Will Morrisey Reviews

Book reviews and articles on political philosophy and literature.

  • Home
  • Reviews
    • American Politics
    • Bible Notes
    • Manners & Morals
    • Nations
    • Philosophers
    • Remembrances
  • Contents
  • About
  • Books

Recent Posts

  • Meditating on the Declaration
  • Political Parties: A Neo-Marxist Account
  • The Economic and Social Thought of the American Progressives
  • A Critique of Progressivism from the ‘Progressive Era’
  • The Northwest Ordinance and the Empire of Liberty

Recent Comments

    Archives

    • July 2026
    • June 2026
    • May 2026
    • April 2026
    • March 2026
    • February 2026
    • January 2026
    • December 2025
    • November 2025
    • October 2025
    • September 2025
    • August 2025
    • July 2025
    • June 2025
    • May 2025
    • April 2025
    • March 2025
    • February 2025
    • January 2025
    • December 2024
    • November 2024
    • October 2024
    • September 2024
    • August 2024
    • July 2024
    • June 2024
    • May 2024
    • April 2024
    • March 2024
    • February 2024
    • January 2024
    • December 2023
    • November 2023
    • October 2023
    • September 2023
    • August 2023
    • July 2023
    • June 2023
    • May 2023
    • April 2023
    • March 2023
    • February 2023
    • January 2023
    • December 2022
    • November 2022
    • October 2022
    • September 2022
    • August 2022
    • July 2022
    • June 2022
    • May 2022
    • April 2022
    • March 2022
    • February 2022
    • January 2022
    • December 2021
    • November 2021
    • October 2021
    • September 2021
    • August 2021
    • July 2021
    • June 2021
    • May 2021
    • April 2021
    • March 2021
    • February 2021
    • January 2021
    • December 2020
    • November 2020
    • October 2020
    • September 2020
    • August 2020
    • July 2020
    • June 2020
    • May 2020
    • April 2020
    • March 2020
    • February 2020
    • January 2020
    • December 2019
    • November 2019
    • October 2019
    • September 2019
    • August 2019
    • July 2019
    • June 2019
    • May 2019
    • April 2019
    • March 2019
    • February 2019
    • January 2019
    • December 2018
    • November 2018
    • October 2018
    • September 2018
    • August 2018
    • July 2018
    • June 2018
    • May 2018
    • April 2018
    • March 2018
    • February 2018
    • January 2018
    • December 2017
    • November 2017
    • September 2017
    • August 2017
    • July 2017
    • June 2017
    • May 2017
    • April 2017
    • March 2017
    • February 2017
    • January 2017
    • December 2016
    • November 2016
    • September 2016
    • August 2016
    • July 2016
    • June 2016
    • April 2016
    • March 2016
    • February 2016
    • January 2016

    Categories

    • American Politics
    • Bible Notes
    • Manners & Morals
    • Nations
    • Philosophers
    • Remembrances
    • Uncategorized

    Meta

    • Log in
    • Entries feed
    • Comments feed
    • WordPress.org

    Powered by Genesis

    Montaigne’s Project

    February 19, 2025 by Will Morrisey

    Pierre Manent: Montaigne: Life Without Law. Paul Seaton translation. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2020 [2014]. 

     

    By design congenial and elusive, Montaigne invites everyone into his book, whether as characters or as readers. The resulting confusion begs for clarification; the French political philosopher Pierre Manent carefully traces the principal twists and turns of Montaigne’s argument. [1]

    After his introduction, Manent divides his book into four parts, nine chapters, thirty-three sections. Thirty-three is no insignificant number in Christian thought; its significance for Montaigne’s Essais will become evident in Manent’s exegesis. Part One is titled, “The War of Human Beings”; Part Two, “The Powers of the Word”; Part Three, “The Mysteries of Custom”; Part Four, “Life Without Law.” Thomas Hobbes would later claim that life without law must be war, but Montaigne demurs in advance, moving from death-dealing war to peaceful, life-preserving liberty through his claims about verbal power and the complexities of customs. 

    Manent begins where he is, in Europe, currently in the grips of a “malaise,” namely, “lost confidence in our own powers.” This loss of confidence has arisen because although now “in a profound peace, in complete liberty, in a prosperity that is still enviable,” Europeans don’t know what to do with themselves. Having relieved man’s precarious state in nature, having becoming more or less masters and possessors of nature, having won the freedom to pursue happiness, having “aimed at changing the very order of human things” in reality, not imagination, radically reforming human life in politics, religion, and “the order of knowledge,” Europeans cannot even account for how they did those things, let alone what they should do next.

    Manent identifies the sources of this transformation of human life in a reform of Christianity, Protestantism, and a reform of philosophy, Machiavellianism. The Protestant Reformation collapsed the distance between God and man by the doctrine of sola Scriptura, the insistence of understanding the Bible directly by each Christian, unmediated by the interpretation by Catholic Church theologians, members of a priestly class, “human intermediaries who confiscate or disfigure” Scriptural truth. Calvin held the truths of Scripture to be self-evident, writing that “Scripture shows no less evidence of its truth than black or white do of their colors, or sweet or bitter things of their taste.” He intends this as a liberation, a liberation from ‘priestcraft.’ “Faith in the saving God fins its certification in the certainty of the believer’s personal salvation.” This isn’t liberation for liberation’s sake but liberation for salvation’s sake; man’s soul thinks God’s word directly. In philosophy, Machiavelli does this too, with his modern ‘state’ (lo Stato), which cuts out the aristocrats of the feudal state, leaving the people either ruled directly by one man, the prince, or electing its representatives to rule on its behalf, again without intermediaries. In effecting this transformation, Machiavelli “undertakes to bring to light what he calls the effectual truth of political things, what one could call the art or logic of action when it is not shackled or falsified by any word, Christian or other.”  Thus, “while Luther and Calvin aim to suppress the obstacles that are placed between Christians and the Word of God,” a transformation of the regime of God, His Church, “Machiavelli aims to suppress the obstacles placed between the prince, or the political agent, and the founding, or refounding, action that Europe needs.” Both decry what Manent calls the “play” seen in Catholicism, by which he means not frolic but indeterminacy caused by a regime “formed of elements that need one another,” a sort of tensile structure with no “incontestable foundation”—or, perhaps more precisely, since the Catholic Church emphasizes Peter as the rock upon which Christ founded His Church, with Christ evidently the Rock upon which that rock itself rests, a set of institutional “elements” that prevent the hard surface of rule from abrading those it rules.

    The difficulty in modernity comes when the Rock of Christ, interpreted by individual Christians, grinds against those Christians, or is used by Christians to grind one another; it also comes when lo Stato grinds against its subjects, as in absolute monarchy, or is used by citizens to grind one another, as in republican factionalism. Without intermediary men and institutions to soften, to moderate, the exigencies of rule, modern life leaves moderns with the stark choice of submission or rebellion. Modern words and modern actions, intended to be coordinated, seldom are. “We have never arrived at finding a stable formula, a stable arrangement, of separation and union between words and actions,” as “our effort to overcome the Catholic disorder” has never “allowed us to find repose in an assured order and a lasting equilibrium.” We don’t exactly live in a condition of permanent revolution,” as Machiavelli’s modern state could sometimes serve as a protective carapace for Protestant and Catholic civil society, but that carapace in fact consists of men and the institutions men have made, not the sturdy elements of a tortoise shell; lo Stato protects, when it protects, by acting, and its actions can be made to serve the States’ men instead of the persons they are charged to protect. 

    What is more, the modern dichotomy between State and civil society can easily generate many who are neither politically ambitious nor religiously devout. “How are those going to go about their lives, who, lacking political ambition and little concerned with piety, nonetheless have to lead their lives?” What can Machiavelli say to those uninterested in “the salvation of the city”? What can Calvin say to those uninterested in the salvation of their soul? Other than what they do say, which in both cases is merely exhortative, commands to wake up and smell the coffee? Who would, or could, “extend the reforming gesture” of modernity “to embrace the anecdotes of ordinary life and the little secrets of private life”? Manent has the answer: Michel de Montaigne, “a reformer no less audacious than Machiavelli or Calvin,” but decidedly less forthright in his manner.

    To help his readers, especially his European readers, understand themselves, Manent proceeds understandably. “The War of Human Beings” consists of two chapters: “To Save One’s Life” (an activity even war-ready General Patton commended to his troops) and “To Compare Oneself,” an activity that very often leads to strife, if not necessarily to war. “The Powers of the Word” also consists of two chapters: “From Rhetoric to Literature,” which compares and contrasts ancient writing to Montaignian writing, and “The Word and Death,” which compares and the Word, the Word of God, with its teaching about death, to Montaigne’s teaching about death. “The Mysteries of Customs” consists of three chapters: the central chapter of the book, “A New World,” showing how, in Montaigne’s estimation, the European discovery of America required a change in philosophy, “Commanded Reason,” on a new kind of reasoning, one that eschews lawgiving as command, and “Three Conditions of Human Beings,” a classification of the elements of human society with which Montaigne replaces Plato’s three classes in the Republic. “Life Without Laws” consists of two chapters: “Governed Human Beings,” human beings under the sway of “commanded” reason, and “Nature and Truth,” which turn out not to be simply the same thing. 

    In his first chapter, addressing the difficulty of saving one’s life under conditions of war (and indeed, Montaigne’s Europe then writhed in uncompromising religio-political wars between Catholics and Protestants), Montaigne diagnoses the malaise very much in the way Machiavelli does, as a split between words and actions, between “supercelestial thoughts and subterranean conduct.” Both would “break with the fatal idealizing tendency of the human word.” Unlike Machiavelli, however, who seldom writes of himself, Montaigne looks to his own soul or ‘self,’ inviting his readers to do the same, in locating the cause of the malaise. Machiavelli wants to tell his readers how to think and what to do; courteous, civil, frank Montaigne prefers to attract. One can indeed save oneself, but sometimes safety may result from acts of vengeance, audaciously and even fiercely made, and sometimes from acts of submission to those who have us at their mercy, a submission that may arouse their compassion. If “opposed forms of behavior can have the same effect, then there is “uncertainty and fluidity” in “human motives”; the “play” between causes and effects recalls the play in the Catholic Church regime, but as readily without as with the Church. There are, then, two “motives” for human action ‘in play’ in human life: pride and compassion, the sentiment of “strong souls,” “proud souls,” and the sentiment of “women, children, and the ‘vulgar,'” the commoners. Although this resembles Hegel’s master-slave dichotomy, Manent is careful to remark that “there is no dialectic” between them, and therefore no “satisfying or reassuring synthesis” to be had. These “two dispositions” persist, “prevent[ing] them from arriving regularly or surely at their ends.” Man, Montaigne writes in his inimitable phrasing, is “an undulating object.” His problem is that his mind seeks to find a permanent resolution to his permanent, uneasy “condition.” “The human mind spontaneously, naturally, necessarily wants to engrave where there are only fleeting lines, uncertain forms, and unforeseeable metamorphoses.” They want to reform the modes and orders of human life, then fix those reforms in place. Better to leave some play, and for this reason Montaigne inclines toward republicanism more than monarchy, without attempting imprudently to revolutionize politically the monarchies of his time. That would be too direct, too unsubtle, insufficiently attentive to the effectual truth of things.

    “At the same time as he makes his first republican declarations, Montaigne begins to consider the question of death.” What is the connection? One might hastily recall that the death of one monarch can readily result in a crisis of succession, a crisis in the regime, whereas the death of one’s elected representative brings only a new election, a new representative freely chosen by those he will contribute to governing. But Montaigne doesn’t intend to stay on the level of politics. Gravediggers go beneath the surface, and so will he, considering death itself. Death takes each individual “out[side] of being,” he writes with “no communication with what is,” as Lucretius, “the great materialistic poet,” affirms. The moment of death, the act of dying is a sort of trial, “the ultimate essay which recapitulates life” because “in the last scene, between death and ourselves, there is no more pretending”; your soul can face its severance from being with steadfastness or not. If the republican regime expresses “human pride,” self-confidence of the people in their ability to rule themselves, death tries that pride in the individual rather than in that collection of individuals which constitutes a people. Later on, Montaigne will eulogize his friend, the proud republican Étienne de La Boétie, who died prematurely. As “for himself,” Montaigne “only proposes to die ‘quietly and insensibly,'” humbly within the civil society of the modern state, without fanfare. At the same time, he is a republican, if not for the proud reasons of most republicans. In the trial of death, “the day of judgment, it is death that is judge and master. There is no other.” But what of God, the supreme Judge? The problem is that to meet death with pride is futile; the prideful, futile response to impending death is anger; anger is the passion of monarchic presumption, which in its pride would take its vengeance against Fortune itself; the ultimate monarch, God, results from “the unruliness of our mind.” Partisans of monarchy expect the monarch to stave off their deaths. That isn’t going to happen, permanently; in the face of death, we are all republicans, all equal not in the eyes of a monarchic god but in the conditions of leveling nature. Prideful republicanism is a contradiction in terms. Montaigne is a new kind of republican. 

    He is a republican who, like ordinary, unambitious and not-so-pious folk prefers to “retreat in view of repose,” abandoning public life as a judge to become “the spectator of his own mind,” writing a new kind of book that reports the results of that spectating with “frankness,” quite unlike “contemporaries depraved by the vice of dissimulation,” including self-deception, and thereby able “to attain an unprecedented degree of candor and truth about oneself, and thus about human life.” The humble, unambitious, unassuming private man thus entertains a supreme intellectual and literary ambition, answering “the question that, in short, is the first question of philosophy, the question of nature,” not only or even primarily by looking ‘out’ at other men (although he will do that, and in extraordinarily wide-ranging manner) but at himself. “How does our nature, reduced to its own forces, arrive at the degree of being, or rather of movement, that renders it happy?” Montaigne’s introspection discovers a being happily open to accident, to “chance occasions,” which are “the grace [!] that actualizes, completes, and perfects his nature”; “I find myself more by chance encounters than by searching my judgment.” Such passivity requires a certain mental attitude, one suggested by the title of his essay, “That the taste of Good and Evil Depends in Large Part on the Opinion We Have of Them.” Greek philosophers commended the “perfection” of human nature in body and soul, bringing the nature of individual and polis to its natural telos, purpose, ‘end.’ Christians would open our souls to divine grace, our nature having been “wounded by sin” against God. For his part, “Montaigne envisages neither perfection nor healing, only a ‘relief.'” Nor will this be Bacon’s way of relieving man’s estate through active experimentation, torturing Nature to compel her to reveal her secrets. “For Montaigne, nature is not an enemy to defeat,” nor is Fortuna such an enemy, as she is for Machiavelli; nature is “a friend whose gentle and persuasive voice one needs to know how to listen to,” even as Fortuna’s buffetings reveal the nature of oneself.

    Not war but caution should inform our dealings with nature and other accidental forces. After all, the set of opinions that prevail in the civil society into which accident has thrown us can take us so far as to induce us to sacrifice life itself. Opinion gives the soul its form, its determination, and the multiplicity of opinions works on the plasticity of the soul, which has the “capacity to take on a thousand forms, a thousand attitudes, a thousand folds.” This is true of our opinion of death, which is what makes death feared. The opinion of St. Augustine, for example, who teaches that “nothing makes death an evil, except what follows it,” makes of death more than it is, “the movement of an instant.” This republican would refrain from shouting, ‘Liberty or death!’ Beginning with the Apostle Paul, Christians have distrusted philosophy, but Montaigne writes that “we do not escape philosophy by stressing immoderately the sharpness of pain and the weakness of man.” “To Philosophize Is to Learn to Die,” Montaigne proclaims in the title of Book I, chapter 20, which Manent calls his “Marseillaise of the philosopher.” Montaigne there identifies “the three great parameters” of human life wherein lies “the problem of human life.” They are virtue, pleasure, and death. Death is unavoidable; those who give it no thought (and many do not) are stupid and blind. That being so, Montaigne writes, “let us rid it of its strangeness, come to know it, get used to it,” first by meditating upon it beforehand, realizing that since life has an exit you can live it with “interior freedom,” freedom of mind from that indubitable physical necessity. Enjoy life with “soft tranquility,” quailing not at the prospect of losing it. Whereas the ancient philosophers had said, with King Lear, the ripeness is all, the Montaignian philosopher says, with Hamlet, the readiness is all. “We must always be booted and ready to go.” As for Christianity, which also commends readiness while promising ripeness in the life to come after death, the problem is that “the relationship to others, the concern for others, places us in their dependence, and it is because we see ourselves by their eyes that our own life appears to us as a ‘whole’ susceptible of being lost, and this loss then as a terrible misfortune,” one that only God can succor. Better to stay “entirely in oneself, “delivered from that reflection which causes us to consider our being from the outside,” from the opinions of others, including the opinions of those who tell us that God’s opinion, the ultimate, the final opinion, must rule us. Life is “something that by its nature must be lost,” Montaigne observes. “To the alternative between the disdain for death” of the ancients “and the fear of death” of the Christians, “Montaigne substitutes an adhesion to one’s own being that is so serious and affectionate that death comes to lose itself, quite amicably, in a life that is naturally ‘losable.'” Neither disdain nor fear but nonchalance, that is the answer to Hamlet’s future question about being and not-being. Nature itself prepares us for our own natural ‘end.’ Sickness “makes us lose the taste for life and thus detaches us from it,” as does the gradual decline attendant upon old age. “Neither a trial,” as for Socrates, “nor a punishment,” as for Christians, death “is a part of you.” 

    Since death is but a moment, with only non-being to follow, how shall one live? Human beings tend to live in a state of war, but not usually the violent war that Hobbes fears, making of violent death a hobgoblin that replaces the demons of Hell. Here as in the face of death, imagination too often rules; “Most people live under the empire of the imagination,” especially “in religious matters” and in “sexual matters.” (“How many men owe their sexual fiascos to the vehemence of their imagination!”) Imagination’s empire is even “stronger than nature,” at least in any given moment, producing or conquering male impotence, for example. But what are its real limits. What imaginings are true? Which ones are possibly true? Imaginings can be doubted, so much so that “on the one hand [man] belies, or pretends to believe, everything,” even things counter to nature, miracles; “on the other, [man] believes almost nothing.” The Bible presents itself as a history, just as Plutarch presents his “parallel lives.” What is Montaigne’s “epistemology of history,” his means of separating true accounts from false?

    Histories, he contends, are best written by “eyewitnesses,” but especially eyewitnesses who were in command of the action, the ones who exhibit the prudence a surviving commander must have had. Such men were “not rare in pagan antiquity” (Xenophon, Thucydides, Julius Caesar, others), but “the moderns do not have the equivalent” of such men. In bringing the examples of past and present men and women into his book, in writing history, but as an eyewitness mostly to himself, Montaigne “initially receives all the testimonies, all the exempla, without any effort at discrimination.” That is, he acts as the judge he had been, taking testimony. He can claim to be an impartial judge because he has lived “the life of a man whose actions do not merit being recounted, the life of a man whose only ambition is to live advisedly.” Writing history “not only requires the fidelity of witnesses but also the freedom of judgments,” which “depends on the person of the historian” and “the political regime” in which he lives. Montaigne’s judgments manifestly diverge from the prevalent, authorized opinions of his regime, but “he also knows that there is no common life,” no regime, no state, “without authoritative opinions.” His frankness about himself accordingly will not be matched by frankness about his opinions, his judgments, of others. That is, to write good history, one must be among the very few judicious men of his generation, living in a regime that is also rare, a “republic” that is less democratic than aristocratic. “The modern scientific method, as it were, democratizes historical knowledge—anyone can write history as long as he follows the rules of method.” But Montaigne is no Cartesian, among the moderns; in his eyes, technique can never substitute for sound judgment. Good judgment in turn requires sober introspection and observation, enabling the historian to “grasp in the system of human motives the one or ones that are pertinent to the case under consideration,” a task impossible “without going through the gamut of motives that are not only present, but active, in our own soul.” And this is a reciprocal process: “it is the effort of others, living or dead, that we penetrate further into our own motives.” “To write history, to read history, is to compare oneself.”

    More generally, Montaigne regards comparison as “the most visible mainspring or affect of human beings, and, at the same time, the most secret.” We compare ourselves with other individuals, our social class with other classes, and not only consciously so. The sentiments aroused by these comparisons—including “love, hate, admiration, disdain, envy”—are seldom simple. They mix. And we also compare ourselves to ourselves, in our happiness and our misery, our “elevation and abasement.” “It is the hesitation, or oscillation, between the love and hatred of others, on one hand, and the elevation and abasement of self, on the other, that is at the source of our action and of that continuous interior movement that we call ‘life.'” Pascal, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Hegel all see this, but not as Montaigne does. Pascal finds sinful pride and the self-hatred that can lead to humility, with the grace of God, the hatred of our enemies transfigured by grace to agape; Hobbes finds in our comparisons with others only a war of all against all; Rousseau finds in civil society only pernicious comparisons; Hegel finds the dialectic of master and slave. Montaigne “does not aim at a peace accomplished in another city, or another world,” by the grace of Christ; he “does not envisage the construction of a new political instrument capable of imposing peace on proud and quarrelsome human beings”; he does not recommend arranging political institutions, including education, aimed at reducing “as much as possible the role of imitation and admiration in the formation of the soul”; and, as mentioned, he does not envisage the dialectical overcoming of the human condition in the course of history. Against all of these future rivals, “Montaigne not only accepts the human encounter but desires and seeks it,” with “an open face,” with good-humored frankness. He is the French charmer among philosophers. “With Montaigne, admiration is the desire to admire and, inseparably, the desire to be a friend.” He is the most congenial of moderns.

    He can offer himself to others because he guards his frankness by carefully separating admiration and imitation. We tend to attempt to imitate those we admire. Montaigne never does, and so spares himself from the pangs of love and the resentment envy engenders. “Montaigne experiences no desire to become other than he is”; by his account, “he simply developed according to nature, which is to say his nature” to become “an unpremeditated and accidental philosopher!” Although “comparison is the soul of the Essays,” he remains “so calm and confident in his own form that he considers the other forms of life with a gaze that is free of all rivalry,” whether viewing the way of life of Alcibiades or a Capuchin friar. He thereby gives himself the freedom to admire both. Socrates, who “teaches us to walk ‘with a gentle and ordinary step,'” ready to converse with anyone, ‘high’ or ‘low,’ about anything, ‘high’ or ‘low,’ is “the man who is most worthy of being known.” Socrates’ practice of dialogue becomes Montaigne’s practice of “conférance” or “verbal jousting,” whether ‘in person’ or while reading. This, too, is a form of comparison, with the risks attendant upon comparison. “The wellsprings of war, in any case of quarreling and enmity, are here put at the service of the search for truth, but one always risks being carried away by anger, embracing the quarrel for its own sake, and abandoning oneself to hostility while forgetting the truth.” With his lively sense of sin, Pascal denies that such a thing can be, that human beings can “quiet” their “self-love” long enough to seek truth by their own powers. They need the more radical “healing” only God can gracefully provide. Montaigne denies that there can be any such healing, or that there needs to be. Whether in religion or philosophy, there is no use of standards set too high for human achievement. Christian repentance as commended by Pacal makes a futile comparison, a comparison of “the life that is really led with a better life that it images,” substituting the latter from the former. But the “master form” of each individual never really overcomes itself, whatever Christians may believe of themselves and their God. This is Montaigne’s decidedly un-Pascalian version of humility.

    There is more. Christian humility and repentance, “the complete healing of evil,” would entail “the destruction of our nature.” Transformed by the grace of the Christian God, we would no longer be ourselves, our master forms having been shattered. “To propose a human life delivered from evil is to give oneself a task that is not only impossible to fulfill but finally is more corrupting than truly reforming” because us draws us away from what we can do to ameliorate our destructive passions by ‘inspiring’ us to chase rainbows. What goes for Christianity, Manent adds, also goes for Rousseau; Montaigne would have viewed the malign effects of Rousseau on the Jacobins with unsurprise. For himself, he prefers to excuse himself and others rather than to accuse them, prefers “the laughing humor” of Democritus to the “tears” of Heraclitus (or of Jesus, or of Rousseau). “Our own peculiar condition is that we are as fit to be laughed at as able to laugh.” Why not admit that, and laugh together? Why not, in Montaigne’s words, “serve life according to itself,” rather than according to any ideal, any god, beyond human life? “What, in truth, is nonchalance, if not an effort, made at each instant, to prefer our life, or our being, to ourselves,” those selves that succumb to the charms of “the high aims of philosophy and theology,” aims that only “stir up the human presumption of which they themselves are the expression”? 

    Reasoned expression is one of “the powers of the word,” the title of Manent’s Part Two. “The task that Montaigne gave himself of ‘serving life according to itself’ requires a new instrument, that is, a new word, or a new modality of the word.” In a word, he will replace poetry (its tragedy imitating “the actions of persons of high worth, its comedy imitating “the actions of persons who are inferior to us”) with down-to-earth prose, the kind of writing that looks you straight in the eye. He will replace ancient rhetoric—praising, blaming, defending, condemning rhetoric—whose supreme practitioner in antiquity was Cicero, with “the modern word,” the “literary word.” Cicero talks too much, mistakes his words for actions, lacking good judgment, that indispensable Montaignian virtue. For a rhetorician to assume that his saying something will somehow make it so manifests not prudence but vanity. [2] The smart Roman republican was terse Cato. Even Caesar, a man of “pestilential ambition” who wrecked the republic, is to be preferred over Cicero, a man of “ambitious vanity.” “Rhetorical inflation measures the corruption of republics.” [3] Montaigne would advance the republican cause, discreetly, in monarchic modern Europe, by writing a work of “literature,” “the contrary of eloquence.” “He defines himself as one who says the most in the fewest words,” an extraordinary claim from the author of such a long book, unless that author has some very extraordinary thoughts to hint at. “Montaigne describes himself as the antitype of Cicero, as the one who is capable of saying the most things without saying a word,” one who “disdain[s] to speak in order to provoke his reader to think and, eventually, to speak”; after all, the true republican citizen thinks and speaks for himself, stands intellectually and morally on his own two feet, unassisted by patrons, unbowed by mobs. Hitherto, republicanism has exhibited mostly vanity: “So many words for so few actions!” It cries out for ‘executive’ correction and is exceedingly fortunate on those rare occasions when it gets a Cato instead of a Caesar, a de Gaulle instead of a Napoleon (whether the First or, more commonly, the Third). “The Essays deliver republican candor from the folds and the heaviness of the toga.” 

    Cicero talked too much because he “was torn between action,” which says nothing, “and philosophy,” which says much, even if at times by speaking or writing no words in ways that draw others into thought. “Cicero brings to his retirement the manners of the orator, while he brings to the forum…the erudition and subtleties of philosophy, or the man of leisure.” His private letters read like orations, his public speeches like treatises. A man who attempts to convey philosophic teachings to unphilosophic minds may well end up going on and on and on, explaining. Montaigne’s public word, published as essays, as attempts at understanding, “cuts every tie with the eloquent word of the forum” with its humorous self-examination and self-mockery. In this, he recurs somewhat to the Socratic commendation of self-knowledge, the knowledge “essential to the knowledge of the subject of his study, which is man.” Man’s nature, however, does not open itself to sweeping, general statements, to ‘ideas,’ to Platonic ‘forms’ about ‘Man.’ Each individual man has his own “natural form.” Manent judges this “intention,” “project,” “design” of Montaigne to be “unique.” The unique individual man offers his readers a unique book, a book in which he claims not exactly to be good in the grand sense but rather to be human—excusable and, as our own contemporaries say, ‘relatable.’ Unlike Socrates, who learns about himself by talking with others, or a Christian, who learns about himself by talking with God, Montaigne learns about himself directly, through introspection. “I roll about in myself.” If modernity distinguishes itself from all that went before it by its individualism, Montaigne is about as modern as it gets. For him, “philosophy is nothing more than the attestation of the experience the individual nature makes of itself.” The individual’s master form can only be distorted by reference to a general form, the idea of human nature, or of the perfect Person, the holy God. Since “his ideas draw their force from Montaigne’s nature,” not from themselves, and not from nature ‘at large,” they “cannot be the support of a vigorous dialectical procedure,” as in Socrates or Xenophon. Montaigne distrusts dialectic; like rhetoricians, dialecticians talk too much, fail to get to the core of the matter—which really is matter, and therefore unamenable to understanding by abstraction, with ideas. “The human world contains an opacity impenetrable to reason.”

    On politics, then, it makes sense that he “develops his social and political thought most completely” in a chapter titled “Of Vanity,” which Manent treats in the nineteenth, central, of his thirty-three sections. No imagined republics for Montaigne, any more than for Machiavelli, with whom he shares the judgment that “the dialectical quest for ‘the best form of society,’ or the best republic or principality, is a vain exercise that does not aid us in orienting ourselves and acting judiciously in the political order.” Necessity is properly the mother of human invention, and especially of that political invention, the modern state. But Machiavelli wrote in a world in which there were no real modern states; accordingly, he “calls for a redoubling of hope and activity” in order to achieve such states, political conditions in which men ‘of’ the state, statesmen, will no longer be distracted by chimerical ideals. Montaigne, who wrote in a Europe in which the modern state now loomed large, “resolutely chose passivity.” The philosopher now needs to mull things over in the privacy of his mind, requires independence from the forces of custom that assault that mind from ‘outside’ itself. 

    This mind is not, however and decidedly, a crabbed, closed-in thing. It is accompanied by what Montaigne calls a “generous heart.” Manent now undertakes his own exercise of comparison, setting génerosité next to Aristotle’s megalopsychia. Greatness of soul, magnanimity, “contains a claim of superiority, which is translated in the resolution to speak the truth despite opinion.” The great-souled man is frank in the way of the ancients, the public way, at best the way of vigorous civic action; “magnanimity is an eminent virtue of the acting man,” the citizen. But while the magnanimous man speaks and acts, Montaigne’s generous man judges and speaks. By subtracting from generosity “everything that concerns action and the honors due to noble actions,” which the magnanimous man forthrightly claims, “Montaigne profoundly changes the notion of magnanimity.” The generous man aims not at the goodness that excels that of all others but at the goodness that is humanness, the goodness according to which each unique individual, with his own “master form,” may be judged, humanely. Montaigne inaugurates a moral atmosphere in which we judge not “according to the opposition between good and evil, good and bad, but according to the opposition between human and inhuman.” To err is human and so is to forgive; one need not repent, being ‘only human,’ but one does need to be human rather than angry, presumptuous, cruel. One cannot repent and expect forgiveness for inhumanity; it is “inexcusable.” For the commission of inhumanity, the judging word is irrevocable.

    Whether for the Socratic philosopher or the Christian, the word of judgment becomes final upon death. For Socrates, “death appears as an accidental interruption of the conversation concerning wisdom.” Wisdom, and the dialogue concerning it, philosophy, will continue after Socrates the man dies. And although as a Christian, Pascal denies that “a simply theoretical life” is anything more than “an illusion of pride,” his “wager” shows that he retains the Socratic insistence on the attainability of eternity, an even greater eternity than the questionable, self-questioning eternity of philosophic life. Since God either is or is not, and “reason cannot decide” which, “you must wager,” since not-wagering is itself a wager, a wager “that God is not.” The only reasonable wager is to bet that God is, inasmuch as if you’re right you win big or at worst lose nothing and if you lose you lose big. Cheerful Socrates, Pascal sees, “ignores the full range of possibilities,” ignores the possibility of an afterlife that is “infinitely unhappy.” 

    Montaigne also chooses, according to his own ineluctable natural form. (Calvin would call this “predestination,” except that Montaigne does not think that an omnipotent and all-wise God planned it. If he did meet God in the afterlife, he would simply claim his sin was venial, impossible for him not to commit.) Montaigne proposes a third kind of life, a “natural” life “which does not know the fear of death because death does not even come to its awareness,” rather as a peasant who has never been preached to might think, or as an animal thinks, having no “faculty of imagining or inferring death.” That is, he opposes the fear of death neither by reasoning nor by faithfulness but by “experience.” In life, we only have analogies with death: injury, old age (a sort of gradual, creeping death), and unconsciousness (Montaigne once fell off his horse and hit his head, even as Rousseau got knocked unconscious by a Great Dane). Such bouleversements never change your “natural form.” Unconsciousness, for example, only renders us entirely passive, whereas to “convert,” to turn the soul around to philosophy or to religion requires activity. Montaigne “tells us that he has not been the witness of any conversion that seemed real or effective to him.” Converts “forget that they have a master form that will always end by prevailing.” They will always revert to what they are, passively, by nature and not by choice. To be sure, “there is an enjoyment on the plane of humanity which requires, as such, effort, attention, vigilance,” a “voluntary undoing of human ties, which are necessarily bonds of anxiety.” Contra Aristotle, there is “a science of the individual,” a “new science, the science of the subject.” But it teaches that passivity, not activity, is at the core of each of us, that we may therefore safely await death as life’s inevitable finale. On the deepest level of human life, you can indeed, must indeed, ‘not choose.’ The man on horseback commands; in falling off his horse, Montaigne relinquished command, relinquished the kind of active reason that commands.

    As Montaigne has already remarked, judgment often finds itself impeded. Manent turns in Part Three to “The Mysteries of Custom,” beginning with his fifth, central chapter, “A New World.” Most immediately, the New World for Montaigne’s Europeans was the Americas, discovered by modern Europeans only recently. If we moderns now “distrust the great pagan actions, as well as Christian repentance, preferring to “maintain ourselves on the plane of humanity,” “what would a humanity that was neither pagan nor Christian look like, or resemble?” On the one hand, it is a humane humanity, guided by each individual’s introspection. But it is also a humanity that knows the results not only of introspection but of exploration, not only of passivity but of activity that has brought new knowledge to light, knowledge unknown to the ancient philosophers and even to the Romans and to the Christians who took over their supposedly universal empire. The philosophic and religious ‘idealisms’ he has criticized based their generalizations on a too-narrow set of observations, observations confined to the customs of Europe, parts of Asia and of Africa. As a result, their universalisms weren’t really universal. And even within the small ‘universe’ of Europe, they had not seen some of the most malign effects of customs.

    Since pagan antiquity and the time in which Christ and His Apostles lived, Christendom has seen horrific religio-political wars,” bringing on “an experience of human vices, in particular of cruelty and dissimulation, an experience of the corrupting and murderous power of opinion carried away by presumption” of which both pagans and the early Christians were blissfully ignorant. This experience has “directly attacked the credibility of the Christian religion,” the religion of love and peace. And with the discovery and conquest of the New World, Europeans have discovered a fruitful, kind nature, a nature better even than the Atlantis conceived by Plato. Montaigne describes this New World in one of his most famous chapters, “Of Cannibals.” In the New World, no one needs to desire because all the things human beings need are within his easy grasp, plucked from nature like a juicy mango from a low-hanging branch. There is nothing much to do, to make or organize: no arts, sciences, families, social groups, political organizations. Not only does this defy the teachings of philosophers, it obviates philosophy itself, the highest desire of them all, the desire to find wisdom. “What will later be called historical reality, or historical facts, here begin to be experienced as being ‘stronger’ than philosophy, as henceforth being superior to it in authority, as finally constituting the highest authority, the sole incontestable.” As for human nature, what politics, what logos, O Aristotle? The people of the New World “do not address one another to deliberate, judge, or command”; they only hunt or fish or dance. Nor do they pray. As Montaigne writes, “their whole ethical science contains only these two articles: resoluteness in war and affection for their wives.” Wars arise not out of greed (they already have all the material goods they want) but honor. They would be Spartan timocrats, except that they exhibit none of the underlying cupidity and lubricity of the Spartans, no erotic jealousy. In Platonic terms, the cannibals are governed by thumos, a thumos that does not need to be governed in its turn. But why recur to Platonic terms? In the New World, there is only this one regime, not the several posited by political philosophers; and to say that there is only one regime is tantamount to saying there is no regime, no reason for political classification and comparison, and therefore no such thing as a field of ‘comparative politics.’ Such persons “do not need to be governed by the word in the city,” as there is no city, no civitas, but only families. “The life of the cannibals never becomes greater than itself,” with families becoming tribes, tribes becoming poleis, as in Aristotle’s account. “It escapes this marvelous yet dangerous transformation because it is a life essentially without speech.” 

    Montaigne never supposes that he as an individual, or Europeans in their states, can imitate the cannibals. Admiration, yes, but imitation would only lead to further perversities, even as the imitatio Christi has only led to the worst violence and hatred. Nor can Machiavelli’s canny orchestration of violence and hatred save us. Rather, attend to Montaigne’s word, not those of God or of earlier, mistaken men, who did not understand themselves because they hadn’t adequately looked into themselves. His Essays “will inventory the infinite diversity of the world,” now known in its entirety for the first time, “and judge all things” according to the new science of the self, supplemented by the new discoveries of the New World and the new discoveries of political modernity. 

    That is, reason has sought to command, very prematurely at best. What is needed, and what already exists, is “commanded reason” instead of the commanding sort. Custom commands, “gentle as a newborn calf” in its ‘soft power’ over human minds, “harsh like a furious tyrant” when openly flouted (as philosophers, so notably Socrates, have learned by experience, not by theorizing). “The installation of custom is the taking power of a tyrant.” Indeed, custom “can do more than the most furious tyrant” because “it has power even over our senses, thus the way the world appears to us,” as well as over our souls in matters great and small. “It is under the unifying pressure of custom that the world appears to us as such, as the world and our world.” In a sense, then “all customs are equally rational” in that there is always some reason for them; people “can give reasons for all their usages.” But the customs themselves are not determined by reason; “reason is always at work, but it never commands.” Customs make regimes, not the other way around. In this, Montaigne departs sharply from classical political philosophy. “In the immense list of customs that he draws up, political institutions are pretty much lost in the midst of the familial and sexual mores that give the list its color and savor and the customs concerning so-called indifferent things.” This is why Montaigne writes, “Nations brought up to liberty and to ruling themselves consider any other form of government monstrous and contrary to nature,” even as “those who are accustomed to monarchy do the same.” [4] And since custom is tyrannical and universal, “tyranny is customary to man”; “the trait of human nature that renders him malleable by custom renders him docile to tyranny.” Republican liberty comes about by accident, “an exception to the tyranny of custom that is inseparably the custom of tyranny.” Human nature is ambivalent, attracted at once to liberty and to servitude, or, as Machiavelli has it, the desire for liberty becomes the desire for domination, once liberty has been won—and quite possibly, all along. What can make republican liberty no longer an accident, as it was in antiquity, or a nonentity, as it was in almost all of modern Europe? Montesquieu “began to organize his Essays” even as his friend La Boétie wrote his direct “appeal to an immense and impossible action.” 

    Montaigne judges that effective action must be indirect, that the call to it must not be clarion. “Liberation from the yoke of custom will be principally, if not exclusively interior,” contained first within his own mind but then, through a long, subtly argued book, literature read in private, concerned in large measure to discussion of private customs, customs regulating sexual and familial moeurs, “he formulates his most pressing appeal to shake off the yoke of custom.” On his side, he finds the “tension between the natural docility of human beings vis-à-vis custom and the need or natural movement of the human mind which cannot rest until it finally finds a reason or a valid foundation.” It is by an appeal to the restlessness of reason that he will quietly weaken that natural docility, while carefully avoiding the philosophers’ tendency to put reason at the service of command, to become philosopher-kings or lawgivers. He prefers to relegate politics, government, to a position subordinate to civil society, to customs. And he may well think that customs do in fact predominate, over government and its laws; for Montaigne, political science is no architectonic art, as it is for Aristotle. It is more effective to insinuate oneself into the customs of men, as the customs both rule and prove vulnerable to change, thanks to human docility and restlessness.

    Montaigne marshals his astonishing array of diverse customs from around the world, but especially from the new world, initially to show that self-assured Europeans are provincials, that everyone everywhere is a provincial. Diversity, not unity, characterizes the human ways of life. In our language, Montaigne undertakes to ‘relativize’ custom, the convictions custom has ingrained in the men and women of Christendom. But he won’t leave it at that, in the manner of today’s ‘social science.’ While anticipating what Manent calls “the nonpolitical sciences of man,” Montaigne seeks rule, albeit a new sort of rule. The Romans commanded, persecuting Christians; Christians worked beneath the Roman monarchic regime, but also issued commands and eventually won political power, continuing to command but now with physical force. Montaigne will imitate the early Christians in working beneath the modern monarchies, but he will refrain from commanding. He has no pulpit to pound and wants none.

    The central chapter of the Essays, titled “Of Vain Subtleties,” acknowledges the weaknesses of such indirection while vindicating its strength by considering “the relationship of the society in which he lives and its customs.” He identifies three “conditions” of human beings: the ignorant, the sages, and those he calls the “half breeds.” Each relates to custom in a way different from the others. Peasants are ignorant, simply. “Lacking curiosity and instruction, they ‘believe simply and live under the laws,’ in reverence and obedience” and they patiently endure what accident, which they take to be God’s rewards and punishments; consequently, they make good Christians, Montaigne notes. The sages, theological scholars, study Scripture assiduously, but their vast learning ends in another sort of ignorance, “the mysterious and divine secret of our Ecclesiastical polity.” They, too, resign themselves to God’s mysterious ‘ways,’ His regime. (The ancient philosophers do this, too, but their notion of the divine is nature.) “Between the two extremes,” there are the men of the “middle condition,” who “perceive evils, feel them, and cannot endure them.” While they “despise the ignorance and incuriosity of simple minds who make such good Christians,” they have not achieved the serene, contemplative religious conviction of the sages. The restlessness of these half-breed “in understandable, but dangerous” because they would overthrow evils without thinking things through. They “trouble the world” as “irritable and clever members of society who feel very vividly the ills that affect them and society,” as “their quick but superficial minds quickly grasp the weak points in reigning opinions and customs.” They form a party or faction dedicated to reform, “the party of critique.” Because they “have reason on their side,” they may well win their battle, but then what? “How, by mere critique, the simple negation of custom, can one ever arrive at a point of view from which reason can command,” “ever order a human association worthy of being desired for itself”? The answer is, it can’t. The party of critique yields fermentation, “permanent critique and reform”; having overthrown the natural law esteemed in European tradition, long-established customed, it will take historical law as the basis for command in an “effort to bring the interminable process of commanded reason, of weak reason, of critical reason, under the legitimate power of commanding reason, strong reason, reason that is not only critical but in some way affirmative, capable again of discerning and naming its good and its end.”

    Montaigne hardly intends to replace one form of dogmatism with another. “In this chapter, which, I repeat, is at the exact center of the entire work, Montaigne establishes with great precision the place that he occupies, or that he gives himself, in this world of custom divided according to the three ‘conditions’ of men.” He classifies himself among the half breeds, but as one who has learned “not to involve himself in any reform whatsoever.” He remains nonchalant, unheated by reforming zeal. He sticks, seemingly, to ordering his own life, “to order it humanly,” to “give oneself a custom.” At the same time, he invites his readers to think about doing that, too, to find and live according to their own natural forms. “If Montaigne wanted to teach, the Essays would teach us the paradoxical art of giving us as a form of life a ‘pliable and supple’ custom, of imitating in ourselves the diversity of human customs, of actively appropriating the plasticity of nature, and finally of finding the form of our life in the detachment from all form.” This is “life without law,” Manent’s title for his Fourth Part and for the book itself.

    The ancient philosophers, understanding nature as idea or form, a coherent, rational structure, sought to con-form themselves to it. Montaigne, who denies their physics and metaphysics “aims to install himself in passage, or modification,” moving “from the received form to the detachment from all form.” He endorses Socratic eroticism but eschews its putative end, “the beautiful or the noble.” This might be a feasible project for one’s private life, but it “cannot guide or regulate collective life,” which “must necessarily take on and maintain a form” preserved by “the force of law.” “The truth of things” is elusive, but laws must “ignore uncertainty and doubt.” “The treatment of political law presents a quite particular difficulty for Montaigne.” 

    Plato met this problem with his teaching on the noble lie, the concoction of such myths as autochthony, the story that the people of the city sprang from the very ground on which the city lies. [5] That’s not for Montaigne. Indeed, “we have difficulty imagining what the city” organized in accordance with the obedience to the laws that he commends “would look like,” since he does not aim at legislating. In following Montaigne, Europeans have held reason “to be incapable of discerning the human good, the good that counts for man a man.” With Montaigne, they want to avoid war, especially civil war, and especially civil war animated by uncompromisable religious convictions. But “how is one to obey for every long a law that no longer claims to be just” in a world that has “no criterion for determining with a minimum of assurance if the law is just or unjust”?

    “Modern political philosophy, however, will find a way out.” That way is consent. “The just order, or the order of the only possible justice, is an order in which we ourselves establish the law a law, we ourselves posit the law as law.” Such law “is valid independently of every objective or rational criterion of justice,” perhaps because our consent expresses the “natural form” of each individual who partners in what later would be called the ‘social contract.’ Such a law “will not command, properly speaking, thus separating itself from the ancient law.” We now will obey a law that obeys us, obeys “the rights of man” in “representative government.” “The law obeys the without-law.” Our law oversees “a life without law,” a life of “free movement”—movement being what life and all of nature actually do. “The new law aims to produce the conditions of free movement,” the condition now called liberalism, liberty-ism. “The without-reason and with-law which law and reason obey ultimately reside in the rights of the individual,” which “belong to the individual before he has begun to speak or to establish any relationship whatsoever.” Manent thinks Montaigne would be “very surprised” at this outcome, but it evidently derives the new ‘natural right’ from his claim about each individual’s ineluctable “natural form.”

    The question of the basis of right is the question that bedevils Montaigne’s Europe. Manent concludes his book with an exegesis of Montaigne’s longest essay, the “Apology for Raymond Sebond.” A Thomist, Sebond had given a copy of his book, Theoligia naturalis, to Montaigne’s father during the time when Luther’s innovations were spreading. Sebond intended his book to act as an antidote to those innovations. In an unusually bold display of frankness, Montaigne points to what Machiavelli would call the effectual truth of religiosity in Europe. As Manent paraphrases him, “We do not actually believe…we do not have the faith, we do not adhere to God by faith.” By your works you shall know them, and the supposed Christians of today exhibit little justice, charity, or goodness. We rather live in “a human world in which the specifically religious motives, in appearance omnipresent and all-powerful, are in reality impotent, and, as it were, nonexistent” evidence of “a truth of the human condition in which religion does not have an intrinsic content or density; only being a mode or mask of natural passions.” And as for rationality, it isn’t much stronger in humans than in animals, and indeed “there is more difference between a given man and a given man than between a given animal and a given man.” Do not then preen yourselves, my fellows, on either your piety or your rationality. In so arguing, “Montaigne deprives us of any motive, and forestalls all attempts, to confuse man with the divine,” whether it is the God or gods of the religions or the grand nature envisioned by the philosophers.

    The “Apology for Raymond Sebond” nonetheless resembles Plato’s Apology in one way: it defends philosophy. But it does so on very different grounds than those on which Plato’s Socrates stands. Montaigne presents “the history of philosophy, but a history that for him is living and alive, because the teachings that he going to consider are in his eyes always actual possibilities of the soul.” He identifies three “types” of philosophy. First, there are the philosophers “who thought they found the truth”—Aristotelians, Epicureans, Stoics. There are the Academics, such Platonists as Carneades, “who despaired of finding it,” taking Socrates’ protestation that he knows only that he does not know to the opposite extreme from those they regarded as dogmatists. And there were the Skeptics, most notably Pyrrho, who argue that we cannot even know that we do not know, philosophers “who simply suspend all judgment,” disputing mildly, contradicting others gently, and taking no offense when contradicted. Montaigne sides with the Pyrrhonists. In a sudden show of religiosity, Montaigne describes the right-minded, Pyrrhonist philosopher as “a blank tablet prepared to take from the finger of God such forms as he shall be pleased to engrave on it.” One notices that not only did this give John Locke his ruling metaphor for the human mind as such, but that the referent to “he” could refer to God or the Pyrrhonist. Montaigne then proceeds to rescue some of the dogmatists and Academics, whom he suspects of advancing their doctrines in order to “dissimulate their genuine thought.” “I cannot easily persuade myself that Epicurus, Plato, and Pythagoras gave us their Atoms, their Ideas, and their Numbers as good coin of the realm”; they only wrote such things “for the needs of society,” “so as not to breed disorder in people’s obedience to the laws and customs of their country.” As Manent puts it, “The divergences between the schools bear les upon the truth than on utility.” 

    Turning again to Christianity, Montaigne presents the God of the Bible as anything but jealous. He cites the controversial contemporary poet Pierre de Ronsard, who praises not so much the Son but the sun, which shines its light on everyone, not only on the chosen. This veers strongly in the direction of paganism, “a religion that worships the impartial planets, the moon and the sun, which are no respecters of persons, in particular treating equally the faithful of the three revealed religions.” Nor is this enough, as he goes on to indicate “what is perhaps a contradiction, and in any case a difficulty, in the religious attitude as such,” which “posits and at the same time cancels an infinite distance between the human condition and the divine condition,” elevating divinity “above all human things” yet “provid[ing] access to it.” In effect, this “bring[s] the divine back into the circle of human interests, sometimes the most degrading human interests,” attributing human passions to the divine—notably jealousy and love—in what Montaigne calls “a marvelous intoxication of the human understanding.” Such an intoxication deranges our minds, making them believe that the Christian promises of life after death, which includes a radical “reform and change” of what Montaigne has identified as the “natural form” of each individual, would make us no longer ourselves. And as to the rewards of Heaven and the punishments of Hell promised by many religions, the “rewards are unjust, because the good actions are produced by the gods,” not by actual human power, and “the punishments are unjust, because it was in the power of the gods to prevent bad actions.” Moreover, how can either eternal reward or punishment be considered proportionate in response to “so short a life” as is allotted to man? Finally, regarding Christianity itself, “the redemption of the guilty by the innocent is essentially contrary to justice,” a remark that speaks to “the very center of Christianity,” which Montaigne places “in the middle of the ‘Apology.'” He tops it all off by quoting Lucretius, no friend of religion, who exclaims, “So many grievous crimes religion has inspired!” In sum, “‘physics’ excludes the rewards and punishments of another life; moral doctrine excludes redemption and penance.” 

    For all his critique of reason, in his arguments against religion “Montaigne does not cease to positively invoke the strength of reason.” Reason’s strength, however, shows itself in Pyrrhonian criticism, not in establishing positive doctrines. There are, for example, no “parts” of the soul, as adumbrated in Plato’s Republic, only “movements of the soul” which his Socrates presents as if they were parts. If, as he writes, “My morals are natural,” unformed by doctrines religious or philosophic, then they must undulate; even his status as a philosopher was “unpremeditated and accidental.” And that, of course, is his own “apology” or defense: Can you blame a man for something not only unplanned but not even the product of negligence? Philosophy happened to embody itself “in the particularity, the individuality, of Montaigne.” Undulating nature acts a bit like the grace of God, but without God’s intentionality. What Manent calls “the luminous secret of the Essays” may be seen in his refusal to “present his particular life to us so that we would feel authorized to do the same after him; he gives us the touchstone for all the essays that man can make of his faculties,” philosophy being only one among many. 

    It is only in this latter sense that Montaigne commends himself to our emulation. I am myself, he confesses to us; imitate me not by imitating me but by recognizing your own “natural form” and living in concord with it, and with the natural forms of others. Montaigne announces that his period of gestation in his mother’s womb lasted eleven months. Manent comments, “I will not decide if he is speaking in good faith or, if he is not, why. Perhaps this miraculous gestation announced the birth of a nature without parallel.” Hence Manent’s division of his book in thirty-three sections, the age attained by Jesus? If so, Montaigne is not necessarily an anti-Christ, but he surely is an un-Christ. Christ Himself says, “He who is not with Me is against me.” Montaigne replies, ‘Well, yes and no.’ He surely seeks no Christlike martyrdom, writing, “It is a great rashness to ruin yourself in order to ruin another.” Does that include ruining Satan? (It surely includes Satan’s own actions.) And what if you ruin yourself to save another, even to save all others? Montaigne evidently entertains no such ambition for himself. Montaigne “never departs from his master form.” In so behaving, he writes “the most Machiavellian passage in the Essays, one in which he ascribes repentance and penitence to “laxity of soul,” a laxity “which makes us see evils as God’s punishments, and which makes us docile to the magistrate.”

    Manent permits himself to doubt that Montaignian life without law is so genuinely human, or humane, as the philosopher supposes. Life without law, life without shame, the lives of the eminent philosophers as portrayed by Diogenes Laertius, still “makes us blush.” “Despite rather systematic efforts,” up to and including our own time, “we have not arrived at banishing all modesty or shame.” If experience is to be our guide, as Montaigne urges, “our experience rather confirms Augustine’s judgments” of those philosophers, not Montaigne’s judgments. Manent concludes more sympathetically regarding Montaigne’s warnings against “the illusion of governing ourselves and of commanding all of nature and even being,” although he may very well take that to be a vindication of divinity, not of the individual’s “natural form.”

     

    Notes

    1. He was preceded in a detailed and comprehensive way by David L. Schaefer: The Political Philosophy of Montaigne (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990).
    2. In the Bible, God’s Word speaks his Creation into existence. At very least, Montaigne implies that human beings are not God.
    3. See “An Age of Inflation,” on this website under the category, “American Politics.”
    4. Notice that Montaigne accepts Machiavelli’s much-simplified regime classification: two regimes, monarchies/principalities and republics, not (for example) the five regimes described by Plato in the Republic or the six described by Aristotle in the Politics. That is why he refers to the “aristocratic republic” as distinguished from the “democratic republic”; instead of being distinct regimes, they are only subdivisions of one regime. Notice also that the one dichotomous regime division in Aristotle is the division between good and bad regimes, a distinction Montaigne deprecates.
    5. Such is the actual claim made today by the Lakota Sioux, who claim rightful rule over the Black Hills of South Dakota (which they in fact conquered from previous occupiers) on exactly this basis. Platonism is not dead!

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Soul Music

    February 12, 2025 by Will Morrisey

    Robert R. Reilly (with Jens Laurson): Surprised by Beauty: A Listener’s Guide to the Recovery of Modern Music. San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2016.

     

    Arnold Schoenberg’s compositional method of “twelve-tone serialism” or dodecaphony, whereby all twelve notes on the chromatic scale are sounded equally in the musical equivalent of democratization, came to dominate twentieth-century symphonic practice. But even from its beginning in the 1920s, dodecaphony struck some composers as indeed too cacophonous. And while the avant-garde composers and concert hall directors eschewed beauty for what they took to be “the pain of truth” and the cult of ugliness, with a nod to Nietzsche, the world wars, and state-sponsored mass murder, registering the loss of the religious faith that inspired previous music, a few but slowly more numerous composers resisted. “I have long suspected,” Reilly testifies, “that there is a hidden history of classical music during this period that would one day surface,” and so it has, in this book. 

    Much of it consists of an alphabetical listing of the dissidents, whose compositions and compositional ideas he describes with maestro verve and knowledge, in what amounts to an anti-Voltairean musical Encylopédie. (Anti-Voltairean it is, inasmuch as the “loss of faith” in Christianity, not human catastrophe, best explains much of artistic modernism; after all, as he remarks, the Black Death destroyed a greater portion of human life in Europe during the middle of the fourteenth century than did the violence of the twentieth.) But he begins by contrasting classical music generally with Schoenberg’s. 

    Classical music theory began before Christianity, with Pythagoras in the fifth century B.C. He discovered that musical sounds register precise mathematic ratios. This in turn comported with his theory that number is “the key to the universe,” which is a true order, a cosmos, whose “ordering principle” was musical. Musical—that is, ‘of the muse,’ intelligible, with “a reasoning intelligence behind it,” an intelligence discernible by lesser human intelligence. The Pythagoreans “supposed the elements of numbers to be the elements of all things, and the whole heaven to be a musical scale and a number,” Aristotle writes, the ‘music of the spheres.’ Man-made music imitates the cosmic music. More, this teaching could animate ethics, as “music could induce spiritual harmony in the soul,” itself a part of the natural order. In his Republic, Plato quotes Pericles’ adviser, Damon of Athens, who taught that “modes of music have a more decisive effect on the formation of the character of citizens” than even the laws. Accordingly, just as musical concord could harmonize souls, discord could distort them. These themes were taken up by Cicero in his own De republica, then by the Christian St. Clement of Alexandria who, in his Exhortation of the Greeks, averred that “the New Song is Christ, Logos Himself.” As late as the twentieth century, the Finnish composer Jean Sibelius could insist, “There is music in the whole universe”; “I believe that there are musical notes and harmonies on all planets.” “That is what I call God,” and “the essence of man’s being is his striving after God,” with musical composition being “brought to life by means of the Logos, the divine in art.” When Reilly listened to Sibelius’s Fifth Symphony, “I wept for joy.” The title, Surprised by Beauty recalls C. S. Lewis’s coming to Christian faith in his autobiography, Surprised by Joy. As the distinguished late composer and music critic, Robert Simpson puts it in The Symphony, defending tonality against serialism, “the coterie of 12-notery,” “the human sense of tonality has been many times modified”—the choral music of medieval Europe is not Bach’s, nor is Bach’s Beethoven’s—but cannot be abolished.” It comprehends discord (“these poor notes we sing, discord needs for want to grace them,” a lyric poet wrote) but that is the point: it is more comprehensive than dissonance. If anything, Simpson’s music reflects, as he puts it, “with that part of our mind which coldly observes itself no matter what disturbances, mental or physical, occur”—a Stoical answer to the shattered nerves of the serialists. At his best (Reilly cites his Symphony No. 11), his music registers “spiritual calmness,” an “almost ruminative” tone. Rumination, thought: logos.

    Reason thinks in accordance with the principle of non-contradiction, not egalitarian mush. “The hieratic role of music was lost for most of the 20th century because the belief on which it was based was lost,” the belief not only in the God of the Bible but in the character of the universe as cosmos. Reilly goes further, asserting that “the death of God is as much a problem for music as it is for philosophy”; “if you lose the Logos of St. Clement, you also lose the ration (or logos) of Pythagoras.” This is questionable, inasmuch as Pythagoras hadn’t the slightest idea of the Logos of St. Clement, but it much more arguable that when philosophers “began to try to deduce the first principles of man’s nature through rational analysis” alone (as the English conductor, Colin Davis, put it), it was only a matter of time before analysis devoured logic itself, beginning with all dimensions of logic that are not analytical. [1] Or, as Reilly himself puts it, “If external order does not exist, then music collapses in on itself and degenerates into an obsession with techniques”; “any ordering of things, musical or otherwise, becomes purely arbitrary.” This was understood and embraced by Schoenberg in his emancipation of dissonance. While dissonance “had been used in music before…for the purpose of dramatizing disorder or conveying anxiety,” but “it was never a norm until Schoenberg,” who maintained that “tonality does not exist in Nature as the very property of sound itself, as Pythagoras claimed but was simply an arbitrary construct of man, a convention.” Following the lead of modern philosophers from Machiavelli on, but responding particularly to Nietzsche, that philosophic connoisseur of music, He intended “to demote the metaphysical status of Nature,” “prefer[ring] to command it” than to follow it. Schoenberg’s system replaces nature. In it, “all tones become ‘equal in the sense that they have no discernible relationship to one another.” As he described it, he had “cured” himself of the delusion that the artist’s aim is to create beauty.” This, for Reilly (and not only Reilly) is where the death of God comes in: “If beauty is gone, so too must be the presence behind it.” 

    In terms of music alone, so what? The loss of tonality matters because “tonality is the key structure of music,” the effect that “allows music to express movement away from or toward a state of tension or relaxation, a sense of motion, through a series of crises and conflicts, which can then come to resolution.” Atonality is “the language of irresolution.” (No wonder it was popular in Weimar Germany.) “This is not a change in technique,” simply; “it is the replacement of art by an ideology of organized noise,” eliminating the capacity of music “to lift a person up into something larger than himself.” In its way, it is Montaignian, not Platonic or Aristotelian. And it still wasn’t sufficiently radical, sufficiently true to the logic of denying logos. As the Franco-American composer Edgard Varèse saw, why stop at twelve-tone themes? Get rid of pitch, too. And so, in the early 1920s, he composed Hyperprism, which one critic compared to “a catastrophe in a boiler factory.” And even that was not enough, since constructing a bomb and lighting the fuse suggests intentionality. Enter John Cage, who “created noise through chance operations by rolling dice” and similar randomizing moves. In “striving for the nonmental,” sometimes known as the mindless, he made a “metaphysically, if not musically, potent” point: “there is not fixed Nature to music,” or indeed to anything else. He was “methodically maniacal.” As Cage wrote, “Let us say Yes to our presence together in Chaos”—Yes to life, as Nietzsche had averred. Evidently, in practice this meant that the principle of noncontradiction could get tossed, inasmuch as the music of the nihilist avant-garde was quickly institutionalized, brought into the concert halls, where it ruled programs for the next several decades. Chaos could not prevail without an orderly framework; Nietzsche’s will to power, or some facsimile thereof, prevailed, in spite of Cage’s hopes for anarchism. [2] As Reilly observes, “Cage was fooling himself if he thought he was destroying power; he was destroying order,” which make it possible “for a certain type of power to ascend,” as seen in his “infatuation with Mao Tse-tung’s totalitarianism,” Maoism being (in Cage’s words) “our greatest reason for optimism,” if only “for the moment,” since chaos will grind on to something else, soon enough. [3]

    As all of this was happening, doubts arose. Among “the first to turn against” the twelve-tone school of composition was its preeminent practitioner in the United States, George Rochberg, who “found that serialism ‘made it virtually impossible to express serenity, tranquility, wit, energy.” “I am turning away from what I consider the cultural pathology of my own time,” he wrote in 1964, “toward what can only be called a possibility: that music can be renewed by regaining contact with the tradition and means of the past, to re-emerge as a spiritual force with re-activated powers or structure; and, as I see it, these things are only possible with tonality.” Another American composer, perhaps appropriately named John Adams, also rejected both the death of God and the project of Schoenberg, writing that he “found that tonality was not just a stylistic phenomenon that came and went,” like a historical ‘stage,’ “but that it is really a natural acoustic phenomenon,” one that registers “harmony in the larger sense, in the sense of spiritual and psychological harmony.” Reilly comments that Cicero, Montaigne’s bête noir, “spoke of music as enabling us to ‘return’ to the divine region,” as the soul listening to traditional, Pythagorean music ascends from listening to art to listening to nature to listening to God, nature’s Creator.

    In this sense, “Schoenberg is really asking for a reconstruction of reality,” the “loss of reality” being “one of the principal features of modern ideology.” “He is Pythagorean in his belief that number is the key to universe,” “not in the ancient classical sense” but in his claim that he “could manipulate reality and reconstitute it on a metaphysical level.” That is “a Gnostic enterprise,” not a musical one, since “anyone who says you shall hear dissonance as consonance because of my system is engaged in reconstituting reality,” as seen in Schoenberg’s dictum, “Tonality does not serve; it must be served.” [4] In a conversation with Igor Stravinsky’s musical assistant, Robert Craft, Reilly remarks that Schoenberg couldn’t finish his masterpiece, the opera Moses und Aron (composed in the early 1930s but never staged until several years after his death) because “he could not understand why Moses was punished for striking the rock a second time.” He refers to incidents related in Exodus 17 and Numbers 20. Moses’ rod was the rod of political authority. Earlier, he had struck the river and turned it to blood. At Exodus 17 he strikes the rock of Horeb, causing water to come out, saving his people, who were dying of thirst. As theologian Charles Henry Mackintosh interprets the passage, turning the river to blood foreshadows Christ’s sacrifice on the Cross. The Rock symbolizes Christ himself, out of whose side water flowed, on the Cross, when pierced by a spear. Referring to Romans 6: 9-10, Hebrews 9:26, 28, and 1 Peter 3:18, theologian Charles Henry Mackintosh writes, “the smiting could only take place once; it was never to be repeated,” as “there can be no repetition of the death of Christ.” [5] Later, God tells Moses to take up not his rod of political authority but his son Aaron’s priestly rod not to strike the rock but to speak to it before the Israelites, who again are rebelling because they again lack water for themselves and their livestock. Moses disobeys, striking the rock twice. The water did come out of it; the Apostle Paul understands this as drinking “of that spiritual rock that followed them: and that Rock was Christ” (1 Corinthians 10:4). Mackintosh explains God’s punishment of Moses, barring him from entering the Promised Land, as substituting an act, properly a political gesture, for a speech, properly a priestly gesture, a gesture God Himself had authorized. As Mackintosh observes, “A word would have sufficed in connection with the rod of priesthood—the rod of grace.” That is, in God’s response to Moses’ disobedient reversal of the roles God had assigned to him, He punished Moses politically, denying him entry into the land upon which God will establish the Israelites in His regime, while permitting him to see that land from the top of Mount Pisgah, an instance of His grace. [6] When Reilly cites the passages in the New Testament, Craft remarks, “Well, that certainly closes the door on [Schoenberg’s] Moses.” Reilly’s point is that Schoenberg’s atonality and seriality truncates music because the nihilist metaphysic underlying that atonality and seriality truncates reality. His music “was a reflection of the spiritual collapse of Europe.” 

    By contrast, American symphonist David Diamond, who complains that audiences listening to many of the avant-garde works are “not really listening to the art of music” but to “the sensation of sound”; this has played out in popular music, too, inasmuch as rock music is very far from Rock music. “Only two great figures hold my spiritual, theological attention”: Moses and Jesus of Nazareth. “These two men are going to be always with us in that vast spiritual sense of what their particular contributions were. And once I bring that together with my musical spiritual force, I think that’s what the future will be in sustaining my own music.” Although Diamond never quite claims that “the great spiritual values in life” are necessarily “religious spiritual values,” he does insist, “Music that does not nourish you spiritually is not music, only aural sensations.” Reilly finds a similar sensibility in the Danish composer, Vagn Holmboe, whose compositional technique, which he called “metamorphosis,” resembles Schoenberg’s twelve-tonism, but with a difference: while Schoenberg is a historicist, a would-be conqueror of nature, Holmboe derives his technique from nature, as seen in the term “metamorphosis” itself, the natural process whereby an organism matures, becomes what it is ‘in full,’ without any human interference or imposition. “The argument from history leads to creation ex nihilo, not so much in imitation of God as a replacement for him—the Nietzschean will to power”; “the argument from nature leads to creation in cooperation with the Creator and to a larger harmony,” since (as Holmbue once said) “cosmos does not develop from chaos without a prior vision of cosmos.” This, Reilly comments, “could come straight from one of St. Thomas Aquinas’ proofs for the existence of God.”

    Diamond and Holmbue were not alone. There has been an entire “cycle of practically unknown symphonies and other orchestral works and chamber music” that shows “the twentieth century to have been far more musically interesting and rich than many may have thought.” To be “surprised by beauty” in listening to this music might also lead to C. S. Lewis’s experience of being “surprised by joy.” [7] 

    Edmund Burke distinguishes the beautiful, which he associates with the arts of classical antiquity, from the sublime, the supreme example of which is the Cross. To find beauty and joy in the sublime, or more accurately in association with it, is to acknowledge that the road to the rediscovery of beauty is no more pleasant and harmonious than the journey to the Promised Land. As the American composer Benjamin Britten testified, “I’ve discovered that being simple and considering things spiritual of importance produces violent reactions.” Rochberg’s path away from “organized atonality” “involved a great deal of thought, passion, and suffering.” Wounded in World War II, afflicted by the death of his son, Paul, after the war, he found that serial music “was bankrupted by its inability to express grief, love or hope.” “Without any explicitly religious basis for his own beliefs, Rochberg arrived at a hope for eternity in a Socratic way—from experience.” The Nazis sought to erase Jews and Judaism; cancer erased the body of his son. The nihilist dimension of the modern project seeks to erase, to forget, being itself. Against this (and with Plato’s playfully advanced theory of knowledge as recollection), Rochberg stood with “memorability, remembering, remembering, remembering, without which we know not ourselves or anyone, the past, the evanescent present, [and] face only a blank future.” He added, “Modernism has done little to satisfy the hunger for the experience of the marvelous, which is timeless and ahistorical.” In his music, he doesn’t even forget atonality, mixing it with the dominant tonal elements of his compositions, understanding nihilism as part of man’s spiritual experience. Like Plato’s Socrates, but unlike Schoenberg, he understands irony but never lets it take him over. Music “is a way of reaching the ineffable or exorcising the Devil,” someone whom the tyrants of his century, including Jew-hating, God-hating Hitler served even as he pursued the false Exodus, the quest for Juden Frei Lebensraum. [8]

    Reilly affirms that “the central fact of history is the Nativity.” La Nativité is the French translation of the title of one of Adams’s operas, which he titled El Niño. “Nothing in his background would have led one to expect that he would turn to religious subject matter,” given what Adams himself calls his “somewhat checkered religious background.” As with many others, Adams approached religion through nature, through the experience of the birth of his daughter: “There were four people in the room, and then there were five.” “Telling the story of birth,” he went on to say, “not necessarily the birth of Jesus, but just the archetypical experience of a woman giving birth—through the words of women—became the generating idea behind El Niño.” The religious dimension of the opera is indeed checkered, as Adams draws not only from the New Testament but the Gnostic Gospels, “approach[ing] canonical Gospels and pseudo-Gospels alike, as if both were enriching myths” as per Joseph Campbell. “Ultimately, this does not work because, in the process, they lose the source” of Mary’s birth-giving, unique among all birth-givings. While Adams’s original title for his opera was How Could This Happen? “the real question is: What happened? Who is Christ?” In his later piece, Transmigration, “one can hear Adams’ spirit straining against the slavery of death, wishing to break its bonds through the exercise of memory and love,” but “wishing does not make it so.” Only the Resurrection does. [9]

    Reilly classifies some agnostics and persons of vague but not decidedly anti-Christian belief to the circle of anti-nihilist composers. Among the latter, the Finn, Einojuhani Rautavaara has written “works that are almost embarrassingly beautiful.” “I am not very much for churches and denominations,” he told Reilly, “but I am for the infinite, absolutely,” recognizing that “Western culture, all of it, music and everything, is based on [the] dichotomy of two opposite forces, Greek philosophy and Christianity,” which were “united in the first millennium and became the core of Western culture.” Intuiting that “there are other kinds of realities” or “other kinds of consciousness, beyond rational concepts and words,” he finds in music “a language where we can tell about those other realities almost with exactness without words,” a “language of the angels.” He takes care not to suppose that such a reality, such a consciousness, is angelic in a sentimental way. He knows that Jacob wrestled with an angel, sustaining injury. Similarly, the British composer Gerald Finzi was a specimen of “that special breed of believing agnostic could write sublime, religiously inspired music.” That is, Reilly suspects, Finzi’s several early experiences with death—his father, three brothers, and his music teacher all died before he reached adulthood—may have left him with a grudge against God, blocking any receptivity to faith. “Finzi’s frequent encounters with death easily explain his attraction to the poetry and the pessimism of Thomas Hardy, another English agnostic, many of whose poems Finzi set to music.” Yet even as he “lived under the death sentence of Hodgkin’s disease,” which killed him in middle age, Finzi’s “profound appreciation for and immersion in the beauty of nature” saved him from nihilism. “Beauty was Finzi’s window onto God, his meeting place with him”—if not God in the self-consciously Christian sense, then God in Wordworth’s neo-Platonic sense, “a dim intimation of our immortality.” “The essence of art is order, completion and fulfillment,” Finzi wrote. “Something is created out of nothing, order out of chaos; and as we succeed in shaping our intractable material into coherence, and form, a relief comes to the mind (akin to the relief experienced at the remembrance of some forgotten thing).” [10]

    The twentieth century saw the rivalry of the Soviet Union and the United States—a regime of theist socialism against a regime of increasingly secular commercialism. Dmitri Shostakovich, “the first significant Russian composer to have been completely educated under the Communist regime,” found himself “in a state of constant tension with it. The Soviet ruling class “alternately celebrating and suppressed his music, depending on how Joseph Stalin was feeling.” Shostakovich’s 1934 opera, Lady Macbeth of the Mtsenk District, was a “tragedy-satire” (as its composer called it), set in 1860s Russia. In it, a merchant’s wife murders her father-in-law, who blundered upon her in the midst of a tryst with her lover; for good measure, she murders her husband, too, before being arrested and shipped to Siberia, where “she commits suicide while drowning the mistress of her unfaithful lover in a lake.” (Reilly adds, “And Katerina is the one with whom we are supposed to sympathize.”) Stalin was unsympathetic, calling it “muddle instead of music” and likely suspecting in it a jab at Kremlin infighting or, as Reilly suggests, a pointed lament about Russia, symbolized in the figure of Katerina, “dying in the nightmarish atmosphere of the Soviet Union” in a “mordant morality tale of how unhinged passion becomes if it cannot anchor itself in love.” “This loveless society is drenched in alcohol, cupidity, and lasciviousness,” as “everything is coarsened; everything is false; everything is a lie.” The Soviet regime itself was founded upon an ignoble lie, a “total lie” about “who and what human beings are.” Such dehumanization leads to murder—many murders. And so, while Shostakovich prudently groveled in apology to the comrades, acting as “a good Soviet cultural apparatchik, which included being sent abroad as a musical emissary,” “all was not as it seemed.” “Shostakovich was engaged in secret writing—in the exact way in which political philosopher Leo Strauss defined it, although transposed to the world of music.” Reilly knows this because Shostakovich himself says so in his memoir, Testimony; “he had been speaking in musical code.” For example, he planned his Seventh Symphony, subtitled Leningrad, before the war began, and thus before Hitler’s attack on the city; Shostakovich writes, “It’s about the Leningrad that Stalin destroyed, and that Hitler merely finished off.” When asked about this and other works, “I answer different people differently, because different people deserve different answers.” As indeed they do. But in Testimony he indeed could offer his final testament: “The majority of my symphonies are tombstones…. I’m willing to write a composition for each of the victims, but that’s impossible, and that’s why I dedicate my music to them all.”

    “If Shostakovich’s symphonies are tombstones, the 15 quartets are the flowers he lays on the graves,” traces of the life of Russia, “a world that Lenin and Stalin attempted to destroy—the world of the human soul, from which emanate the most basic impulses to sing praise and to dance in delight, which is why we still listen.” However, Reilly describes Shostakovich’s mournful but not despairing last quartet, paralleling Haydn’s The Last Seven Words of Christ on the Cross, as a work of desolation, a “Cross without Christ, or Good Friday without the Resurrection,” Shostakovich having been no Christian. “The people who were responsible for these evil deeds,” the crimes of Soviet Communism, “will have to answer for them, if only before their descendants. If I didn’t believe in that completely, life wouldn’t be worth living.” If the Communists do not answer before God, they will need to answer before the ‘History’ that they invoked as the justification for their crimes. [11]

    And the United States? “Despite Hollywood’s attempts to portray our lives as empty and ugly in movies like American Beauty, there is such a thing as beauty in America,” beautiful music that “runs through the nation’s entire history.” As with all American cultural styles, early American music was imported from Europe, but by the twentieth century “those European threads were woven into an American musical tapestry of unique design,” characterized by “strength, directness of expression”—no Hitlers, no Stalins here—an “openhearted yearning, and an element of naïveté.” Reilly considers Samuel Barber an “exemplar of American beauty,” who “gave romanticism a fresh start with his melodic and orchestral genius” as “the composer the avant-garde loved to hate” and the actual concertgoers loved to love. Among these, his Knoxville: Summer of 1915, one of his “Essays for Orchestra,” derives from a short prose poem by James Agee, a “lyric rhapsody” capturing a child’s memory of “the simple sights and sounds of an evening with his family on the lawn before going to bed,” a family for whom he prays, but from whom he will not learn “who I am.” “No, of course they will not, cannot,” Reilly answers, “because your identity is hidden in your Creator, who will show you to yourself when he meets you.” “From the beginning, America’s sense of realism immunized a number of American composers,” including Barber, “against Schoenberg’s ideology,” which “passed through America’s bloodstream without inflict permanent damage,” being “alien to our practical nature” and, perhaps, alien to a people founded on the conviction that their rights derive from nature.

    Reilly concludes that “the attempted suicide of Western classical music has failed.” Schoenberg attempted to drive nature out of music with a pitchfork, but it returned. His “systematic fragmentation of music,” the “logical working of out the premise that music is not governed by mathematical relationships and laws that inhere in the structure of a hierarchical and ordered universe, but is wholly constructed by man and therefore essentially without limits or definition” proved quite simply unsustainable. The “spiritual sickness” of the twentieth century, seen in artistic avant-gardism and the political avant-gardism of ‘totalitarianism,’ has weakened. Schoenberg himself inadvertently forced the crisis in his failure to finish Moses und Aron. “What began to emerge from under the rubble”—Reilly alludes to the title of Solzhenitsyn’s book—of “12-tone music back in the 1960s” was a stripped-down form of tonality called “minimalism,” pioneered by John Adams and others, who “have spoken of the crisis through which they passed in explicitly spiritual terms,” the terms of Nietzsche’s assertion that God is dead. “When you make a dogmatic decision like that early in your life,” Adams said, “it takes some kind of powerful experience to undo it.” As the Estonian composer Arvo Pärt explained, “The sterile democracy between the notes” produced by Schoenberg’s method had “killed in us every lively feeling”; life revived in their souls by the exact opposite of what Nietzsche supposes, not by exclaiming “Yes to life” without God but “Yes to life” understood as given by God. As the Pole, Henryk Górecki understood, “God gave me a backbone—it’s twisted now, but still sturdy.” 

     

    Notes

    1. See Stanley Rosen: The Limits of Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1980), reviewed on this website under the title, “Delimiting Philosophy” in the section, “Philosophers.”
    2. Reilly sees in this a playing-out of Rousseau’s “non-teleological view of nature”: “Cage did for music what Rousseau did for philosophy,” and more, inasmuch as he adopted a stance of “spiritual nihilism.” That spiritual nihilism is never far from Rousseau’s thought may be seen in his Reveries of a Solitary Walker, discussed on this website under the title, “Rousseau’s Solitary Walker” in the section, “Philosophers.” And, as a thousand or more writers have observed, a certain form of tyranny, seen initially in the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution, grows from some, if not all, of the seeds sown in The Social Contract.
    3. Maoism, however, was a form of Marxism, which claims that ‘history’ or the course of events does indeed have an order, aiming at a telos, and ‘end of history,’ as the socialist dictatorship of the proletariat replaces capitalism, itself to be replaced, finally, by communism. Insofar as the musical avantgarde partakes of historicism, it assumes that “the history of art is a series of revolutionary stages, political or otherwise, that open onto an ever-expanding horizon of art’s autonomy and freedom.” So far, this is Marx, or even Hegel. But if one removes the historical telos from historicism, then one is left with historical relativism. In Reilly’s words, “if art serves a primarily temporal function, then after that function is served and history moves on, of what remaining interest is the art?” “The revolutionary view of art” under this form of historicism “turns out to be a form of temporal provincialism.”
    4. In response, Rochberg recalls that Schoenberg’s friend, painter and fellow avant-gardist Wassily Kandinsky, was an anthroposophist; “all these guys were looking for some spiritual and metaphysical way out of their dilemma” but “they had diagnosed their problem in the wrong way,” attempting to repudiate artistic tradition and “trying to start over again from scratch.” The problem is that “the past refuses to be erased.” In music, “serialism is the denial of memory,” impossible to internalize or to vocalize. “It can’t live in you.” And so, “music remains what it has always been: a sign that man is capable of transcending the limits and constraints of his material existence” not as an act of conquest but as an act of listening to words and harmonies.
    5. Charles Henry Mackintosh: Genesis to Deuteronomy: Notes on the Pentateuch (Neptune: Loizeaux Brothers, 1972 [1882]), p. 561.
    6. Ibid., pp. 460-461.
    7. “Music was sacred to him,” Craft says of Stravinsky; he was “the composer of joy.” And in his interview with the eminent opera composer Gian Carlo Menotti, Reilly cites the longed-for, “joyous meeting” with God longed for by Annina, the heroine of his opera, The Saint of Bleecker Street.
    8. Another refugee from avant-gardism, the American composer George Antheil, the self-described Bad Boy of Music, had “stood shoulder to shoulder with his friends Ezra Pound, Picasso, James Joyce, Fernand Léger” in Paris of the 1920s, but after his Ballet mécanique had gone “as far as one can go in [that] direction,” he followed Stravinsky “into neoclassicism.” As a result, while Pound admired Mussolini’s Fascism, Picasso and Léger Stalin’s Communism, Antheil wrote The Shape of the War to Come, “in which he predicted the events of World War II with astonishing precision.” That is, Antheil reconnected himself with reality, in music and politics alike.
    9. Redemption of human souls anticipates their resurrection. Redemption by the grace of God became the central theme of Francis Poulenc, “the witty playboy of French music,” who converted to Christianity in reaction to the sudden death of his best friend, the composer Pierre-Octave Perroud in 1936. Poulenc wrote Dialogues des Carmélites, “an opera for those who hate the French Revolution”—Reilly numbers himself among them—recalling the 1792 murder of priests by the Jacobins in a Carmelite convent they had turned into a prison, following Voltaire’s slogan, Ecrasez l’infame. “Two years later, the prayer police caught a group of Carmelite nuns from Compiègne still secretly practicing their vows,” a crime punishable by death. They were guillotined. Poulenc modeled his opera on a screenplay by George Bernanos. The Sisters “die singing the Salve Regina.” (For a careful discussion of Poulenc’s work, see Peter Kalkavage: Music and the Idea of a World (Philadelphia: Paul Dry Books, 2024), reviewed on this website under the title, “Does Music Mean Anything?” in the category, “Manners and Morals.”
    10. Agnosticism, not rare in modern England, also characterizes Ralph Vaughan Williams. A clergyman’s son but not a Christian himself, Williams “nevertheless imbued his works with a deep spirituality,” his music and indeed his soul having “absolutely nothing to do with the avant-garde. Like Finzi, he loves nature, but unlike Finzi, his music often mourns “the loss of nature” in modernity and registers his anger against that loss. “Anger gives his music sinews that the more meandering pastoral works, despite their charm, sometimes lack.”
    11. Similarly, in Latvia, Pēteris Vasks wrote music that (as he said) “tell[s] in eight minutes how beautiful and harmonious the world is”—this, in contrast to the “aesthetic of ugliness” seen in the avant-garde art of his century, consistent with the totalitarian-tyrannical regime that imposed itself on his country from its capital in Moscow. His Cello Concerto, for example, depicts what Vasks calls “the persistence of a personality against crude, brutal power; what totalitarian power did to us, how we are to purge ourselves from this manipulation”—a witness to “the spiritual steadfastness of my people.” He titled first movement of his String Symphony—Voices “Voices of Silence,” the title of André Malraux’s best-known book on art, written in resistance to the historical determinism of Marxist ideology. In Vasks’s symphony, the “Voices of Silence” serves as the prelude to “Voices of Life” and, finally, “Voices of Conscience.” 

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Does Music Mean Anything?

    February 5, 2025 by Will Morrisey

    Peter Kalkavage: Music and the Idea of a World. Philadelphia: Paul Dry Books, 2024.

     

    Although our contemporaries associate music with meaning, with lyrics, they typically deny it any intrinsic meaning, relegating it to the realm of aesthetic pleasure when they do not regard it as an adjunct to rhetoric, a sort of energy boost to some ‘message.’ There must be something wrong about that, given the complexity of so much music, especially ‘classical’ music. Why would Bach bother?

    Peter Kalkavage shows how composers have in fact set their music in accordance with their “idea of a world,” a world that might be the cosmos, the soul, the course of events, the world music itself makes, or some (or all) of those things. Reserving consideration of symphonic composition, “instrumental music,” for another time, he mostly discusses music accompanied by words, which unquestionably make the meaning of music clearer. Beginning with the music of classical antiquity as understood by Pythagoras and Plato, he moves from the Christian music of Bach, the Enlightenment music of Mozart, the Schopenhauerian music of Wagner, the Nietzschean music of Schoenberg, and finally to return to Christian music in Francis Poulenc’s Dialogues of the Carmelites.

    The contrast between Plato and Schopenhauer, between “cosmological optimism” and “cosmological pessimism,” frames his account. Socrates calls philosophy “the greatest music” in the Phaedo, initially bans the lesser sorts of music from his City in Speech in the Republic, then readmits them with stipulated stern conditions. For Socrates, Plato, and the Greeks generally, ‘music’ encompasses both tunes and poetry; it is both promising and “dangerous” because it wields “the power to shape the soul for good or ill, to make the psychic regime orderly or disorderly.” So great is this power to pervade and persuade the soul that it “verges on the supernatural,” causing “the listener to be held and spellbound,” thanks to its “intense personal inwardness,” which can “form our character, opinions, and way of life,” shaping “our whole being.” “In music, there is no safe distance, as there is in sight, between perceiver and perceived, subject and object”; moreover, like the voice of God, musical tones “come to us when they want to,” as “we must wait for a moment to sound.” Although music acts upon the emotions of the listener, it does so “through the order and precision of its tones and rhythms.” Even when it “overwhelm[s] our reason and self-control,” it does so in accordance with a measure, indeed a mathematical measure, arranged by its composer. This is the “paradox” of music. In the Timaeus, Critias of Athens, claims the capacity to “harmonize the particulars of Socrates’ city in speech with those of an ancient unsung Athens,” a myth he’s made up. This comports with Critias’ childhood initiation during “a festival in honor of Dionysus, the god of intoxication,” in which “impressionable youths are officially rooted in the tribe and by extension their city.” Intoxicated by song, by songs composed by the eminently sober Athenian lawgiver, Solon, Critias and his fellow youths assimilate the Solonian regime and its laws. But rival poet-rhetorician Timaeus of Italy upstages Critias with a much more philosophically ambitious speech, a “long speech about the cosmos”—the ‘regime’ of nature,’ so to speak. 

    Timaeus’ speech opposes both Socrates’ critique of poetry in the Republic and the theory of the Ideas propounded in that dialogue. “It is an apologia or defense of Becoming and body in response” to the Socratic presentation of nature as fundamentally stable. Whereas Socrates argues that “genuine education turns the soul away from Becoming or flux and toward the changeless realm of Being,” from the Cave of conventional opinion to the realm of the eternal Ideas, Timaeus’ “likely story…takes us in the opposite direction, from Being down to Becoming,” telling “how an ingenious craftsman-god, who is without envy and who gazed on archetypal Being, brought order to the primordial chaos through a combination of forethought and the beautiful structures of mathematics.” Socrates calls this story or mythos not an account of nature but a nomos, “which in Greek means both law and song, as well as custom and convention”—the sort of thing philosophy ascends from. And because, as the Greek musicologist Damon taught (and as both Critias, Socrates, and Timaeus all evidently hold), any change in music eventually cause a change in the “greatest political laws”—those that instantiate the regime of the city—Timaeus’ beautifully crafted myth threatens any particular city because it “makes us law-abiding citizens of the world—good cosmopolitans—instead of good citizens of Athens or any other polis and, moreover, that the world we are to love, whose laws we abide by, consists of matter in flux. 

    The laws of the ever-shifting, material world or cosmos derive from mathematics. Mathematics is a kind of music, albeit “not music that one can hear but an intellectual, hermetic music that is inscribed in the nature of things.” It is, however, closely related to the music we hear, with ‘physical’ music. “The greatest musical moment in the story is the construction of the musical scale out of ratios of whole numbers,” a construction “based on the momentous Pythagorean discovery that the intervals that make up melody—octave, perfect fifth, perfect fourth, whole tone—are produced by string-lengths that are in the smallest whole-number ratios: 2:1 for the octave, 3:2 for the perfect fifth, 4:3 for the perfect fourth, and 9:8 for the whole tone.” Since music always moves, this means that mathematics animates the cosmic flux from the orbits of the planets to the human soul. “Musicality” in a human soul means “the adjustment and tuning of all our actions to the regular, periodic movements of the heavens”; to have achieved musicality is “to live a life that is in every respect well timed, symmetrical, and balanced—the life of a star.” The rhythmic cosmic flux causes souls that allow themselves to get out of tune, living “an acosmic, unmusical life,” “re-enter Becoming in an animal form suitable to their moral and intellectual degradation.” Even those who re-enter life as humans begin their material life as “mindless, inarticulate babies, incapable of controlling any of our movements.” This makes education necessary, “the most important part” of which is mathematical astronomy, a discipline that fixes our attention upon the stars, brings a soul back to the star from which it originated. Just as navigators steer a ship by looking up at the stars, so the study of mathematical astronomy can guide human beings in life, preventing them from devolution into lower animals after the death of their bodies. Music is “therapy.” As Timaeus puts it, music is “the means of “bringing the soul into arrangement and concord with herself.”

    Socrates and Timaeus do agree on one thing, that music and poetry either are or should be rational. Not so, Schopenhauer, who asserts “the supremacy of will over intellect” in music and indeed in the cosmos. By “will” Schopenhauer means not the will of any person, including God (“for Schopenhauer there is no God”) but “the universal, cosmic force and infinite striving that underlies all things and rises to self-awareness in man.” Flux, to be sure, but not rational flux: genuine human self-awareness recognizes human beings as animated by “feeling and care.” “My living body reminds me that I am constantly in the condition of seeking to preserve my life and to stave off harm, pain, frustration, and death,” and “my being and life consist in striving to be and to live,” even when I sleep, since my dreams consist of “my hopes, fears, anxieties, and desires made into a private movie, often a surreal one.” As with moderns generally, this ineluctable self-focus supports individualism, seen (in different ways) in Machiavelli, Montaigne, Descartes, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau. Unlike those philosophers, however, Schopenhauer is a pessimist, conceiving of human life as tragic, forever in conflict with brute reality. The world is will/force objectified, but it objectifies itself “in a fourfold way: as inorganic nature, plant life, animal life, and human life.” 

    Music fits into this because “music is unique among the arts” in “depict[ing] the inner world of care—pure subjective meaning apart from all objectivity,” not a “rational world soul but the passionate world heart.” The claim that the cosmic condition is one of perpetual change, perpetual becoming, comports with the claim that passion is the heart of the cosmos; passions surge, moods alter, as time goes by. Politically, the passionate character of the world heart and the music it depicts implies a certain egalitarianism. Music for Schopenhauer “is not an elitist Pythagorean who speaks only to her learned inner circle but rather the ‘universal language’ that is ‘instantly understood by everyone,’ intuitively and without the aid of concepts.” Attending to music scarcely ‘tunes’ the soul to a cosmic harmony, since there is no such thing. Life consists of “infinite striving,” the “insatiable desire” of the “egocentric individual,” who, as Hobbes already puts it, seeks power after power without any purpose or ‘end,’ and only ceases to do so when he dies. Thus, “to live is to suffer”; life “is an outright curse.” Schopenhauer likens human life to Ixion, whom Zeus punished by Zeus for daring to desire Hera, thrusting him on a wing of fire in Tartarus. Ixion’s only, temporary relief from eternal torture occurred when Orpheus “descended into the Underworld and charmed its inhabitants with his song,” distracting them from their agonies. Music preeminently, the other fine arts to lesser degrees, representing the will “as thing-in-itself,” divorced from physicality and even from psychic striving, allows selves to lose themselves, to “detach us from the objects of our care.” “To behold the sufferings of Oedipus or Lear is precisely to be taken away from our own,” if only for a while. Not the artist but the saint, who has “neutralized the will to be and to live through the gnosis of nothingness,” who has adopted a stance of thoroughgoing resignation towards all that is, including himself, no longer suffers and is “free to feel compassion for the suffering of other human beings and even for that of animals.” But music is an important step in the saintly direction. Listening to music, Schopenhauer writes, is “an unconscious exercise in metaphysics in which the mind does not know it is philosophizing.” Thus, it turns out that individualism, the characteristically modern claim, “applies only to the world of phenomena,” which is illusory. While he resembles Timaeus in claiming that music enables us to connect us with “will as process rather than with a stable mode of soul and character,” he regards music not as “sensed ratio” but as “the embodiment of tension or force.” Music’s core is not consonance or harmony but dissonance, “the tonal analogue of desire,” best heard in the appoggiatura, the “leaning tone,” the “perfect musical analogue of longing,” of eros. 

    “Music as force flourishes in the tradition of modern tonal harmony,” from Bach to Wagner and to this day. In it, “there is a play of forces: tonal dynamism,” a music “friendly to the language of will, since will is tension, and force is will that has not yet attained self-consciousness.” Schopenhauer regards Wagner’s music as the supreme expression of the force that is longing, “the tonal analogue of eros as infinite longing,” with no telos, no rest. In Wagner’s Tristan and Isolde, “the universal, undying truth of the story is not in the death-bound characters but in the tones.” Music, Schopenhauer writes, is “a copy of the will itself.” Whereas the other arts can only “present universality through the medium of things,” music “makes no such appeal and represents, imitates the world’s pure subjectivity” through “tones all by themselves.” The other arts are visual, and Socrates’ theory of the Ideas, requiring the sunlight of the Good, outside the Cave of convention, rejects the world of hearing, of opinion, oral poetry, rhetoric. Schopenhauer rejects sight for hearing, hearing of “the melody to which the world is the text.” “Tones all by themselves represent the indwelling, immortal spirit of the world.” Melody is “the ultimate mythos and symbol of human life” inasmuch as it portrays, as Schopenhauer puts it, “every agitation, every effort, every movement of the will, everything which the faculty of reason summarizes under the wide and negative concept of feeling, and which cannot be further taken up into the abstractions of reason.” “Nothing in the natural world or in the inner and outer life of man” does not “find its counterpart in the all-embracing realm of tones.” Music symbolizes “the whole of things.” 

    There is still another music, apart from the ‘ancient’ music discussed in the Platonic dialogues or the ‘modern’ music Schopenhauer loves. It is the music of the Bible, the music of polyphony, the music of the Creator-God, who is neither “a craftsman who leaves the world after having made it, nor Aristotle’s indifferent prime mover.” And contra Schopenhauer and the moderns, the God of the Bible exists and, moreover, is a person “to whom one can pray.” With the God of the Bible, “salvation comes not from dialectic, or astronomy, or art, or the death of care based on the gnosis of cosmic nothingness, but from faith in God.” We hear it in the “unperturbed disposition” of Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina’s Sicut cervus, where “the music is a continually graceful gesture that transmutes the pain of longing into a serene order of voices that seem always to know and love their place.” In this choral music, “the voice that follows seems to be inspired to enter by the one that leads,” with each part moving “in happy obedience to the rules of good voice leading.” “They seem to delight in each other’s company and to be naturally social,” members of “a musical community that captures the sound and being of friendship.” Individual, yes; individualistic, no. “The voices of Sicut cervus…may be said to enact the contrapuntal play and gracious reciprocity that we find among souls in Dante’s Paradiso.“

    Following the argument of the Austrian musicologist Victor Zuckerkandl, who preceded him at St. John’s College, Kalkavage understands music as “heard motion,” motion both in the outer world and the inner world of the soul or the body. Zuckerkandl “comes very close to positing, with Schopenhauer, a cosmic will,” while departing from the philosopher in refraining from “regard[ing] the external world as an illusion” and music as “the symbology of emotion, although it certainly arouses emotions.” Nor does he share Schopenhauer’s view of music as a “private momentary refuge from the wheel of Ixion” but, on the contrary, as “the frequently communal flourishing of our innately musical nature and a celebratory mode of being-in-the-world.” In this, he comes much closer not only to the world but to the God of the Bible, and the gods of the Greek poets, all of them persons acting in time, rather than the god of the philosophers, which exist “beyond place, time, and motion and therefore beyond music.” An eternal and temporal God acts in a time conceived in contradiction to Schopenhauer and Van Gogh, who thought of time “as Kronos, the giant who devoured his children.” Music ‘keeps time’ by moving rhythmically: “We hear the waltz-wave that comes to us, and we move with it.” This is not Schopenhauer, it is Bergson.

    It is also modern, in the sense that tonal music breaks with the ‘modal’ music, as it is called, the Church music of the Middle Ages. “In the music of earlier times,” Zuckerkangl writes, tones were not free; they were bound to words, as in song, or to actions that call for regular bodily movement, as in dance, work, ceremonial. Thus the world of things, the spatial world, forced itself into the tonal world, mingled with it, and was able to prevent an insight into the very essence of music.” That essence finds its expression not in voices but in musical instruments. As Kalkavage paraphrases him, “Time, through tonal music, becomes the new medium for image-formation, the medium in which human beings can now find a paradigmatic meaning that is more faithful to the dynamic, forward-moving world in which they live and to the ever-developing freedom of the human spirit.” It is to be noted that Kalkavage has written extensively on Hegel, and he observes that Zuckerkangl “seems to rely on a Hegelian supposition of historical progress.” Modal music, by contrast, features not so much motion and struggle but constancy and peace. The monks who sing it sing with relaxed throats. They sing slowly, leaving space for reverent contemplation, a glowing solemnity. Modal music was held to be healing. It does not strive for God because in a sense the monks are already with Him. Nothing about it is rushed, worried, busy.

    This is not to say that modern music abandons space and rest entirely. How could the tones of modern music sound separately “if space did not keep them apart?” And “how could polyphony, many voices at once, be possible without a space in which the many voices pursued their distinguishable linear careers?” Music moves from outside me to inside me. I am the “destination and addressee” of musical tones. Unlike thoughts, tones “always come from me from without,” surrounding me. But unlike color, which also comes from outside of me, it is not delimited in one space. The eye highlights the externality of Being, its externality. In its movement, music mimics life, the life that surrounds us and permeates us. (Again, Bergson.) This makes music “a window to nature.” “In music, we experience space as not empty but full. It is space that is alive.” As such (and now quoting Zuckerkandl again), tones “encounter not only me but one another.” He compares it to a magnetic force-field. Music isn’t simply a matter of “aesthetic beauty” but of “cognition and truth.” “Like philosophy, it is a mode of openness to the whole of all things, a cognitive attunement to the way things are, not conceptual but intuitive.” The life, the nature of tonal music centers in its polyphony, as in Verdi’s opera, Otello, in which Othello and Desdemona, Iago and Emilia, sing at the same time without cacophony. “Tones can do this because, as directed tensions in auditory space, they encounter one another, relate to one another in determinate ways,” as “the words ride, as it were, on the coattails of tones.” And, with anti-Schopenhauerian optimism, they ride ‘upward,’ toward crescendo. This is not the utopian, “better world” of Romanticism but “rather a mode of access to the world in which we live.” “Nature is seen to have through music an inner life, a kind of soul that animates and enchants the external world”; it is integral to nature. It would be a mistake to say that music has “a particular meaning or meanings”; rather, it has “meaningfulness.” “The external world is revealed as the material host and home of immaterial tending.” Unlike Zuckerkangl, who inclines to reject the rational aspect of music, Kalkavage concurs with Timaeus and his esteem for “the Pythagorean ratios. “Number is a bond between music and nature, and a cause of the world’s beautiful order.” Like the world, music is measurable. It is no chaos. It can partake in logos, marry words. To consider this marriage, Kalkavage turns to a couple of arias, both on love: “divine love” in the aria, “Out of love is my Savior willing to die” in Bach’s St Matthew Passion and “This image is enchantingly beautiful” in Mozart’s Magic Flute.

    In Matthew 26-27, Jesus tells his disciples to take and eat the bread, representing his body, then to take and drink from the cup of wine, representing his blood. The Last Supper is last, spiritually considered, because acceptance of Christ’s covenant, integrating His sacrificial love into oneself, is the last meal anyone will ever need on earth. Breaking the bread, the body of Jesus, drinking the wine, the life-blood of Jesus, evokes His Passion, the supreme pain inflicted by God the Father upon His Son, for the sake of the salvation of His followers. “The arias of Bach’s St. Matthew Passion are the most stunning evocations of passion in the work.” “What role do our passions,” evoked by mingling words and tones, “play in the Passion as depicted by Bach?” And “What does Bach’s music contribute to our understanding of Christ’s suffering and death?”

    Given the agony of the Passion as the supreme expression of divine love, the music is, must be, “relentless in its surge and complexity,” the “sound of a depth that continually rises to the heavens.” While the first two choruses lament, the third, the voices of the boys’ choir “float on high, as if from the heavens, down upon the surging tide of all the adult complexity and confusion.” They invite the listeners to become as little children. “Bach combines dark and bright, complex and simple, exotic and familiar, somber and joyous, bitter and sweet”—all impassioned. Yet, “as musical meditations they are also a means by which the events in Matthew’s story become objects of thought.” The overarching thought is, “Out of love is my Savior willing to die”—an innocent who takes the worst punishment to save me from “eternal damnation,” the just judgment of God, inasmuch as sins against an eternal Person might be considered to deserve eternal punishment. Bach accompanies the song of the voices with the song of a flute, whose “wordless song establishes a mood of sublime desolation,” a mood of longing, of eros; the soprano’s song that follows is a song not of eros but of agape, of divine love. “Eros, we might say, is summoned in order to be purified, purged of his self-seeking carnality.” Pan’s pipes will now be cleansed of lust. God needs nothing; His love isn’t erotic, like the love of the Greek gods. His love exists only for the sake of His creation. Nor is the aria willful, not in the desiring sense or even in the sense of willingness, of consent. “The song is not about the subjective state, the resolve or willingness, of the singer”; it is rather “the direct statement of a fact, the most wondrous fact the world has ever known, that Jesus, as the incarnation of divine love, submitted to an grossly unjust sentence (he ‘stood in’ for man) so that the jut sentence of eternal damnation would not fall upon us.” “Bach deputizes the soprano to reveal the doctrinal core of Jesus’s sacrifice,” that “God loves man and desires to save him from the fate he deserves.” The aria is a ‘solo.’ Like Jesus on the Cross, the singer is alone, singing a “bare, lonely sound [that] captures the terrifying vulnerability of Jesus,” a “sound of love as self-divestment, love as sacrifice.” “Nothing less than an eternal love was necessary if we were to be saved from eternal damnation.”

    The “power of song” consists in inducing the listener “not just [to] register meaning but experience it,” “do[ing] for words what words cannot do for themselves,” giving them “new life,” even as God’s love give man new life. “When words and tones are wedded, words strike us, come home to us, in a most intimate and powerful way,” in the most loving way. “Conceptual meaning” is one thing, the “weight and power” of what we think of is quite another. “To be fully awake to faith, we must be struck, perhaps even shocked, by the objects of faith”—pierced as surely as Jesus was pierced by the centurion’s spear. In no way does Kalkavage intend to minimize, let alone denigrate, the conceptual meaning of words, including God’s Word. “Bach’s music offers the listener food for thought” by means of “the listener’s faculty for delight” and of “wonder at the sacrifice that is at the center of Christian faith and at the power of music that can bring about a more intimate union with that faith.” 

    The question that philosophers, ancient and modern, raise about any such intimate union is, has the love whose bonds have been tightened bound you to the truth? Mozart is a man of the Enlightenment, indeed a Freemason, and he takes us “from Bach’s musicalized world of divine love to the love between man and woman and the secular religion of [his] Magic Flute.” The aria in question is, “This image is enchantingly beautiful.” A man of the Enlightenment wants to know if the image really depicts a nature that is as beautiful, as really enchanting; the man of the Bible suspects idolatry in either enchantment. When Prince Tamino looks longingly at the picture of Pamina, daughter of the Queen of the Night, is he looking at, longing for, the real thing? The Magic Flute is “filled with Masonic ideals, symbols, terms, rituals, and numerology,” but do they indicate anything real? if “in responding to music we perceive feelingly and feel perceptively,” with perception as “primary,” and if musical tones enable us to “gain entrance” to the “musical universe,” how does the musical universe bring listeners to the core of the universe? 

    In the opera, the Queen of the Night intends “to use Tamino’s love for Pamino to seduce the hero into saving Pamina from Sarastro, the supposed villain who has abducted Pamina”—a ‘secular’ salvation. In seeing the image, Tamino doesn’t merely stare. He questions his feeling, identifying it as love, then wondering not at what he feels but what he would do if his beloved were really there. That is, he looks, he feels; Montaigne-like, he “beholds his inner state and makes it an object of reflection,” engaging in “inner dialogue and questioning,” then finally thinks again, not of his beloved, simply, nor of his now-clarified condition of soul, but of what action fits the apparent character of his beloved and the love that has taken perceived form in his mind and heart. The music of the aria itself has a character, Besonnenheit or “rational awareness, sensibleness, being in one’s right mind.” The love of the Biblical God, agape, expresses God’s nature as Logos; the love of the Enlightenment man is no less rational, but perhaps rational in a different way. The love of the Biblical God commands his followers to be as innocent as doves but as prudent as serpents. The love of the Enlightenment man also brings him to prudent action (if perhaps not so much to innocence). Musically, Mozart’s tonal harmony, with its “structured movement,” guides the souls of listeners to reasoning love, reasoning life. The orchestral finale to Tamino’s aria “capture the two complementary sides of Tamino’s nature: the first heroic and forte, the second ender and piano,” ending “with a hush,” because “what Tamino ultimately desires is not continued arousal or heroism for his own sake, but rest—the blissful repose and heart’s ease that comes from lasting union with the beloved.”

    So is the lover’s reasoning, measured, balanced soul, a soul that does not wreck itself in its erotic longing. As Tamino’s beloved, “Pamina is the focal point of the opera.” Their names are nearly identical twins, differing finally in sex; they are well matched, if their sexual difference can be reconciled. Pamina, as a woman, is the vulnerable one, the one who “endures the greatest and most prolonged sufferings: her mother’s absence, the stern tutelage of Sarastro, the violent advances and blackmail of Monostatos, the revelation of the mother she loves as a demon bent on a murder Pamina herself is ordered to commit.” In her despair, she sings what has been called Mozart’s greatest aria. The ‘magic’ flute is music, magical in the sense that it enchants and enlightens at once—precisely the marriage philosophy doubts, when contemplating poetry, most immediately the sung poetry, the winged words, of Homer. Mozart would redeem secular, Enlightenment, rationalism from its prosaicness while saving music and poetry from delusion. “It is Pamina who reveals that the magical vocation of music is not to gain power over others—the Machiavellian passion—”or to court”—the seductive passion at the core of Romanticism—”or merely to amuse oneself”—the trivial life of what Nietzsche would later deride as that of the Last Man—but “to ward off the fear of death,” the Hobbesian passion that may undergird all of the other modern passions. At the end of the opera, Tamino, by now well tested by a series of trials, finally sees his beloved face to face—as the Bible promises those redeemed by Christ will see one another in Paradise. The lovers “now see each other clearly for the first time,” see one another not as images or as ideas or as ideals, in what Kalkavage (that student of Hegel) calls “mutual recognition.” They sing in “two halves of a little musical circle in F major,” a “wedding ceremony in tones.” “Passion, now perceptive, finds its purpose.” Love is no “mere feeling” but an “act,” an act taking in knowledge of the beloved “not as an eternal possession but as a partner in the trials of life.” Even more than music, Pamina is “the true magic of Mozart’s Magic Flute.” The lovers are Adam and Eve, “Man and Woman,” perfected in this world. This intimate order can then form the foundation of a just political order, “the marriage of marriage and politics, private and public, love and rule” in a reconciliation of opposites in which neither one of the pair loses his, her, identity or unique soul. The names become a nature. 

    The Christian music of Bach, the Enlightenment music of Mozart, both intended to heal wounded human nature, no longer prevail in the atonal music of Schoenberg. Behind that composer sit the philosopher, Schopenhauer and the composer, Richard Wagner. The “musical universe” of Tristan and Isolde “consecrates a love that combines the human and the divine—not in Christ as mediator or in marriage and a perfected social order, but in eros and its bond with death as a sacred consummation.” Wagner had indeed read The World as Will and Representation while he composed his Ring cycle; the philosopher’s “cosmic gloom” resonated with him. With Schopenhauer, he considered Eros as a dangerous god who leads lovers not to joy but sorrow. “What the force of cosmic Eros does to the lover-acolytes, Wagner does to his listeners through tones,” deployed “violently, tyrannically, like love itself,” expressing “the raw subjectivity of feeling.” Unlike Schopenhauer, however, Wagner attempts to elevate love beyond the status of “a ruse that the noumenal will employs to propagate the species,” a delusion that suckers us into propagating our kind. For him, as for the ancients, Eros binds souls, not only bodies in its Dionysian frenzy, making it all the more fatal. Tristan commits what is effectively suicide in a sword fight; Isolde follows him in death, each experiencing the “highest bliss,” the condition of “unconsciousness achieved when love as Eros is pushed to its extreme point.” as each foregoes “the trivial transitory pleasures of sex for the final rush of self-immolation and metaphysical union.” “Death is the ultimate union,” the “union of the lovers with one another through union with the World Spirit,” whereby they achieve “freedom from bodily, worldly taint and from the principle and prison of individuation.” [1] When they sing, Eros “sings through them.” “Love, for Wagner, seeks the total merging of the lovers’ separate selves,” not in “mere being-with or even an eternal intertwining,” but “the total merging of the lovers’ separate selves, a union that spells the obliteration of the lovers as individual beings” that they can achieve only in death. “Love is the ultimate nihilist.” And so they “hurl themselves into Love’s abyss,” throwing “Schopenhaurian calm to the winds.” No “detached contemplation” for Wagner; to truly know is not to think but to feel. 

    Kalkavage soberly intervenes to remark that “Wagner, as a Romantic, in both his music and his theoretical writings tends to overdo the role of feeling in music to the detriment of aesthetic contemplation.” But “in music, passion and perception always work together.” If “in music we are hearing tonal analogues, symbols, of that of which we ourselves are made,” then music occasions “insight and self-knowledge.” Music illuminates, “affirm[ing] that goodness consists in beautiful order, in a well-ordered cosmos like the one depicted in the Timaeus, rather than an abyss of indeterminacy.” Not Tristan and Isolde but Dante and Beatrice are good. “Listening to Wagner’s Tristan and Isolde is a ravishing, if dangerous, human experience,” one that invites its audience to “die to music,” to imbibe his all-too-effective tone-potion,” transforming us into “the voluptuous music of death-bound eros,” into sailors who do not plug their ears at the songs of the Sirens. Better to respond by searching for an antidote to that potion, to resist “the lovers’ death wish and the gnostic nihilism it embodies, to pursue without illusion a love that preserves rather than destroys, celebrates rather than abolishes individuality, and seeks life rather than death, clarity rather than warmth alone, wakefulness rather than sleep, and reconciliation with the external world, in which great evil is mixed with great good.” 

    The preference for madness over sanity leads to the demonic, as seen in Dr. Faustus, Thomas Mann’s music-obsessed novel. Mann’s musical focus isn’t Wagner but Arnold Schoenberg’s twelve-tone composition, which Mann considers a prelude to the madness of the Third Reich, in which the soul of Germans stood revealed. Schoenberg radicalized Wagner and the subsequent German composers (notably, Richard Strauss and Gustav Mahler), who had begun to distance themselves from tonal music. Schoenberg’s initial ‘atonal’ music “dispensed with the tonic but had no intrinsic principle of order.” It was a negation. His twelve-tone composition amounted an attempt to reconstitute music on a new foundation, namely, “tonal egalitarianism,” the rejection of the dissonances that bespeak hierarchy. Tones returned, but they were ‘democratized.’ The problem is that this democracy was not republican, not civic, self-governing, but a leveling that invites tyranny. After all, to achieve tonal egalitarianism, one needs a composer, a master who keeps all the tones equal beneath him. Twelve-tone music steps to the tune not of Tocqueville’s American democracy but to Tocqueville’s greatest fear, regimes of egalitarian despotism.

    A music without cadences is a music that “no longer has a narrative structure but lives in the moment,” without a telos. It uses sounds to express moods, and that’s about it. In Mann’ s novel, the protagonist, the German composer Adrian Leverkühn, has been influenced decisively not only by Schoenberg but by Theodor Adorno and, behind both of them, Nietzsche. In a pact with a devil, Leverkühn exchanges his soul, specifically his “capacity for human love,” in exchange for “twenty-four years of inspired musical creativity.” The devil gives him “the Dionysian jolt” (commended, of course, by Nietzsche) to get him out of his uncreative rationalism. But in exchanging both love and reason for creativity, Leverkühn can only affirm self-interest as his animating motive. And like Nietzsche, who was said to have become infected with syphilis at a brothel, so too does Leverkühn. Like the death-fated lovers of Wagner, he will die, but without even the love that they had shared. His sin, like that of Faust in the Faust Book, is “not against God but against his own nature—his body, mind, and well-being, as the bacillus colonizes his brain. The devil assures him that he will become “an aesthetic Führer [who] will break through the age,” expressing “his will to power in the mystic realm of tones,” thereby “bring[ing] about a double barbarism, double because it comes after liberal humanitarianism,” Kantianism, the moral dimension of modern rationalism. Leverkühn has become the musical analogue to Hitler but, unlike Hitler, in the end he experiences remorse. “The Faustian cosmos…embodies mischief and monstrosity. Its intricate designs are demonic rather than divine.” As to Mann’s novel, “in its supremely ordered word-images of music [it] transcends devil, darkness, and despair.” Putting things in musical terms, if dissonance needs consonance to be dissonance and to be understood as dissonance, then consonance must come from the listener and his surroundings. But that means consonance exists. And if consonance exists, how can Being itself be nothing but dissonance, chaos? That is, atonal music and the philosophic nihilism behind it partake of the dilemma of modern philosophy itself, which inclines to dismiss nature as meaningless while asserting human rule over nature: Where, then, did man come from? 

    With this, Kalkavage concludes three sets of paired chapters: two on musicology, two on the contrast between the tonal music of the Christian Bach and the tonal music of the Freemason Mozart, and two on the Schopenhauer-and-Nietzsche-driven ‘liberation’ from tonality, which amounts to a ‘liberation’ from both faith and reason, the prefiguration of what is usually called ‘postmodernism.’ In his seventh and final chapter, he considers Francis Poulenc’s opera, Dialogues of the Carmelites, first produced in 1957. Born in Paris to a Roman Catholic family, Poulenc plunged into the avant-garde world of his city; he was ‘gay’ in both senses of the word, and his early music was light, witty, and popular. The sudden death of a fellow composer in 1936 turned him back to Catholicism; the Dialogues was one result of his newfound seriousness. The opera, based on a never-produced screen by the eminent French Catholic, Georges Bernanos, tells the story of sixteen Carmelite nuns who were guillotined by the atheist fanatics of Jacobinism in 1794. “Here we find no tale of romantic love or case of mistaken identity,” the staples of so much opera. The Dialogues “sweeps us up in a double terror: the French Reign of Terror in the external world and the internal error of Blanche de la Force,” a young aristocratic woman who recently joined the order, fearing of the increasing egalitarian chaos around her and her family. Initially anything but Blanche “of the Strength,” the opera show her on a “spiritual journey from crippling fear to liberating martyrdom.” As her story unfolds, we hear a musical world that is French-Catholic rather than German-nihilist, “a world in which grace triumphs over the satanic will to mock murder and desecrate,” a “tonic for the cosmic gloom and cold intellectualism of Mann’s Faustus novel.” And unlike Wagner’s Tristan, in which tones, “the incarnation of Schopenhauer’s cosmic will,” are “meant to engulf words and the illusory world to which words belong,” Poulenc orchestrates his work lightly, keeping his songs “close to real life and the free flow of dialogue,” doing “nothing to obscure Bernanos’s lucid text.” Among the words sung are those by the young and very aptly named Sister Constance: “We do not die each for ourselves, but each for another, or even each in place of another”—an imitatio Christi. Among Bernanos’s favorite saints was Joan of Arc. Bernanos and Poulenc nonetheless caution, in a song sung by the Prioress, “that martyrdom is a reward to be accepted,” like grace, and perhaps an instance of grace, “not an achievement to be sought out,” since “the striving for martyrdom remains a strong temptation for the heroic-minded,” who often lack the mesure of reason. “The vocation of music is to reveal, in tones and rhythms, the inner truth of all things,” a vocation reminiscent of Timaeus’ claim, but now Christian. It is by grace, Poulenc wrote, that “my Carmelites go to the scaffold with an extraordinary calm and faith,” which are “at the heart of all mystical experience.” Blanche sings her final song giving tribute to the execution, a tribute “not to human heroism but to the Triune God.” As Jesus tells his disciples, “In the world you have tribulation; but be of good cheer, I have overcome the world” (John 16:33).

    Music, then, has meaning, even when its authors reject meaning. Those musical authors who do not (self-contradictorily) reject meaning partake of reason—especially of number and ratio—and also of life, bringing live people to sing and to listen to song. “Music in its greatest moments—especially moments in which tones take their cue from sacred words—is a life-celebrating point of contact with things that do not come to be and pass away but are.”

     

    Note

    1. This “lays bare the gnostic underpinning of the worldviews of Schopenhauer and Wagner,” inasmuch as Gnosticism “posits a strict dualism between good and evil,” with evil seen in “the world of determinate things, the realm of body,” the “arena of selfishness, greed, envy, love of wealth and honor, competition, hatred, war, and lies,” the world of “suffering, in particular erotic suffering”—all of it caused by “the principle of individuation,” the principle that binds all of us, and all things, into bodies. Not the light which enables us to see limits, including bodily limits, but night is good, “cancel[ing] all determinateness, eras[ing] all boundaries, and drown[ing] all distinctions in the warm sea of undifferentiated feeling.” Death is the ultimate night, the ultimate darkness, and therefore the ultimate good, the purpose of eros.

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    • « Previous Page
    • 1
    • …
    • 21
    • 22
    • 23
    • 24
    • 25
    • …
    • 244
    • Next Page »