point of a century-and-a-half of further experience of the egalitarian temper, that democrats do not hesitate to engage in character assassination any more than aristocrats do, when democrats go beyond rebellion and assume positions of rule.

    What about solitude, then? Intellectual friendships are often useful and temporary, contradicting “the boyish belief in the permanence of human relations,” of ‘friends forever.’ The young often form the best sort of these friendships with the older scholars and artists, incurring a debt they cannot repay, except indirectly, by befriending the next generation. It is living in “fashionable society” that damages intellectual pursuits in the young, “the mind of a fashionable person” being “a gilded mind,” one presenting the appearance of knowledge at the expense of the real thing. “Fashion is nothing more than the temporary custom of rich and idle people who make it their principal business to study the external elegance of life.” Fashionable people attend to change but the intellectual life seeks natural, the laws of which endure. The fashionable life “appears the perfect type of that preoccupation about appearance which blinds the genteel vulgar to the true nobility of life.” Hamerton cheerfully concedes, however, that this gilded or “external deference which Society yields to culture is practically of great service” to culture, providing an audience for paintings, books, and concerts even as it flits or dozes through them. “The sort of good effect is in the intellectual sphere what the good effect of a general religious profession in the moral sphere.” True, “fashionable religion differs from the religion of Peter and Paul as fashionable science differs from that of Humboldt an Arago,” but just as “the profession is useful to Society as some restraint, at least during one day out of seven,” so too fashionable culture not only funds writers and artists but occasionally thinks about what they are writing and painting. As for the intellectual himself, he has given up “the varying spectacle of wealth, and splendor, and pleasure” of the wealthy in exchange for “but one satisfaction,” the satisfaction of “coming into contact with some great reality,” and for being recognized for having done so “by other knowers and doers.” “You will live with the realities of knowledge as one who has quitted the painted scenery of the theater to listen by the eternal ocean or gaze at the granite hills.”

    As to the path of eschewing polite and impolite society altogether, “nothing can replace the conversation of living men and women; not even the richest literature can replace it.” Admittedly, “the general conversations of English society are dull; it is a national characteristic.” And the English have their reason for this, as they attempt to avoid the bitterness lively conversations may induce. All the more reason to seek “a single interested listener.” More, if such intellectual men withdraw from society, “the national intellect” deteriorates. “The low Philistinism of many a provincial town is due mainly to the shy reserve of the one or two superior men who fancy that they cannot amalgamate with the common intellect of the place.” That goes for intellectual women, too, whom Hamerton suggests might discreetly elevate conversations by introducing a change of the topic.

    “Woe unto him that is alone!” and “Woe unto him that is never alone and cannot be to be alone!” “Society is to the individual what travel and commerce are to a nation,” whereas “solitude represents the home life of the nation, during which it develops its especial originality and genius.” It is “only in solitude “that “we learn our inmost nature and its needs.”  “The perfect life is like that of a ship of war which has its own place in the fleet and can share in its strength and discipline, but can also go forth alone in the solitude of the infinite sea.” 

    Well-married Hamerton knew such a solitary man, his days “long and unbroken,” unostentatious, calm in his leisure. “He wore nothing but old clothes, read only a few old books, without the least regard to the opinions of the learned, and did not take in a newspaper.” He still cherished a few friendships but “felt imprisoned and impeded in his thinking” when he ventured into a town and its crowds. “He had a strong sense of the transitoriness of what is transitory, and a passionate preference for all that the human mind conceives to be relatively or absolutely permanent.” Greater minds than his benefited from such habits: Newton, Comte, Milton, Bunyan, all found themselves most productive when alone.

    Do not, then, “encourage in young people the love of noble culture in the hope that it may lead them more into what is called good society. High culture always isolates, always drives men out of their class and makes it more difficult for them to share naturally and easily the common class-life around them. They seek the few companions who can understand them, and when these are not to be had within any traversable distance, they sit and work alone.” If such a man thinks thoughts at odds with those held firmly by those around him, “then he must either disguise them, which is always highly distasteful to a man of honor, or else submit to be treated as an enemy to human welfare.” [3]

    Understand this: “However much pains you take to keep your culture well in the background, it always makes you rather an object of suspicion to people who have no culture.” What is the meaning of this man’s reserve? What is he thinking? Is it a threat to us decent folk? And “something of your higher philosophy will escape in an unguarded moment, and give offense because it will seem foolish or incomprehensible to your audience.” Even a mis-chosen word will raise doubts or give offense. “Unless you are gifted with a truly extraordinary power of conciliating goodwill,” you will find safety only “in a timely withdrawal.” Find “a society that is prepared to understand you,” since the solitude which is really injurious is the severance from all who are capable of understanding us.” That society, a society within the larger society, may itself need members’ discretion to guard it.

    During those prudently timed periods of withdrawal, strict “intellectual hygienics” must be maintained. Be patient with yourself; don’t publish your work too soon. Melancholy being a frequent accompaniment of intellectual labor, undertake hard study at intervals, doing non-intellectual things, too, thereby “brac[ing] the fighting power of the intellect.” The obscurity of intellectual labor can be “rather trying to the moral fiber,” so take the time to share suggestions of it with your neighbors—lending articles, talking about your travels, offering public lectures (what Hamerton calls “adult education”). In these “intellectual charities, let us accustom ourselves to feel satisfied with humble results and small successes.” You won’t ‘change the world,’ much, because the world doesn’t much want to be changed. Hamerton would have demurred, had he listened to young persons with the stated ambition to become ‘public intellectuals.’ 

    Do not fail to cultivate “the art of resting.” “Harness is good for an hour or two at a time, but the finest intellects have never lived in harness.” You are, after all, living an intellectual life. To a friend who never rested, Hamerton protested, “You are living a great deal too much like a star,” always shifting position in the sky, “and not enough like a human being.” Or too much like an army that’s always on campaign, suffering attrition because of that. “Rest is necessary to recruit your intellectual forces.”

    Hamerton and his readers had no ‘Internet’ to distract them, but they did have newspapers, which could be bad enough. “The greatest evil of newspapers, in their effect on the intellectual life, is the enormous importance which they are obliged to attach to mere novelty.” Truth isn’t necessarily, or even often, a matter of newness. Still, one should read newspapers; by “their rough commons sense” and “direct observation” of current events, they guard intellectuals from a sort of “mysticism,” including the scientistic mysticism of one such as Auguste Comte, who invented “a religion far surpassing in unreasonableness the least rational of the creeds of tradition,’ his ‘Religion of Humanity.’ [4] Also, one should read good contemporary authors, not only the ‘greats,’ past and present (if one or two of them exist, in your generation). 

    Speaking of rough common sense, if you wish to combine the intellectual life with a profession, which one should you choose? “The happiest life is that which constantly exercises and educates what is best in us.” How do the several professions contribute to that, and how do they interfere with it? Generally, “the great instruments of the world’s intellectual culture ought not be, in the ordinary sense, professions,” but some professions conduce more to such culture than others.

    “The life of a clergyman is favorable to culture in many ways,” but “not wholly.” Because a clergyman knows that his profession is the one which “most decidedly and mot constantly affects the judgment of persons and opinions,” the intellectual virtue of disinterestedness may go uncultivated. “Accept[ing] truth just as it may happen to present itself, without passionately desiring that one doctrine may turn out to be strong in evidence and another unsupported” often proves difficult. We find clergy “disposed to use their intellects for the triumph of principles that are decided upon beforehand,” with an eye to the good of the flock.

    The life of the lawyer, too, seldom aims at “the revelation of pure truth” but in winning the case for a client. And it is an unusually busy life, unconducive to the leisure necessary for sustained intellectual work. Still, “I think that lawyers are often superior to philosophers in their sense of what is relatively important in human affairs with reference to limited spaces of time, such as half a century. They especially know the enormous importance of custom, which the speculative mind very readily forget, and they have in the highest degree that peculiar sense which fits men for dealing with others in the affairs of ordinary life.” This also puts them ahead of clergymen, artists, and men of science. Plato, after all, wrote the Laws, an exercise in political philosophy.

    Hamerton judges medicine to be the profession best suited to the intellectual life. Science, the laws of nature: these provide “a solid basis in the ascertainable,” hence good preparation for philosophy. Maimonides and Locke would likely concur. The fine arts are also favorable to that life, as one can listen and think while you paint, which is itself a thoughtful activity. A military life? No: too busy. 

    What about writing as a profession? Any professional turns (or attempts to turn) knowledge and talent into “pecuniary profit.” But “the best work is not done as a regular part of professional duty.” With writing, particularly, “it does not pay to do your best“—at least, if your best is any good. Indeed, “one of the greatest privileges which an author can aspire to is to be allowed to write little, and that is a privilege which the professional writer does not enjoy.” Oddly, the one profession Hamerton does not discuss is the profession of teaching, in university or elsewhere. Teachers are not permitted many things, but not-writing isn’t one of them, except at the beginning of a university career, where academic tenure often depends upon publication. 

    As to the non-intellectual professions, the most noteworthy new one, for Hamerton, is that of the industrialist. “The chief of industry and the man of letters stand today in the same relation to each other and to mankind as the baron and bishop of the Middle Ages.” Both types of man are “held to be somewhat intrusive by the representatives of a former order of things, and there is or was until very lately, a certain disposition to deny what we consider our natural rights.” No problem: “We know that our powers are not to be resisted, and we have the inward assurance that the forces of nature are with us.” However, each of these ‘new men’ tends to look down on the other. The intellectual man often dismisses the industrialist as a Philistine. Yet where does the wealth of nations, the wherewithal of modern life that pays for books, paintings, statues, universities, symphony orchestras, buildings, and scientific experiments come from? Doesn’t the cotton manufacturer reduce the cost of the paper the writer writes on?

    As for the industrialists’ contempt for the intellectual class, “we are not always quite so impractical as you think we are,” as the leisure to make discoveries, which commercial people seldom do, for want of time, makes your coveted technological advances possible.  From the industrialist, the intellectual man can simply pray, “Grant us…the liberty not to make much money, and this being granted, try to look upon our intellectual superiority as a simple natural fact, just as we look upon your pecuniary superiority.” Do not charge me with impertinence in praying so impiously, for “in saying in this plain way that we are intellectually superior to you and your class, I am guilty of no more pride and vanity than you when you affirm or display your wealth.” A lot of work went into my acculturation, “just as you have great factories and estates which are the reward of your life’s patient and intelligent endeavor.” More, “not only are the natural philosophers, the writers of contemporary and past history, the discoverers in science, necessary in the strict sense to the life of such a community as the modern English community, but even the poets, the novelists, the artists are necessary to the perfection of its life.”

    And finally, the man walking the intellectual way of life should recognize that “every locality is like a dyer’s vat.” You will absorb the color of what you soak in. “All sights and sounds have their influence on our temper and on our thoughts, and our inmost being is not the same in one place as in another.” True, it’s possible to abstract oneself from unfavorable surroundings, temporarily; Archimedes could think while his city was under siege. But only temporarily. Goethe prospered from the tranquility of Weimar, well away from the hurry of Berlin. And so, “for literary men there is nothing so valuable as a window with a cheerful and beautiful prospect.”

    Hamerton had lived in both the Scottish Highlands and, as he wrote this book, in Rome. The Highlands offer nature at its most beautiful, but it is nature without many people. He prefers Rome. “She bears on her walls and edifices the record of sixty generations. Temple, and arch, and pyramid, all these bear witness still, and so do her ancient bulwarks, and many a stately tower. High above all, the cathedral tower is drawn dark in the morning mist, and often in the clear summer evenings it comes brightly in slanting sunshine against the step woods behind. Then the old city arrays herself in the warmest and mellowest tones, and glows as the shadows fall. She reigns over the whole width of her valley in the folds of the far blue hills. Even so ought our life be surrounded by the loveliness of nature—surrounded but not subdued.” Rome stands for the beauty of civil and religious life within nature, in balance with it. Rightly so considered, the city is the true home of intellect.

    Now better known, the French Catholic writer A. G. Sertillanges also has a book titled The Intellectual Life. [5]. Praiseworthy though it is, it focuses readers’ attention on the way one ought to prepare oneself to ‘intellect’ things—organizing one’s materials, equipping one’s writing desk. It is a decidedly ‘French’ book, at once a specimen of Cartesian abstraction from most physical things and attentive to general principles. Hamerton gives those inclined to abstraction and attention to general principles a much more ‘English’ splash of cold water—concrete, specific, ‘down to earth.’ The sort of things an ‘intellectual’ type really needs.

     

    Notes

    1. Hamerton is fully a ‘modern’ man, no lover of the ‘ancients’ or commender of learning their languages. He endorses the Baconian view that we are the true ancients, having more experience than they who lived closer to the birth of the world. He compliments the principal of a French college for endorsing his government’s removal of the requirement to learn Greek from the public schools, judging it a waste of time because the students seldom learn it well enough actually to read Geek. But more, “the modern mind prefers to occupy itself with its own anxieties and its own speculations.” 
    2. A century later, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher would be deprecated as the daughter of a greengrocer—oddly, most often by socialists. In the letter here quoted, addressed “to a young English nobleman,” Hamerton contrasts “the bewilderment of multiplicity” experienced by an aristocrat, for whom the whole world seems spread out before him, with the perspective of an equally intelligent young man of the working class, thereby ‘introducing’ the aristocrat to a person to whom he would never be introduced formally. Like Tocqueville, Hamerton works for inter-class understanding rather than class conflict.
    3. See Arthur Melzer: The Lost Art of Esoteric Writing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014.
    4. See Daniel J. Mahoney: The Idol of Our Age: How the Religion of Humanity Subverts Christianity. New York: Encounter Books, 2019.
    5. A. G. Sertillanges: The Intellectual Life: Its Spirit, conditions, Methods.  Mary Ryan translation. Washington: Catholic University of American Press, 1987.

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Perpetual Peace

    April 20, 2023 by Will Morrisey

    Immanuel Kant: Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch. In H. M. Reis, editor: Kant: The Political Writings. H. B. Nisbet translation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

     

    While cheerfully admitting that the only really perpetual peace is the peace of the grave, Kant nevertheless soldiers on, proposing an institutional structure for achieving perpetual peace among states. To what degree, if any, does his proposal require the doctrine of natural-evolutionary progress enunciated in his writings on history to make it plausible?

    Kant propounds six “preliminary articles” to any such international agreement. First, “no conclusion of peace shall be considered valid as such if it was made with a secret reservation of the material for a future war.” Peace is not a mere truce. A genuine peace treaty “nullifies all existing reasons for a future war,” doing so with no “mental reservation.” This distinction may be seen in Islamic thought, which distinguishes the dar-es-Islam, the realm of peace, not only from the dar-es-harb, the realm of war, but from the dar-es-sulh, the realm of truce. “If, in accordance with ‘enlightened’ notions of political expediency”—prominently advocated by Machiavelli and his followers—we “believe that the true glory of a state consists of the constant increase of its power by any means whatsoever, the above judgment will certainly appear academic and pedantic.” Be that as it may, it is indispensable to the perpetuation of peace.

    Second, “no independently existing state, whether it be large or small, may be acquired by another state by inheritance, exchange, purchase or gift.” This was common practice in Europe, where monarchs and aristocrats acquired or shed territories without the consent of those they ruled. Kant demurs. A state is “not a possession,” a patrimony, but “a society of men, which no one other than itself can command or dispose of.” In other words, it is not a commodity but “a moral personality,” established by an “original contract” among its members; without that contract, “the rights of a people are unthinkable,” in real-world practice if not in theory. The same goes for the use of mercenaries, “troops of one state” hired by another “to fight an enemy who is not common to both.” Such mercenaries are being “used and misused as objects to be manipulated at will,” not as persons. Machiavelli deprecated the use of mercenaries as injurious to civic virtù. Kant deprecates their use for the injury it does to virtue, to life conducted in accordance with the categorical imperative.

    Third, “standing armies (miles perpetuus) will gradually abolished altogether.” The existence of standing armies “spur on the states to outdo one another in arming unlimited numbers of soldiers. “Such armies must be paid; although they are not mercenaries hired by a foreign state, they are mercenaries hired by their own state to be used as “mere machines and instruments in the hands of someone else (the state),” in obvious violation of Kant’s ‘categorical imperative’ always to treat men as ends, not as means. Kant does not deny the need for militias, whereby “citizens undertake voluntary military training from time to time in order to secure themselves and their fatherland against attacks from outsiders.” But mercenaries fight for money, and money changes everything, since “the power of money” is “probably the most reliable instrument of war.” 

    Regarding money, “no national debt shall be contracted in connection with the eternal affairs of the state.” Not only is debt itself bad for debtor and creditor alike, but “a credit system, if used by the powers as an instrument of aggression against one another, shows the power of money in its most dangerous form,” making it easy to wage war. “Coupled with the warlike inclination of those in power (which seems to be an integral feature of human nature),” war debt presents “a great obstacle in the way of perpetual peace.” Indeed, “other states are thus justified in allying themselves against such a state and its pretensions.” Writing in 1795, Kant has Great Britain specifically in mind. With its well-organized banking system, its centerpiece being financial credit, Great Britain poses a threat to the peace of continental Europe.

    Fifth, “no state shall forcibly interfere in the constitution and government of another state,” “for what could justify such interference?” “A bad example is no injury.” This article integrates the principle of the Peace of Westphalia, by then a century and a half old, into Kant’s proposal. He stipulates an exception to this principle: an alliance with one faction in a foreign state after a civil war that has resulted in the dissolution of that state into two or more sovereign states. Such an alliance during the civil war itself is forbidden, however. This article follows from the principle that states should be independent, ‘autonomous’—giving laws to themselves and to themselves only. This again comports with Kant’s categorical imperative, amounting to a political application of that moral law.

    Finally, “no state at war with another shall permit such acts of hostility as would make mutual confidence impossible during a future time of peace.” Examples include assassination, breach of agreements, and “the instigation of treason within the enemy state.” War is war, but without some modicum of trust between the warring parties their war will become “a war of extermination.” Such a war would indeed result in the peace of the grave, a “perpetual peace only on the vast graveyard of the human race.” As a ” regrettable expedient for asserting one’s rights within a state of nature, where no court of justice is available to judge with legal authority” the merits of the grievances on either side, a declaration of war cannot be a matter of punishment, since “no relationship of superior to inferior,” of judge to accused, pertains among them. Acts of hostility that might well be “carried over into peacetime” contradict peace itself, make any treaty into a truce.

    Kant distinguishes the preliminary articles that must be followed immediately from those that can be acknowledged as eventual. The article prohibiting interference in a foreign regime and the two articles that maintain the distinction between peace and truce must be observed strictly and immediately. The article denying the right to exchange territories ‘above the heads’ of the people can be fulfilled more gradually, as can the prohibition of standing armies and war debts. Although these “are not exceptions to the rule of justice,” they do “allow some subjective latitude according to the circumstances in which they are applied.” Categorical imperative or not, Kant does admit the need for prudence in politics.

    Kant concurs with Hobbes’s claim that “a state of peace of men living together is not the same as the state of nature, which is rather a state of war.” As with men in the state of nature coming together to form a social contract with one another, which eliminates the state of war insofar as they conform to that contract in the future, so with states in the state of nature that now exists among them. A “state of peace must be formally instituted” amongst them, too. In both cases, “a mere state of nature robs me of any such security” that I seek for my person or property, “injur[ing] me by virtue of this very state in which [another person] coexists with me.” This being so, “I can require him either to enter into a common lawful state with me or to move away from my vicinity” as a moral duty respecting my natural rights. Legal constitutions come in three types: civil constitutions, “based on the civil right of individuals within a nation”; international constitutions, “based on the international right of states in their relationships with one another”—the ius gentium of writers on the law of nations; and “a constitution based on cosmopolitan right, in so far as individuals and states, coexisting in an external relationship of mutual influences, may be regarded as citizens of a universal state of mankind.” This latter constitution, which Kant calls the ius cosmopoliticum, would entail a ‘global’ system of institutions and laws—that is, a real system, not simply the agglomeration of international treaties and practices which compose the ius gentium.  The cosmopolitan constitution would more nearly resemble the social-contract regimes established in civil societies. 

    Such a constitution will require three “definitive” (as distinguished from “preliminary”) articles. The first stipulates that “the civil constitution of every State shall be republican, guaranteeing freedom for all members as men, that is, as human beings, dependence of every member upon one set of laws, as subjects, and legal equality for all, as citizens. “Rightful” or “external” freedom “cannot, as is usually thought, be defined as a warrant to do whatever one wishes unless it means doing injustice to others,” a definition Kant considers tautological—perhaps more precisely, the definition leaves justice and injustice undefined. Rightful freedom rightly understood is “a warrant to obey no external laws except those to which I have been able to give my own consent.” Similarly, rightful legal equality means that “no one can put anyone else under a legal obligation without submitting simultaneously to a law which requires that he can himself be put under the same kind of obligation by the other persons.” Both of these are “innate and inalienable rights, the necessary property of mankind.” As such, they exist regardless of what may be said about divine laws. “I am not under any obligation even to divine laws (which I can recognize by reason alone), except in so far as I have been able to give my own consent to them; for I can form a conception of the divine will only in terms of the law of freedom of my own reason.” That law can only be, for Kant, his categorical imperative. This stricture does not apply to the principle of equality, however since the relationship of man to God is radically unequal: “God is the only being for whom the concept of duty ceases to be valid,” having no superior to which He needs to report. Politically, the republican regime follows from these principles of right. Kant regards republicanism as the only constitution which can flow from an original social contract, the only one that “springs from the pure concept of right.”

    Here as everywhere in his writings, Kant redefines natural right, which in the modern philosophers included equality as much as freedom, strictly in terms of reason, which (he claims) issues in the categorical imperative. The problem is that the categorical imperative itself is self-contradictory, not rational, as Hegel was soon to demonstrate. The categorical imperative claims that no moral choice can be valid unless the principle or maxim animating it can be universalizable. ‘Thou shalt not steal,’ for example, is a universalizable maxim. Unfortunately, ‘Thou shalt steal’ is also a universalizable maxim—one instantiated, for example, by cadets at West Point who act under an imperative to steal one another’s caps. Two contradictory maxims are equally universalizable, unless one smuggles in a prior right to property. The same goes for ‘Thou shalt not kill’ and all similar moral laws; their universalizability depends upon the divine law or right, the natural law or right, or a historical law or right—the latter being Hegel’s choice and the choice of ‘historicists’ generally. The categorical imperative is an unstable halfway house between natural and historical right. Perhaps for rhetorical purposes, Kant often maintains the term, ‘natural rights,’ even as he has altered its meaning. 

    Kant argues that republican regimes are likely to be peaceful because few among the sovereign people will call down upon themselves the miseries of war. He knows that ancient democracies were decidedly warlike, but republicanism isn’t democracy. Although republics are democratic with respect to sovereignty, with the many or all ruling, not the one or the few, republics separate executive from legislative power. In despotisms, the executive and legislative powers combine, “reflect[ing] the will of the people only in so far as the ruler treats the will of the people as his own private will.” In democracies, the people are the despots because they both vote for the laws and policies of the state and then carry them out. But “one and the same person cannot at the same time be both the legislator and the executor of his own will.” Therefore, “if the mode of government is to accord with the concept of right, it must be based on the representative system,” without which “despotism and violence will result, no matter what kind of constitution is in force.” That is why the ancient democracies “inevitably ended in despotism.”

    In this, Kant departs from Montesquieu, the philosopher who originated the claim that republics do not make war upon each other, although they may very well make war against other regimes, which are often inclined to attack them. Montesquieu made this argument concerning not republics simply but commercial republics, which add the incentive to avoid disruptions in trade to the popular aversion to risking one’s own life. This is in keeping with Kant’s preference for pure motives in morals and consequently in politics. While recognizing that impure motives usually prevail, he will not admit them in principle. Montesquieu, less firmly opposed to a sort of tamed Machiavellianism, does not go so far. [1]

    Kant’s second definitive article states that “the right of nations shall be based on the federation of free States.” Given the dangerous state of nature in which all sovereign states now live in relation to one another, a condition of “standing offense to one another by the very fact that they are neighbors,” “each nation, for the sake of its own security, can and ought to demand of the others that they should enter along with it into a constitution, similar to the civil one, within which the rights of each could be secured,” a “federation of peoples.” Kant hastens to write that this “would not be the same thing as an international state.” An international state contradicts the right of nations because “every state involves a relationship between a superior (the legislator) and an inferior (the people obeying the laws), whereas a number of nations forming one state would constitute a single nation.” 

    Today, Kant declares, the European states are worse than the barbarians of America who practice cannibalism. Modern European states use the peoples they defeat in war, violating the categorical imperative to treat all human beings as ends, not means, and “thereby augmenting their stock of instruments for conducting even more extensive wars” instead of merely eating their victims. This notwithstanding, European states do give verbal homage to international right, indicating that such right does exist, even if “dormant.” Natural right cannot extend the right of civil peace from individuals to states because states already have “a lawful internal constitution” whereas no such constitution prevails among states, which are not natural entities, in their external relations. Reason, however, “as the highest legislative moral,” as distinguished from natural, “power, absolutely condemns war as a test of rights and sets up peace as an immediate duty.” The federation Kant envisions “would seek to end all wars for good.”

    It can do so because it aims not to acquire statelike power, instead aiming “to preserve the freedom of each state in itself, along with that of the other confederated states.” This is the Peace of Westphalia plus a republican regime within each federation member. A worldwide federation of republican states “is practicable and has objective reality” because “if by good fortune one powerful and enlightened nation can form a republic (which is by its nature inclined to seek perpetual peace), this will provide a focal point for federal association among other states.” This “free federation” of states would thus serve as a “substitute for the union of civil society.” In 1795, the United States was lacked the power needed to function this way, but a century later, Woodrow Wilson would be attending. [2]

    Kant again rejects the notion of world government as utopian, at least now. He has no objection to one in principle. Indeed, “the only rational way in which states coexisting with other states can emerge from the lawless condition of pure warfare” is to act like “individual men” in the state of nature, “renounce their savage and lawless freedom, adapt themselves to public coercive laws, and thus form an international state which would necessarily continue to grow until it embraced all the peoples of the earth.” But “this is not the will of the nations, according to their present conception of international right,” and so the worldwide federation will remain the only practicable solution to the problem of war.

    Turning to the third and final definitive principle based upon “cosmopolitan” right,” this right “shall be limited to conditions of universal hospitality,” that is, the right of a foreigner “not to be treated with hostility when he arrives on someone else’s territory.” “No one originally has any greater right than anyone else to occupy any particular portion of the earth,” a condition of equality that changes only with the institution of civil society. European states now claim the right to invade one another while denying the right of foreign citizens merely to visit; they further claim the right to imperial conquest of “America, the negro countries, the Spice Islands, the Cape,” places “looked upon at the time of their discovery as ownerless territories “because Europeans “counted as nothing” their “native inhabitants.” “This led to oppression of the natives, incitement of the various Indian states to widespread wars, famine, insurrection, treachery and the whole litany of evils which can afflict the human race, “the work pf powers who make endless ado about their piety.”

    Kant foresees a better condition. The very acts of violence seen in imperial conquest shows that “the peoples of the earth” have “entered in varying degrees into a universal community, and it has developed to the point where a violation of rights in one part of the world is felt everywhere.” Thus the idea of cosmopolitan right proves “a necessary complement to the unwritten and international right, transforming it into a universal right of humanity.” If so, this would confirm Kant’s claim that nature in its evolution brings human beings to morality without their intending any such thing. ‘Historicized’ nature replaces divine providence.

    Thus “perpetual peace is guaranteed by no less an authority than the great artist Nature herself,” its “mechanical process” exhibiting “the purposive plan of producing concord among men, even against their will and indeed by their very discord.” Call it fate, call it providence, this plan, “far-fetched in theory,” nonetheless “possess[es] dogmatic validity and has a very real foundation in practice”—perhaps the Enlightenment equivalent of Socrates’ ‘noble lie,’ but with a sounder foundation in fact. Better to call it nature, out of “modesty.”

    Nature has proceeded toward peace by a series of steps: humans are able to live in many regions of the earth; nature drove them into those regions by means of war; nature then compelled them to “enter into more or less legal relationships” to secure property (agriculture being more civilized than hunting); with property secure, trading became possible, establishing peaceful relations, often, between the nations. Thus Kant brings in Montesquieu’s commercial relations, not so much in civil societies as in international politics. More, the war that drives nations apart, initially, teaches them to love honor; risking one’s life transcends “selfish motives,” at least insofar as these are material. Since “wars are often started merely to display this quality…war itself is invested with an inherent dignity.” 

    War “help[s] to promote” man’s “moral purpose” in his political, international, and cosmopolitan rights. Politically, war forces nations to organize themselves internally, so that they can become battle-ready. The “universal and rational human will,” “admirable in itself but so impotent in practice,” thereby begins to instantiate itself. This is where Kant delivers his famous remark, “As hard as it may sound, the problem of setting up a state may be solved even by a nation of devils (so long as they possess understanding).” The institutional aspects of republican regimes can be designed by discovering “how the mechanism of nature can be applied to men in such a manner that the antagonism of their hostile attitudes will make them compel one another to submit to coercive laws, thereby producing a condition of peace within which the laws can be enforced.” 

    Internationally, Kant continues to prefer a federation of republics to the other candidate for perpetual peace, a universal monarchy which amalgamates the nations “under a single power.” Universal monarchy—he may be thinking of the pretensions of the Holy Roman Empire—overbears consent and laws freely consented to, “as the government increases its range, and a soulless despotism, after crushing the seeds of goodness, will, finally lapse into anarchy.” “Nature wills it otherwise,” having separated the nations into linguistic and religious groups initially hostile to one another. “But as culture grows and men gradually move towards greater agreement over their principles, they lead to mutual understanding and peace,” a peace guaranteed precisely by “an equilibrium of forces and a most vigorous rivalry” among the nations.

    Cosmopolitan right, finally, sees nature unite with commerce. Commerce “cannot exist side by side with war,” which the bankers upon which commerce depends will seek to prevent it. Although this might lead to the notion of a cabal of international bankers, so familiar to this day, Kant has another thing in mind. There will be a “secret article of a perpetual peace”: “The maxims of the philosophers on the conditions under which public peace is possible shall be consulted by states which are armed for war.” Kant concedes that “it is not to be expected that kings will philosophize or that philosophers will become kings,” as per the well-known suggestion of Plato’s Socrates. “Nor is it to be desired, however, since the possession of power inevitably corrupts the free judgment of reason.” “Kings or sovereign peoples (i. e. those governing themselves by egalitarian laws) should not, however, force the class of philosophers to disappear or to remain silent, but should allow them to speak publicly,” so that “light may be thrown on their affairs.” Enlightenment, indeed: Kant differs in this respect from Socrates, who does not so much suppose that politics will corrupt philosophers as take up too much of their time. For Kant, morality consists essentially of rules, rules based upon the master-rule, the categorical imperative. For Socrates, the ‘transcendental’ realm of the Ideas causes philosophers to become disoriented, not corrupted, when they return to ‘the Cave’ of political life. The remedy for this disorientation is not withdrawal from politics because the Ideas are not rules. They are guides, at best to be approximated by the prudential judgment of citizens. A political philosopher does not ‘enlighten’ his fellow citizens so much as he engages them in dialogue, with due caution and a certain irony. In his role as prophetic lawgiver, Kant’s philosophers are “by nature incapable of forming seditious factions or clubs,” and “cannot incur suspicion of disseminating propaganda.” To which one can only reply, ‘Ahem,’ a term not to be confused with ‘Amen.’ Perhaps Kant himself is indulging in a bit of Socratic irony?

    To his credit, Kant addresses the need for prudential reasoning in his Appendices, “On the Disagreement Between Morals and Politics in Relation to Perpetual Peace” and “On the Agreement Between Politics and Morality According to the Transcendental Concept of Public Right.” Be wise as serpents, the political man says, to which the moralist adds, be as harmless as doves. Jesus evidently sees no necessary contradiction between these (as Kant would put it) maxims, likely because He regards prudence to be as much a virtue as harmlessness. Kant, too, wants to reconcile them, on somewhat different grounds. Since prudential reasoning “is not sufficiently enlightened to discover the whole series of predetermining causes which would allow it to predict accurately the happy or unhappy consequence of human activities as dictated by the mechanism of nature,” at best it can “tell us what our duty is.” That is, it can lay down the law of conduct for ourselves. To this, “the man of practice” will oppose a theoretical judgment, that “human nature” ensures that “man will never want to do what is necessary in order to attain the goal of eternal peace.” Kant has already supplied his answer, that a sound constitution, backed by force, can rule a race of devils whom the state can overpower. Civil laws give the rule of force “a veneer of morality but in a salutary way, by making it “much easier for the moral capacities of men to develop into an immediate respect for the right” once each person “believes of himself that he would by all means maintain the sanctity of the concept of right and obey it faithfully, if only he could be certain that all the others would do likewise.” A rightly ordered government, a republic, “guarantees this for him,” taking “a great step towards morality,” that is, towards “a state in where the concept of duty is recognized for its own sake, irrespective of any possible gain in return.”

    Despite all this, there can be such a person as a “moral politician,” as distinguished from a “political moralist”—one who “fashions his morality to suit his own advantage as a statesman.” The moral politician “make[s] it a principle that, if any faults which could not have been prevented are discovered in the political constitution or in the relation between states, it is a duty, especially for heads of state, to see to it that they are corrected as soon as possible,” that “political institutions are made to conform to natural right, which stands before us as a model in the idea of practical reason”—rule-based, however, as Kant has insisted. Having seen the results of the French Revolution, Kant distances himself from any suggestion that morality entitles us “to destroy any of the existing bonds of political or cosmopolitan union before a better constitution has been prepared to take their place.” He is rather concerned with the ‘Machiavellian’ politicians “who do not know man and his potentialities,” a convenient ignorance that enables them to worship “the god of success,” to deflect blame for failure on others, and to pursue the policy of divide and rule. “Such theories are particularly damaging, because they may themselves produce the very evil they predict” by “put[ting man into the same class as other living machines,” denying human freedom.

    Kant in no way abandons the categorical imperative, demanding that “act[ing] in such a way that you can wish your maxim to become a universal law,” regardless of “what the end in view may be” remains an “absolute necessity.” Following his own model of the philosophic enlightener, Kant offers a revised Biblical maxim: “Seek ye first the kingdom of pure practical reason,” not the Kingdom of God, “and its righteousness, and your object (the blessing of perpetual peace) will be added unto you.” While he’s at it, he proposes a novel translation of the maxim, fiat iusticia, pereat mundus” as “let justice reign, even if all the rogues in the world must perish.” There’s a hint of Jacobinism in our Immanuel, after all. It is possible that he believes that the world will not perish if justice is done because the world cannot perish; as we’ve seen, he claims that nature is ‘providential,’ if by accident. He wisely adds that “the true courage of virtue…does not consist, in the present case, in resolutely standing up to the evils and sacrifices which must be encountered, as in facing the evil principle within ourselves and overcoming its wiles.” The self-righteousness of a Robespierre really is best avoided. In the end, he denies that peoples have the right to revolution, the right to overthrow “a so-called tyrant.” That is because irresistible supreme power is necessary in order to be a true head of state and any sudden collapse of state power would lead (France-like) to anarchy followed by worse tyranny, Jacobin guillotines followed by Napoleon.

    With regard to international right, Kant supposes that if one member refused his obligations, others would desert him, thus defeating his own purpose. It suffices to remark that Hitler and others have disproved this claim to the extent that they can overbear the other federation members. Nor may weaker states strike pre-emptively and remain faithful to the categorical imperative; “if a state were to let it be known that it affirmed this maxim” of pre-emption, “it would merely bring about more surely and more quickly the very evil it feared,” given a greater power’s capacity to play divide-and-conquer against weaker rivals. That is, the maxim of pre-emption is neither universalizable nor practicable. However, it has proved practicable under certain circumstances, notably the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.

    More generally, while it is not true that “all maxims which can be made public are therefore also just,” since a great power could announce an evil intention without worry of serious reprisal, it is true that “all maxims which require publicity if they are not to fail in their purpose can be reconciled both with right and with politics.” Such maxims require consent, conformity “to the universal aim of the public,” happiness; further, because only within [public right] is it possible to unite the ends of everyone.” The second consideration assures that the maxim conforms to the categorical imperative.

    At the end of his book, Kant acknowledges that for perpetual peace not to be “just an empty idea” there will need to be “an infinite process of gradual approximation” to it. That is, the ‘historicized’ nature he propounds must take its course.

     

    Note

    1. See Harvey C. Mansfield: Taming the Prince. New York: The Free Press, 1989.
    2. See William Galston: Kant and the Problem of History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975, pp. 26-27.

    Filed Under: Philosophers

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