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    Young Werther’s Wrongly-Ordered Soul

    October 6, 2021 by Will Morrisey

    Johann Wolfgang Goethe: The Sufferings of Young Werther. Stanley Corngold translation. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2013.

     

    Written in 1774 when Goethe was twenty-five years old, revised for republication in 1787, The Sufferings of Young Werther had the unfortunate effect of inducing suicide among any number of its first readers, rather to its author’s discomfiture (hence the soberer second edition, translated here). Years after the roil subsided, Goethe ruefully observed that writing the book had been therapeutic for him but not for its readers. Whereas “I felt relieved and open now that I had transformed reality into poetry, my friends were confused, thinking that it was necessary to transform poetry into reality and act out such a novel, possibly shooting themselves.” If classic tragedy induces catharsis in its audience, Goethe’s modern tragedy induced it only in the author. Why?

    Goethe explains this unhappy éclat by invoking the temper of his generation, reacting as it did to the excesses of Enlightenment rationalism. To the Enlighteners’ optimism, his contemporaries opposed readings in English literature—not, to be sure, buoyant, gritty Chaucer or Shakespeare’s politic comedies but tragic “Hamlet and his soliloquies”—those “ghosts that haunted all the young minds and hearts,” bringing “everyone” to suppose “himself to be just as melancholic as the Prince of Denmark though he had seen no ghost and had no royal father to avenge.” To this, the young men of Goethe’s time added the poetry of ‘Ossian,’ whose foreboding landscapes challenged the secularist light of le sage Locke and his admirer, Voltaire. “In such an element and in such surroundings, with hobbies and studies of this kind, tormented  by ungratified passions, never externally stimulated to perform any meaningful actions, our only prospect the need to endure in a sluggish, vacuous, bourgeois existence—we grew accustomed, in a sort of petulant arrogance, to the idea that when life no longer suited us, we could always take leave of it any way we pleased, and thus we managed as best we could to get through the tribulations and tedium of each day.” Modern rationalism was boring, particularly among those classes who had the leisure to read books. If Werther is the ‘type’ of the anti-rationalist, anti-Enlightenment, Sturm und Drang generation, young men who set passion against reason, subject against object, it might be said that in making themselves into the opposite of the Enlighteners they produced another version of Bacon’s ‘conquest of nature’—the conquest now turned inward, ‘subjectively,’ resulting in willed self-destruction. It remained for rationalism to marry irrationalism, technology to put itself at the service of imagination; there tragedy really began in politics, with fascist and communist mass-murder and tyranny committed by men aspiring to ideality, achieving catastrophe.

    With its epistolary framework, Werther resembles many of the most widely-read ‘bourgeois’ novels of the previous century; it departs from them in being very short. Introspection needs less exposition than observation of the world; even Werther’s descriptions of nature are really about himself. “Dearest friend,” he writes to Wilhelm, “what a thing it is, the human heart!” He regrets how he stirred unrequited love for himself in a girl named Leonore, protesting “I was innocent,” while admitting he was not entirely so: “Did I nourish her feelings? Didn’t I delight in those genuine expressions of her nature that so often made us laugh, though they were not laughable at all?” He promises to “improve.” Moreover, “I will not chew over the bit of woe that fate presents us with, the way I have always done; I will enjoy the present and let bygones be bygones”—he, who had suffered no injustice—avoiding the human tendency “to summon up memories of old woes rather than accept an indifferent present.” The older Goethe explained the futility of this resolution, arguing that “our virtues rest upon our faults as on their roots, and the latter branch out surreptitiously just as strongly and variously as do our virtues in the light of day”; the more we strive for the good, the cleverer (as it were) our flaws become. Enlightenment can only lead to a more complex ‘endarkenment’—a claim which, if true, confirms the Christian sense of sin (“Who can know it?” Paul asks, considering the sinfulness of the human heart) against Voltaire on the one hand, Rousseau on the other. This suggests that the ‘totalitarian’ tyrannies of twentieth century, which even Goethe did not envision, had to arise out of the modern project, and that there might be worse to come. (The Chinese communists, after all, seem altogether smarter than their Russian counterparts, and both more ‘sensible’ than Hitler.)

    Werther is on the road to clear up a problem with his mother’s inheritance. His aunt has withheld a portion of it but is now ready to release more of it than he had asked for. “I have learned from this little piece of business that misunderstanding and neglect may cause more confusion in the world than do cunning and malice”—an ‘enlightened’ thought if ever there was one. His predominant mood derives less from the Enlightenment, however, than from Rousseau, as he contrasts the natural beauty of the garden and surrounding countryside of the estate he will inherit with the “unpleasant” town nearby. “A wonderful gaiety has seized my entire soul, like the sweet spring mornings I wholeheartedly enjoy. I am alone and glad to be alive in this place, which is made for souls like mine”—so happy, “so deeply immersed in the sense of calm existence that my art is suffering.” Overwhelmed by his oneness with nature, from “the lovely valley” under “the midday sun” to the tiny blades of grass and the insects which live among them, he “feel[s] the presence of the Almighty Who created us in his image.” He can’t draw or paint; “I succumb to the force of the splendor of these displays” in a loss of self, a living, joyous ‘suicide.’ Everything here “appear[s] like paradise.” Here, “I treat my heart like a sick child, its every wish is granted.” Inheritance and childhood will weave their way into his sensibility, up to the moment of his self-destruction.

    In society, he brings these communal, egalitarian, Rousseauian sentiments with him. The children in the village of Wahlheim “are fond of me,” surprised that, unlike other “persons of standing,” who “always keep coldly distant from the common people,” “pretend[ing] to descend to their level in order to make the poor commoners feel their superiority all the more keenly,” Werther “believe[s] that the person who feels it necessary to keep aloof from the so-called rabble in order to maintain his dignity is just as reprehensible as the coward who hides from his enemy lest he be defeated.” If, unlike Isaac and his son Jacob, who meet their future wives at the village well, he finds no wife in this village, he does graciously help a servant girl struggling to bring the jug filled with the water she has drawn. 

    He nonetheless feels the difference between himself and the villagers, despite their charming lack of bourgeois dullness. “The human race—it’s a uniform thing. Most people spend the greatest part of the time struggling to stay alive, and the little bit of freedom they have left makes them so anxious that they’ll look for any means to get rid of it.” As for himself, these “very good kind of people” relieve him of his melancholy but cannot provide the companionship he longs for; “so many other force lie dormant in me, all rotting away unused, which I must carefully conceal”—an effort that “so constricts my heart.” It is “the fate of our sort”—those at leisure to think more carefully, to feel more profoundly?—to yearn not for ridding themselves of freedom from the day-to-day but to live within it. “Alas, that friend of my youth has gone,” she of “great soul in whose presence I seemed to myself to be more than I was because I was everything I could be.” Now dead, she is the one with whom he was preoccupied, even as lovelorn Leonore wasted her feelings on him.

    And so he turns inward. “I turn back into myself and discover a world!” It is a world wherein “everything swims before my senses, and I go on, smiling dreamily into the world.” Locke regards the senses as the reliable portals to the external world, but for the anti-Lockean man they turn the empirical world, known with certainty only through them, into a landscape of reverie. “Like children,” Werther writes, “adults also stumble through the world, and like children, do not know whence they come and whither they go, nor act to some true purpose any more than children do, and like them are ruled by cookies and cakes and birch rods—no one likes to think that, and yet to me it is palpable truth.” Yet this is not enough for men of “our sort”—those “who in all humility realize the sum total, who see how neatly every contented citizens can shape his little garden into a paradise, and how tirelessly even the merest wretch, panting, makes his way beneath his burden, all of them equally determined to see the light of the sun one minute longer—yes, that man keeps still, and he creates his world out of himself, and he is happy because he is human. And then, confined as he is, he still always keeps in his heart the sweet sense of freedom, knowing that he can leave this prison whenever he chooses.” Even in his Rousseauian bliss, Werther already makes the choice of suicide, Hamlet’s “to be or not to be?” not only a question but the source of life’s sweetness. Against scientistic determinism, which fears freedom because it doesn’t know what to do with it, he upholds subjectivism. Rejecting happiness in the ordinary, human-all-too-human sense as too banal, too ‘bourgeois,’ too much the fruit of false enlightenment, he falls back on a freedom that finds, and perhaps can only find, satisfaction in nihilism. 

    For this, art offers no real solace. In the village, away from the nature that overcomes him, he draws a picture of a little boy and his infant brother, “a well-composed, very interesting drawing” into which he introduces not “the slightest bit of myself.” But this only “strengthened me in my resolve to stay exclusively with nature. It alone is infinitely rich, and it alone forms the great artist.” For young Werther, it must be greatness or nothing. The same goes for artistic and social rules; just as artistic rules prevent the “man formed by them” from “produc[ing] anything vapid or in poor taste,” so “someone shaped by the laws and decorum” of society “can never become an unbearable neighbor or a notorious villain.” “On the other hand, say what you will, rules will destroy the true feeling of nature and the genuine expression thereof,” especially when it comes to love, ruined by calculations of making a living. “If the young man agrees” to such constraints, “the result is a useful member of society, and I myself will advise any prince to give him a place on a council; except that there’s an end to his love, and if he is an artist, to his art.” “Sedate gentlemen dwell on both banks of the stream” in their “little summer houses” with their “tulip beds and cabbage patches”—all of which would be ruined by “the torrent of genius,” which they therefore attempt to redirect and control, to the ruin of the genius. As for Rousseau, for Werther there can be no truce between the exception and the rule; they are at war. But unlike the philosopher who, being rational, can think of ways to escape the coils of convention, the genius-as-artist and the genius-as-lover refuses such ways ‘in principle’ or, more accurately ‘by sentiment’—sentiment valorized by its very rejection of unerotic reasoning of the modern sort. Werther affirms this way of ordering the genius’s soul when he meets a young peasant who is in love with a widow who employs him “Never in my life have I seen urgent desire and hot, ardent craving in such purity: indeed I can say, a purity such as I have never conceived or dreamed of.” So entranced is Werther by this that he determines never to meet the youth’s beloved, as “it is better to see her through the eyes of her lover; it may be that in my own eyes she would not appear as she stands before me know, and why should I spoil this beautiful image?” Why let reality intrude upon a creature of his imagining? 

    The problem with such a firm rejection of reality is that reality tends to obtrude upon imagination, nonetheless. He is about to experience the parallel of both Lenore’s unrequited passion and the unrequited passion of the young peasant, after meeting Charlotte, who is already engaged to “a very good man, who is away on a trip.” Beautiful, kind, and intelligent, she shares Werther’s literary tastes (esteeming Goldsmith’s The Vicar of Wakefield and, even better, storm-loving, impassioned Klopstock) and his tastes in music. [1] Lotte is even a sort of virgin mother, a secular Mary, who cares for her brothers and sisters because her mother has died. And “you should see her dance! You see, she is so absorbed, so carefree, so natural, as if this were the only thing in the world, as if she thought or felt nothing else; and in such moments everything else surely does vanish from her mind.” Like Werther in nature, she becomes one with what envelops her. They dance together, and he is gone in rapture.

    “I am living such happy days as God reserves for His saints; and no matter what happens to me, I cannot say that I have not tasted the joys, the purest joys of life.” The difficulty is that God reserves happy days for those who love Him, not for those who love girls, however wonderful. And this girl is engaged to be married. When he writes to Wilhelm, describing his morning routine of making breakfast and comparing himself to “Penelope’s suitors” as they slaughtered, carved, and roasted oxen and swine, his reader (beginning with Wilhelm?) cannot but recall the fact that Odysseus eventually returned, with bad results for the suitors. Werther does not know himself.

    After all, the ill-fated suitors were men, but secularized-Christian Werther, in love with another man’s Mary, wants to be a child—again in imitation of the Biblical command. “Yes, dear Wilhelm, the children are of all things on earth closest to my heart. When I watch them and see in these small beings the seeds of all the virtues, all the powers they will one day need so urgently…when I see all of it so unspoiled, so intact!—I repeat over and over again the golden words of the teacher of mankind: Unless you become as little children! and yet, dear friend, they who are our equals, whom we ought to consider our models, these we treat as inferiors.” But Jesus invites us to become as little children in terms of trusting our Father and His Word; He never suggests that children are without sin. Werther lives out a Christianity in which eros replaces agape and calls itself pure, taking children (the human beings least buffeted by real erotic longing) as models of such purity. 

    That he fails to see any of this his readers do see when he describes his time spent with an elderly pastor and his wife, whose daughter’s taciturn, jealous suitor annoys Werther. Jealousy is the obverse of love of one’s own—the theme of possession first introduced when we learned that Werther came to the village in a successful attempt to settle the status of his inheritance. He delivers himself of a short sermon, “speaking out very bluntly against bad moods” and intoning that “if our hearts were always open to enjoy the good that God puts before us each day, we would also be strong enough to endure the bad whenever it comes.” When the pastor’s wife ventures to object that “we have no control over our feelings” because “so much depends on our bodies,” he grants the point while continuing to insist, “a lot depends on ourselves. I know it does with me…. Bad moods are just the same as laziness, for they are a sort of laziness. Our natures are prone to it, and yet, if we just once summon up the strength to pull ourselves together, work flies from our hands, and we find real pleasure in being active.” Bad moods are a vice, “harm[ing] ourselves and our neighbors,” robbing them of their own “simple joys,” making happy people unhappy. “All the gifts, all the favors the world can bestow cannot replace an instant of pleasure in oneself that our tyrant’s envious discontent has turned to bile.” Lotte, who has accompanied him to the pastor’s home, “scolded me on the way back about my excessive emotional involvement in everything and how that would lead to my destruction!”—a telling admonition which only intensifies his emotional involvement as he recalls thinking, “Oh, you angel! For your sake I must live!” And if she cannot be his, ‘must’ he not then die? He continues to model himself after children: “God makes us happiest when He lets us stumble about in our amiable delusions,” as indulgent adults let children do. He then goes on to deplore “the unbelievable self-deception of the human mind,” illustrated by the story of a stingy husband who never suspected that his wife was stealing from him in order to support their children—another Biblical allusion, secularized for purposes of his own self-deception, now pronouncing judgment on the self-delusion of another.

    But “No, I am not deceiving myself!” when it comes to Lotte. He is sure that she loves him. And “how I worship myself ever since she has come to love me!” His subjectivism results in self-worship of an especially vulnerable kind, depending as it does on the love of another, about whom he may well be deceiving himself, as he recognizes “when she speaks about her fiancé with such warmth, such love,” making Werther “feel like a man deprived of all his honors and titles and stripped of his sword”—emasculated, Freud would say. He nonetheless persists. “She is sacred to me,” and when she plays a certain tune on the piano “with the touch of an angel, so simple and so soulful,” the “confusion and darkness of my soul disperse, and I breathe freely again.” Freedom for Werther is to be ruled under a benevolent monarch, a human goddess who reciprocates his passion, as he ardently wishes (and thus believes) that she does. 

    His friend, Wilhelm, tries to talk some sense into him, suggesting that he get a job—one fit for a young gentleman, in which he would accompany an ambassador on a mission abroad. No, never: “I do not like being anyone’s subordinate, and we all know that on top of this the man is odious”; moreover, “anyone who works himself to the bone to please others, for money or honor or whatever else, without its being his own passion, his own necessity, is a perfect fool.” His freedom is really an expression of his imagined fate or necessity, a submission to his beloved justified by his desire alone, despite her engagement to another.

    The fiancé, Albert, arrives a month after Werther had met Lotte. “Even if he were the best, the noblest of men, one to whom I’d be ready to subordinate myself in every way, it would still be unbearable to see him take possession of such perfection—Possession!” Possessiveness: love of one’s own, contested whenever the matter of what is rightly one’s own comes to be contested, as it is with property and erotic love, alike. And yet, admittedly, Albert is “a fine, dear man,” and “I have to love him for the regard he shows her”; “he knows what a treasure he has in Lotte.”  What is more, “his calm exterior stands in sharp contrast to my natural restlessness, which cannot be concealed”; Albert seldom commits the sin of indulging in a bad mood. Because of him, and his nature, “my joy in being with Lotte is gone”—well, except for the fact that he is “always happy when I find her alone.” To Wilhelm’s firm advice to submit to the circumstances he chafes under, Werther “concede[s] your entire argument” while “still search[ing] for a way to slip in between the either and the or.” “Yes, Wilhelm, there are moments when I feel a fit of courage to spring up and shake it all off and then—if only I knew where to, I think I would go.” He admits that he has “acted like a child,” even as he had so recently written encomia to childishness and their supposed purity. “I could be leading the best, the happiest life if I weren’t a fool.” Christians, too, are commanded to be fools, as well as children, but, again, hardly in this way. 

    Sensible Albert tries to admonish him, when it comes to folly. He tells Werther a cautionary tale about an accident with a pistol. A servant mistakenly injured a servant girl, accidentally discharging the weapon, which Albert had given him to clean. Since that time, he keeps all his weapons unloaded. Werther tires of Albert’s attempt at self-excuse. “I finally stopped listening altogether, fell into a black mood”—the vice he had condemned in another—and makes a gesture of committing suicide with the pistol. Albert snatches it from him, saying, “I cannot imagine that a man can be so foolish as to shoot himself; the mere thought fills me with revulsion.” Folly, again, and Werther can no longer suppress his own anger, leading to the dialogue that won some young ‘romantics’ to side with Werther, against his sympathetic but critical creator, Goethe. 

    Werther’s argument is a powerful one, persuasive to many. “Why is it that you people, I exclaimed, whenever you speak about anything, immediately find yourself saying: this is foolish, this is clever, this is good, this is bad! And what is that supposed to mean? Have you investigated the deeper circumstances of an action to that end? Are you able to explain the causes definitively, why it happened, why it had to happen? If you had done so, you would not be so hasty with your judgments.” Why it had to happen: This is the old pastor’s wife’s argument, the argument from necessity. He concedes Albert’s counter-argument, that some “actions are vicious, however they occur, whatever motives are adduced,” while insisting that even there, “there are some exceptions”—the man who steals to save himself and his family from starvation, the enraged husband who kills his “faithless wife and her worthless seducer,” or “the girl who, in an hour of ecstasy, gives herself over to the irresistible joys of love.” In such circumstances, “even our laws, these cold-blooded pedants, can be moved to withhold their punishment.” Yes, Albert replies, but this isn’t the same as carelessly inflicted injury of the type they are discussing, “because a man swept away by passion loses all his powers of reason and is viewed as a drunkard or a madman.” 

    This brings Werther to the core of his argument, a version of which Nietzsche would advance at the end of the century, with consummate rigor and refinement. “Oh, you rationalists!…. You stand there so calmly, without any understanding, you moral men! You chide the drinker, despise the man bereft of his senses, pass by like the priest, thank God like the Pharisee that he did not make you also one of these. I have been drunk more than once, my passions were never far from madness, and I regret neither: for in my own measure I have learned to grasp how all extraordinary men who have achieved something great, something seemingly impossible, have inevitably been derided as drunkards or madmen…. Shame on you, you men of sobriety! Shame on you, you wise men!” At this, poor Albert recovers sufficiently to observe that suicide is no great deed, only “a weakness,” as “it is easier to die than to endure steadfastly a life of torment.” 

    At this “vacuous commonplace” Werther’s indignation only intensifies. “You call that weakness? I beg of you, don’t be misled by appearances. A people groaning under the unbearable yoke of a tyrant, do you call them weak when they finally rise up and break their chains?” Before considering this argument, one must first answer Werther’s initial claim, which Albert fails to address. Werther is right to say that the men he (mis)calls rationalists— who are really conventionalists, defenders of the prevailing moral opinions of the regime they esteem (usually because they love ‘their own,’ unthinkingly and therefore not rationally at all)—typically do regard those who swerve from those opinions as defective, out of their minds for some reason or other. Such dissenters sometimes do achieve greatness, although (it must be added) usually they don’t, precisely because they really are as defective as their pious detractors say. What is needed is a criterion for greatness which distinguishes it from madness, vice, or folly. This is what Albert sees; his commonplace response isn’t entirely vacuous.

    And so Werther proclaims a criterion for greatness, which seems to be freedom, freedom from the unbearable yoke of the tyrant. Where does that criterion come from? “Human nature, I continued has its limits: it can endure joy, sorrow, pain up to a certain degree, and it perishes the minute it is exceeded. Here, then, the question is not whether one is weak or strong but rather whether one can endure the measure of one’s suffering—be it moral or physical; and I find it just as odd to say that the man who takes his own life is a coward”—a moral weakling—as “it would be improper to call the man who dies from a malignant fever a coward.” Some passions overwhelm the human being, whether they be the joy in immersion in nature Werther once felt, or the despair he is now beginning to feel. This is the moral equivalent of the physical “sickness unto death,” when the natural “forces” of a human being are “so lamed that it is no longer able to recover.” For the mind, “look at a man within his limitations, the way impressions affect him, ideas become entrenched in him, until finally a growing passion robs him of all his powers of calm reflection and destroys him. It is futile for the composed, rational man to appraise the condition of the unhappy person, futile to cheer him up!” To Albert’s objection, that “an intelligent man” would not behave that way, Werther ripostes, “A man is a man, and the modicum of reason he might have counts for little or nothing when passion rages and the limits of human being press against him!” 

    Undoubtedly so. But how does this justify the condition of the soul that causes its passions to become so powerful that they overwhelm the “modicum of reason”? And if reason is indeed only a modicum with most men, is law and convention not necessary to their well-being? As for the geniuses, how great are they, if they are ruled by passions, however powerful? That is, does reason (if not necessarily the calculating, self-regarding, unerotic rationalism of the Enlightenment) not rightly set the limits on passion in a human being, that is, a being in whom reason is the distinctive natural characteristic, not passion? Albert’s attempt to distinguish the intelligent man from the impassioned one has more weight, if abstracted from Albert’s own conventionalism. Even that conventionalism has its merits, given the lack of genius, the lack of greatness, in the vast majority of impassioned men. The real geniuses are the ones who see not only the limits of human nature, vis-à-vis the passions, but the grandeur of human nature, given the limits reason sets on the passions. In this, Werther sets himself against Goethe who, with fine irony, has his protagonist inveigh against authors who revise their books because such meddling loses the original poetic inspiration. 

    Caught in this self-contradiction, this war with the nature of his own soul which he stages as a psychomachia of noble passion against unintelligent intellect, Werther asks, “Does it have to be this way, that whatever it is that makes a man blissfully happy in turn becomes the source of his misery?” He is now tormented by nature, no longer able to immerse himself in it. In love with supposed necessity, he criticizes the human illusion that “we govern the whole wide world,” when in fact we are only “so little.” “It is as if a curtain had been drawn back from my soul, and the spectacle of infinite life is transformed before my eyes into the abyss of an ever-open grave”—the Heraclitean sense that “everything passes,” that the river (whose torrents he had likened to the marvelous upsurge of genius) submerges everything, shattering it “on the rocks,” the death-dealers which alone are permanent. Now reversing his earlier sense of nature as the supreme harmony, he writes, “my heart is undermined by the destructive force that is concealed in the totality of nature; which has never created a thing that has not destroyed its neighbor or itself”; nature is an “eternally devouring, eternally regurgitating monster.” If nature is monstrous, then nature is unnatural, at least with regard to humans, whose feeble efforts to govern it are useless. When faithful Wilhelm sends him a better edition of Homer than the one he was using, Werther replies, “If my sickness could be cured, these people,” the heroes of Greek antiquity, “would cure it.” 

    Self-reprimand doesn’t help, either. “Wretched creature! Are you not a fool! Aren’t you deluding yourself? What is the meaning of this raging, endless passion?” The answer: “Adieu! I see no end to this misery except the grave.” Making what he expects to be his final meeting with Lotte, he greets her little brothers and sisters with a Christlike, “Bring them to me,” although he has no power to redeem them, then tells her, “We will meet again, we will find each other, we will know each other among all the shapes” in the afterlife. She doesn’t take him seriously.

    Suicide, not yet. Instead, he accedes to the sensible solution, going away in the employ of the ambassador, attempting to find solace in work. It works for a time, and he meets another kindred spirit, the “broad-minded” Count C., “who, even though he has so comprehensive a view” of things, “is not coldhearted, whose company radiates…much capacity for friendship and love”; “there is no joy in the world so true or heartwarming as seeing a great soul opening itself to one.” Still, a month later he complains that his employer “is the most exacting fool in the world,” “never satisfied with himself” and therefore “impossible to please”—the small-souled counterpart to Count C.’s greatness of soul. He blames Wilhelm for suggesting the notion of such employment, inflicting upon him as it does “the perfect misery, the boredom among these vile people on view here,” with “their thirst for rank,” always “looking to gain the advantage of one tiny step ahead of the other.” Rousseau-like, he chafes under “the disastrous social conditions” of rank. 

    He then meets another woman, Fräulein B., whose “great soul, which shines out from her blue eyes,” reminds him of Lotte. “She longs to be away from the hubbub, and for many an hour we fantasize about rustic scenes of unalloyed bliss.” But when he stays too long at a party arranged by his friend and patron, the Count, failing to leave immediately after his social ‘betters’ have arrived, she can only pity him and then endure criticism from her aunt for having associated with such a boor. He offers his resignation, and it is accepted. With nowhere to go, and any chance of marrying Fräulein B. precluded, “I just want to be nearer to Lotte, that’s all”—Lotte, who has by now married Albert.

    Upon returning to Wahlheim, he hears how the peasant boy who had fallen in love with the lady who had employed him “tried to take her by force; he did not know what had come over him, as God was his witness, his intentions toward her had always been honorable, and there was nothing he had desired more fervently than that she should marry him and spend her life with him.” She forgave him but her brother kicked him out of the house, not wanting his sister to marry anyone because he wanted his children to receive the family inheritance. In this, the reason for the themes of inheritance and childhood and their pairing becomes clearer. It is more than a question of possession and of possessiveness, although it is that. Inheritance is the human custom that ends childhood. The parent intends to extend his care for his child beyond his grave, yet at the same time the introduction of property disputes adulterates the love that engendered the children, ending their childhood innocence once and for all. In this case, it has also blocked the love between a man and a woman which might have issued in a new family.

    As for adultery itself, Lotte “would have been happier with me than with him! Oh, he is not the man to fulfill all the desires of her heart”; “his heart does not beat sympathetically” when they read together, if they read together. And yet, “he loves her with all his soul, and what doesn’t that sort of love deserve?”—even if his soul is inferior to mine. “I am not the only one to whom this happens. All men are disappointed in their hopes, deceived by their expectations,” as he has seen when a local woman lost her first son and her husband failed to obtain his inheritance. Then again, “What if Albert were to die?” Is he really as happy with her as he seems? In all this, “Ossian has driven Homer from my heart,” the forlorn wanderer through storms replacing the courageous husband determined to return home. “Alas, this void! This dreadful void that I feel in my breast!—I often think: If you could press her to your heart just once, just once, the entire void would be filled.” But “I could often rend my breast and bash my brains out when I realize how little we can mean to one another.” His “feelings for her swallow everything” he possesses. For her part, Lotte “has reproached me for my excesses,” but with “Oh such charm and kindness,” thereby feeding them. In answer to another of Wilhelm’s entreaties, he confesses that religion does not console him: “Does not the Son of God himself say that those shall be with him whom the Father has given to him? Now, what if I have not been given?” And Jesus asked his Father, Why hast thou forsaken me?” He received no more answer than has Werther. “God in Heaven! Have You so designed man’s fate that they are happy only before they arrive at reason,” in childhood, “and after they lose it!”

    “What is man, the celebrated demigod!”—the Homeric hero who can no longer serve as a model for his conduct. “Does he not lack strength precisely where he needs it most? And if he soars upward in joy or sinks down in sorrow,” as Werther had done, “will he not be arrested in both, just there, just the, brought back to dull, cold consciousness when he was longing to lose himself in the fullness of the infinite?” Horror of horrors: What if the ‘bourgeois’ are, in some sense, right? If what is called mediocrity really is moderation?

    Enter the Editor, a third-person narrator new to the second edition Goethe published. At this point, “Indignation and displeasure became more and more deeply rooted in Werther’s soul,” he writes, “growing ever more tightly entangled and gradually taking possession of his entire being. The harmony of his mind was completely devastated, an internal heat and violence, which labored to confuse all his natural powers, produced the most repellant effects and finally left with nothing but an exhaustion from which he sought to rise with even greater anxiety than when he had struggled with all the woes of his past.” When Lotte left to visit her ill father, Werther followed her, guiltily imagining that “he had destroyed the beautiful relationship between Albert and his wife.” Meanwhile, the lovesick village peasant murdered the man who replaced him in the household of his beloved, explaining to the authorities that now “No one will have her, she won’t have anyone.” “Love and loyalty, the most beautiful of human sentiments, and turned into violence and murder,” precisely because love is exclusive, even more than a form of property-holding, but in Christianity real and secular alike a matter of ‘one flesh.’ He once had looked for something in between having and not-having, some way of having Lotte even while knowing she was engaged to another. He no longer believes that possible.

    Stating the obvious, Lotte told him “It cannot go on this way,” begging him to “learn moderation,” to “be calm and sensible for just one moment,” to stop “deluding yourself” and “willfully destroying yourself.” But as Werther himself had argued to Wilhelm, moderation, prudence, self-knowledge, and self-preservation aren’t exactly things one can learn as if they were lessons out of a book. It is also true that, as a reader suspects, Lotte hadn’t quite learned those virtues, either. Alone, she acknowledged that Albert was the right man for her—calm and reliable, a faithful husband and someone who “would always be for her and her children.” But “Werther had grown so dear to her…. The secret longing of her heart was to keep him for herself; and at the same time she told herself that she could not, might not keep him; her pure, beautiful spirit, usually so light and able so easily to manage difficulties, felt the pressure of a melancholy to which the prospect of happiness is barred.” Given the fact that “the harmony of their hearts and minds had been so beautifully evident,” it would be surprising if she did not feel at least some of the same thwarted longing that he feels. Each drowns in the well of subjectivity, the fault indeed being not in the stars but in themselves.

    When he visited her one last time, they read Ossian together, the passage that goes, “The time of my fading is near, the blast that shall scatter my leaves.” In despair, a “terrible resolve” overtook him; he did what the young peasant did, seizing her and embracing his beloved, finally doing what he had dreamed would be the only thing that would bring him happiness. She pushed him away and said his name “in the collected tone of the loftiest feeling,” “trembling with love and fury,” telling him that he will never see her again. She had finally exercised the virtues she had preached. 

    Not so for Werther, who left, convinced that she loved him and ready to die. In an ecstasy of erotic madness, he soliloquized: “I shall go before you! go to my Father, to your Father. To Him I will lament, and He will comfort me until you come and I fly to meet you and hold you and stay with you in never-ending embraces before the countenance of the Infinite Being. I am not dreaming, I am not delirious! Close to the grave, I see more clearly. We shall be!” He sent a note to Albert, asking to borrow his pistols, and Albert complied, telling Lotte to take them down. Did he know, too, that it could not go on like this, fixing on this way to end it and implicating his wife in that plan? Their servant delivered the pistols and Werther wrote in his suicide note, “You, celestial spirit, you favor my decision, and you Lotte, are handing me the implement, you from whose hands I wished to receive my death, and ah! receive it now.” Husband and wife had collaborated in the suicide, and part of each of them knew it. When his dying body was discovered, a copy of G. E. Lessing’s tragedy, Emilia Galloti, lay open on his desk. Werther had misunderstood it. The play is a critique of ‘subjectivism,’ of the notion that a man is an artist even if he only ‘feels’ that he is, without being able either to paint or to draw. As it is, “no clergyman attended” Werther’s funeral. It seems unlikely that he would have wanted one there.

    The modern tragedy is the tragedy of radical individualism. That is why writing one draws the passions of fear, its attendant anger, and pity out of the author, who risks instilling them in his readers, men as solitary as he. He unwittingly wrongs wrongly-ordered souls.

     

    Note

    1. Goldsmith’s Vicar tells the story of lost inheritance spoiling an idyllic country life, albeit with a happy ending. Werther tells the story of a confirmed inheritance and the idyllic country life consequent to it spoiled by the disordered soul of the inheritor. Elsewhere, Goethe said that the Vicar combines the figures of priest and king—if not prophet— in “one person”; again in contrast, Werther is neither priestly nor kingly; he cannot even rule himself.

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Paul’s Letter to the Philippians

    September 29, 2021 by Will Morrisey

    The Apostle Paul: Letter to the Philippians
    Jeffrey Kunkel: Bible Study Series

     

    Note: This discussion of the Letter to the Philippians is based on an excellent series of sermons by Pastor Jeffrey Kunkel of Community Bible Church. The sermons were delivered in May-September 2021. Having added some of my own thoughts, I take responsibility for the overall interpretation, if by no means much credit.

     

    Paul and Timotheus greet “the servants of Jesus Christ” and “all the saints in Jesus Christ,” including the bishops and deacons at the church or assembly Paul founded at Philippi (I:1). [1] Paul is the author of the letter but Timotheus figures in it because he will be returning to Philippi, as Paul will tell them in due course. Christians are servants or slaves of Jesus Christ, therefore part of his regime; at the same time, they are not enslaved in the ordinary sense, inasmuch as Jesus is no tyrant. His rule presents us with the paradox of a liberating tyranny. This is at least part of what’s meant by their status as saints in Jesus Christ. They have been ‘saved’ by Him—ransomed and liberated from the consequences of their own sin, if not entirely cleansed of all sin. The principal consequence of their sin otherwise would be enslavement in the regime of the Satan, that is, the enemy of God and His creatures alike. By remaining ‘in’ Christ, the members of the church remain slaves to their Lord but they are slaves who are ‘on God’s side.’ Aristotle understands the master-slave relationship as a one-way rule whereby the master commands the slave for the benefit of the master, not the slave. Christianity radically revises slavery by making it anti-‘satanic,’ more like what Aristotle would liken to the relationship of a good father to a son, ruling his son—even to the point of self-sacrifice—for the son’s good. Christian slavery is not the slavery usually seen in ‘this world,’ the kind of slavery Aristotle saw all around him, which has persisted in various forms throughout human experience.

    “Grace be unto you, and peace, from God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus Christ” (I:2). God as Father is a begetter; through Paul, he ‘begot’ or founded the church at Philippi. Jesus Christ as Lord is the ruler of that church and of the Church generally, deputized as it were by the founding Father. Grace characterizes the salvific act. A ruler who provides a benefit to his subjects that he has no obligation to provide is gracious, ‘condescending’ in the original, good sense of the word—taking kind notice of his inferiors. Peace is the result of such condescension; the ruler’s regime enjoys union because of it, civil war no longer. As Pastor Kunkel observed, grace and peace will be themes throughout the letter. Moreover, this salutation is also a prayer, a petition to God the Father and God the Son-Lord to continue to bestow grace and peace upon the Philippian assembly.

    “I thank my God upon every remembrance of you” (I:3). The remembrance of the Philippian Christians is an example of God’s grace not only to them but to Paul. In his gratitude for these memories, these re-mindings, he includes them not only in this prayer for grace and peace but in “every prayer of mine for you all making request with joy” (I:4). Aristotle calls the end or purpose of human life eudaimonia—usually translated as happiness. Literally, it means something like ‘good spirit,’ a spirit natural to human beings but often not achieved by them. Paul doesn’t say “happiness” but “joy,” xapá, which means recognition of grace. Paul is telling the Philippian Christians that he prays for them in grateful recognition of God’s grace.

    Paul is grateful to God for His grace in granting “your fellowship in the Gospel from the first day until now” (I:5). The Greek word translated as fellowship can also be translated as ‘communion’ or ‘society’ (as in ‘political’ or ‘civil’ society); it implies sharing a common purpose, unity for a reason. Here, this community or common purpose is centered in the Gospel or the Word of God, a community Paul began to share with the Philippians when he arrived at their city in obedience to Jesus’ command to bring that Word to the gentiles, the nations. The civil authorities at Philippi recognized a challenge to their regime when they saw one, beating and jailing Paul, who now writes from Rome, where he remains either in jail or under house arrest. Joy is related to fellowship in the Gospel, which entails obedience to the commands by which God rules His regime. To rule as God rules, to ‘enslave’ as God enslaves—for the good of the ‘slave,’ not the Master, who, unlike human masters, is already good and who needs nothing—implies the particular kind of love Christianity upholds. Agape is precisely the love that does not desire; it is unerotic. It is the love of the one who intends not so much to ‘possess’ the beloved as to benefit him. Agape comports with graciousness and joy.

    How so? Communion in God’s word, membership in His political society under His regime, acts as any regime does; it shapes the character of the members, whether citizens or subjects. It does so more surely than any human regime, given God’s spiritual power, the capacity of the Holy Spirit to dwell within each member of the ‘body politic’ that is the Church or Assembly. Paul is therefore “confident of this very thing, that He which hath begun a good work [ergon] in you will perform [epitelesei] it until the day of Jesus Christ” (I:6). Epitelesei means ‘finishing’; whereas telos or purpose implies an end inherent in the nature of a thing, finishing implies its completion by a person or force extrinsic to it. Here, the extrinsic person, God, having the telos of bringing human beings into the ecclesia or assembly which He has founded, has begun to complete the work of shaping the souls of His subjects, whom he rules with their consent. Being God, He will undoubtedly succeed. Satan had interrupted this work, but Paul continues to have confidence or trust in God’s final victory over the enemy regime.

    “Accordingly, it is just for me to think this of you all, because I have you in my heart; as well as in my bonds, and in the defense and confirmation of the Gospel, you are all partakers of my grace” (I:7). It is just for Paul to think this way because God’s regime is just and God’s rule is assured. It is also just because Paul, as the proximate founder of the Philippian assembly, under God, holds the members in his heart—that is, in the Biblical sense, in both his mind and his sentiments. Equally, it is just because they are in his “bonds”—they are fellow-‘slaves’ under God’s rule—and, like all loyal subjects, he shares with them they intention to defend and confirm the ‘constitution’ of the regime, which is the Gospel or Word of God, consisting of His commands as their Ruler. Finally, as fellow-partakers of “my grace,” they share in the grace God granted to Paul. The physical separation of Paul from the Philippians was intended to break up the assembly there. But the Church isn’t a physical community. Its bonds are spiritual, confirmed by the presence of the Holy Spirit in the hearts of all its members.

    In confirmation of this inward, spiritual condition, Paul appeals to God as his witness for “how greatly I long for you in all the splanchnois“—all the inward affection—of Jesus Christ (I:8). “And I pray that your love may abound yet more and more in knowledge [epignōsei] and in all judgment [aiesthēsei]” (I:9). That is, Christian love requires the rational limits provided by knowledge and judgment or discernment; it needs to drink from the springs of divine love as guided by divine omniscience and wisdom. Love’s “abounding”—its growth, its generous extension—is anything but indiscriminate. It but aligns with the Christian subject’s transformation in mind and in heart under God’s loving rule. The purpose or telos of this rule is “that you may approve things that are excellent,” as distinguished from those of lesser rank; that you may be pure and blameless till the day of Christ” (I:10). Christ has provided Christians with a standard for judging their ow conduct. Because the party to a case may not be its final judge, God reserves the right of final judgment.

    In the meantime, to approve (and disapprove) according to God’s standard sets the subjects of the Christian regime onto a way of life consonant with that standard. “Being filled with the fruits of righteousness, which are by Jesus Christ, unto the glory and praise of God,” Christians take little credit for the virtues they develop (I:11). The Greek word translated as “righteousness” is diakaiosynēs, a derivative of the word usually translated as “justice.” Justice is one of the four principal virtues Socrates identifies in Plato’s dialogue, The Republic, a word that itself translates more literally as “The Regime.” The classical understanding of virtue as natural strength of soul, developed with effort, shifts toward an understanding of virtue as Christ-given, a set of gifts; Jesus’ purpose in giving them is to honor His Father. Human virtue in Christ’s just regime thus becomes not natural but theocentric.

    Further, the eudaimonism of classical ethics also needs revision. Paul’s Christian virtues have landed him in jail, an unhappy circumstance. “But I would you should understand, brethren, that the things which happened unto me have fallen out rather unto the furtherance of the gospel” (I:12). That is, the Gospel message, which teaches Christ’s standard, enables those who hear it to be filled with the fruits of righteousness, to share the goods Christ offers to the subjects of His regime. Every regime offers citizens or subjects human embodiments of its standards, examples of its way of life. Jesus Himself is that example, and Paul has followed Him into martyrdom. It is true that Paul expects to receive rewards surpassing any human life has to offer, after his death. Christianity doesn’t abandon eudaimonism altogether. 

    But why suffering in this life? Paul has suffered “so that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the palace [more precisely, the praetorian guard, his jailers, within the palace], and in all other places” (I:13). Every regime has bonds, ligaments that hold its members together. These include the laws but also the habits of mind and heart which keep its members on the way of life that leads to the ‘end,’ the goal, the purpose of the regime. By serving as an example of the Christian life while under house arrest in the palace of the ruler, Paul exhibits the bonds of the new, non-Roman and indeed non-‘worldly’ regime in an exceedingly prominent place, ‘for all to see.’ Every regime has its guardians, its praetorians, its ‘National Guard.’ In his imprisonment, Paul shows the guardians of the Roman regime what the regime of Christ is, and he does it not only with words but in the way such men will most respect, the way of action. He shows them that his true bonds are not the ones he endures as a prisoner but his links with his true Ruler, Jesus Christ. As Pastor Kunkel remarked, the Second Letter to the Corinthians provides a list of the many afflictions Paul suffered, long before his imprisonment, all as a result of his spiritual bonds with the Christian regime. Suffering is itself a ‘gospel,’ a gospel of acts not words; like the Crucifixion, it witnesses the best ‘good news’ in the guise of the worst news. Indeed, “many of the brethren in the Lord, waxing confident by my bonds, are much more bold to speak the word without fear” (I:14). They see that Christians multiply under persecution, perhaps because they exemplify the courage so admired by Romans, and especially by Roman soldiers and guards.

    During Paul’s enforced absence from Roman civil society, “some indeed preach Christ because of envy and strife; and some also out of good intention” (I.15). Hence the need for knowledge and judgment, but not so much knowledge and judgment of the motives of the preachers in question, which are hard to discern. It is true that some preach “out of love, knowing that I am appointed for defense of the gospel,” whereas others preach “out of rivalry” towards me, “supposing to add affliction to my bonds” by seeking to supplant him in his role (I:15-16). “What then? Only that in every way, whether in pretense or in truth Christ is proclaimed, and in this I rejoice and will continue to rejoice” (I:18). This is a telling example of how Christianity circulated throughout the Roman Empire. Even when its principal messenger was incarcerated, not only could he use his incarceration in the imperial palace to convert those around him, at the center of Roman rule, not only did faithful Christians continue to ‘spread the Word,’ but even those who saw his absence as an opportunity for self-aggrandizement promoted the faith. Paul could afford to let God sort them all out. “For I know that this result in my deliverance through your prayers and the bountiful supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ, according to my earnest expectation and hope, that in nothing will I be put to shame but with all courage as always, even now, Christ will be magnified in my body, whether through life or through death” (I:19-20). That is, your prayers for me will be effective for two reasons: they are animated by the Spirit of Jesus Christ, who has the power to dispose of all things according to His wishes; and no matter what happens to Paul’s body—death, continued imprisonment, or liberation—its disposition will magnify Christ in the minds of men. Punishment is intended to be shameful, and shaming is especially powerful in a military regime like Rome, with its valorization of honor. But Paul isn’t chasing honor for himself, only honor for God understood as the Son and the Spirit as well as the Father.

    This raises the question, should Paul want to live or to die? “For me to live is Christ, and to die is gain” (I:21). True life is with Jesus in Heaven. “But if I live in the flesh, this”—this imprisonment, this suffering—is “the fruit of my labor” (I:22). “What I will choose I do not know,” as “I am hard-pressed from two sides,” namely “the desire to depart and to be with Christ, which is much better” than continued life in the world, and the duty “to remain in the flesh,” which “is more necessary on account of you” (I:22-24). This latter choice, then, will be his imitatio Christi. They pray for him, with his approval, because they know they still need him; reciprocally, he hopes to postpone his best life in Heaven for their sake. The heroes of antiquity die for their country, for their people, for their friends. As a Christian, Paul reverses this; he lives on for the regime and the people of Christ. 

    “And having been persuaded of this, I know that I will remain and will continue with you all, for your progress and joy of faith; that your boasting may be more abundant in Jesus Christ in me by my presence again with you” (I:25-26). That is, unlike the boasting soldiers of ancient comedy, Christian will boast not of themselves but of Christ. They will do so because Paul’s return to them will be evidence if God’s providence, His care for them and for him.

    But what if he doesn’t return, remaining under arrest? “Only conduct your political condition in a manner worthy of the Gospel of Christ, so that, whether I come and see you or am absent and hear of you, you stand firm in one spirit, with one soul, contending together for the faith of the Gospel, not being frightened in anything by those who oppose it: which is a proof to them of their destruction but of your salvation, which is from God” (I:27-28). God’s regime within His church or assembly has a way of life that may be practiced in the physical absence both of its Founder and of the founder of a particular community which adheres to that regime. It can do so if the union of Christian spirits and souls is sustained by the subjects of that regime—that is, with unity of hearts and minds—resulting in action, in continued contention for, struggle on behalf of, the faith of the Gospel, the doctrine of God’s regime. That faith achieves what all regimes aim at, namely, the salvation of its subjects or citizens; in this regime, the salvation isn’t preservation of bodies but of souls. On the contrary: “For to you it was given not only to believe in him on his behalf but to suffer for him on his behalf, since you are having them same struggle that you saw I had and now hear that I still have” (I:29-30).

    A Christian community within the overall Christian regime consists of men and women who are subjects of their King, children of their Father. But in terms of their relations with one another, including their relations with the human founder of their community, they are fellow citizens, their way of life consisting of the reciprocity seen in genuine political life: praying for one another, uniting in spirit and soul, and struggling together against the opponents of the Christian regime.

    This being so, Paul presents the Philippians with an ‘If-Then’ argument:

    “If there is any encouragement in Christ,

    “If any consolation of love [agape],

    “If any fellowship of the spirit,

    “If any compassion and mercies,” then

    “Make my joy complete that

    “You think the same thing,

    “Having the same love [agape],

    “Joined in soul,

    “Thinking one thing,

    “[Doing] nothing in rivalry nor according to empty conceit,

    “But in humility

    “Esteeming one another as surpassing themselves,

    “Looking not at the things of themselves but to the things of others.” (2:1-4)

    Here is what a unified political regime under Christ looks like. Given your fellowship as citizens (in relation to one another) and as subjects (of the ruling monarch, Christ), if that fellowship and that subjection are real—if you are animated by the Spirit animating His regime, a spirit consisting of courage, agapic love, fellowship, and compassion, all animating acts of mercy—then, as the founder of your local regime within Christ’s larger assembly, my joy will be complete, my founding purpose fulfilled, when I know that you think alike and love each other equally, consummating that love by joining one another in soul. The evidence of this soul-unity will be seen in your thinking “one thing” and acting humbly and with respect for one another, unselfishly, considering the well-being of your fellow citizens. Any regime requires some foundation of consent, of agreement, of thinking alike. “Let this thinking be in you as it was in Christ Jesus” (2:5), the Founder of founders.

    What was the thinking of Christ Jesus? That is, what will be the bond of union among the members of His regime? Although Jesus was “in the form of God,” “equal with God,” He didn’t regard this as “a thing to be grasped”—something to be exploited (2:6). Unlike Satan, Jesus didn’t tell anyone to bow down and adore Him. On the contrary, “He poured himself out,” taking the “form of a slave, in the likeness of men, having been born and having the appearance of a man” (2:7). A slave is the opposite of a ruler, not even a citizen. “He humbled himself, having become obedient unto death, death on a cross” (2:8). At Gethsemane He prayed to His Father to be spared such a death, but then went to it, enduring the supreme public humiliation. The bond that unifies Christians isn’t sin (as it is in those regimes that valorize human glory or other forms of selfishness), nor can it be suffering for their sins, since Jesus suffered that torture for them; it is a mind that thinks humbly, obeying the Ruler of the ‘city’ or regime of God. Whether citizens or subjects, members of any political community may be required to suffer and die for ‘king and country.’ Christians, Paul writes, should be ready to do so, as he is.

    The regime also has a purpose, a telos. Because Jesus as Son obeyed God as Father, “God has exalted Him and gave to Him the name above every name” (2:9). Jesus has received honor not from men but from God—so much so “that every knee should bend at the name of Jesus” (2:10). As servant, Jesus did not demand to be bowed to, did not compel them to do so; Paul recognizes that now, as the acknowledged Lord of Christians, Jesus deserves that honor and that obedience, given freely, by the consent of the governed. To this act of universal deference God has added the honor of speech: “Every tongue shall confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, for the purpose of the glory of God the Father” (2:11). Human speech will acknowledge the Ruler of all rulers.

    “Therefore, my beloved, just as you have always obeyed, not in my presence only but now much more in my absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trembling” (2:12). Membership in God’s regime requires obedience to God, first, but in no merely passive way. As with all regimes, the Ruler urges and commands a way of life, a course of action consistent with the union of mind and heart. “For God is the one working in you, both to will and to act for his good pleasure” (2:13). Thought, sentiment, and action cohere in one way of life, a way of life impossible without the Spirit of God living inside each Christian, but also impossible without the active consent of each. The Spirit of life God breathed into the clay He fashioned, the Spirit whose intention Satan frustrated when he interfered with human consent to God’s rule, now returns, revivifying human life, enabling human beings to ‘become who they are,’ what they were intended to be by the Founder of founders. As Pastor Kunkel remarked, the initial salvation, the conversion or turning-around of the soul toward God and away from the would-be usurper, Satan, betokened in the act of baptism, is an act of divine grace; human beings willingly receive the Holy Spirit but that is not the end of their task. There is still this path of sanctification, of refining the soul in accordance with the intention of the Founder, of becoming not only a subject but a good subject of God’s regime. This doesn’t require the physical presence of Paul or even of Jesus. Out of sight does not necessarily mean out of mind and heart and deed.

    In following the way of life of Christ’s regime, “Do all things without grumblings and arguments” (2:14)—that is, don’t imitate the Israelites as they trekked through the wilderness of Sinai, wishing that they could return to slavery in Egypt. Do not oppose your words to God’s Word in your hearts (grumbling) and your minds (arguments). Why not? So that “you may be faultless and pure children of God, blameless in the midst of a crooked and perverted generation, among whom you shine as lights in the world; holding forth the Word of life, that I can boast on the day of Christ that I have not run or worked in vain” (2:15-16). Like Christ and like Paul, you will be true children or ‘sons’ of God—obedient to the Father. As such, you will light the way to others as living embodiments of the Word, “holding forth” the Word as you live in that crooked and perverse generation” (2:15)—that is, a generation that has strayed from the way of life God has marked out for human beings, a generation that needs the light of the Word, and the example set by those who embody it, if that generation, or any members of it, will return to that way, the regime of God. Like Paul, you will do so because you consent to do so and because the Spirit of God is within you, although unlike Christ you cannot rightly claim to be God. Whereas fear of God is the beginning of wisdom—the fear and trembling of verse 12—the completion of wisdom for human beings will come through a lifetime of holding forth the Word, readying their souls for the purpose of the quest for wisdom, for the noetic beholding of the Source of wisdom, after physical death.

    That death may come well before the ordinary allotted human lifespan. “Even if I,” Paul, “am poured out as a libation over the sacrifice of your faith, I am glad and rejoice with you—and in the same way you must be glad and rejoice with me” (2:17-18). That is, I may become a martyr (and did in fact become one) for the faith in God, and you and I will rejoice, do and witness my sacrifice gladly, for to me is to live in Christ and to die is gain. With this, Paul begins a careful discussion of a universal human (and indeed animal trait), the love of one’s own, a love that extends beyond ‘self-interest’ to include family—as teachers who meet parents of their students soon learn.

    “But,” whatever may happen to me, “I hope in the Lord Jesus to send Timotheus shortly unto you, that I also may be of good cheer, when I know the things concerning you” (2:19). I want to know ‘your own’; imprisoned, the most I can do is to send Timotheus in my stead. Timotheus is ‘my own’: “For I have no one likeminded [i.e., of a mind like mind], who genuinely will care for the things concerning you”—for ‘your own’ (2:20). Timotheus is ‘my own’ in that he thinks and feels as I do for ‘your own,’ especially your good. “For all others seek things for themselves, not the things of Jesus Christ” (2:21). By nature, human beings love their own, as does God the Father through his beloved Son, Who loves his creatures; only by Christ do I, and Timotheus, who shares my Christ-mindedness—my acknowledgment of Jesus as Lord, as Ruler—put our love of our own aside in loving you. And you know this is true. Timotheus is known to you as a man of “proven worth” who has “served with me in the Gospel” as a child with a father (2:22). With Paul and Timotheus, the natural love of a natural father for his natural son has a spiritual parallel. Therefore “him I hope to send immediately, whenever I see how the things concerning me will go”—adding, “I have confidence in the Lord that I myself will come soon” (2:23-24). 

    But at this moment, “I think it necessary to send you Epaphroditus, my brother, co-worker, and fellow soldier, your messenger and minister to my need” (2:25). He, too, is ‘mine,’ but preeminently yours, a man sent by you to me. “For he yearned for all of you and was homesick, because you heard that he was sick” (2:26); he has longed to return to ‘his own’ because his fellow Philippians have shown love of him as ‘their own.’ What you heard is true. “He was sick near to death, but God had mercy on him, and not on him only but on me, lest I should have sorrow upon sorrow” (2:27). God’s agapic love has saved Epaphroditus for you, and thus saved me by refraining to multiply my sorrows, already considerable because Paul has followed the regime, the way of life, of Jesus, the man of sorrows. “Therefore I sent him more eagerly, so that you may rejoice and I be less sorrowful” (2:28). “Because on account of the work of Christ he came near to death, having risked his life in order to make up for those services that you could not give me,” here in jail, in Rome (2:29). The bond of the Christian regime is agapic love, whereby Christians concern themselves first of all for one another—their own not in the natural way but as Christ’s ‘own,’ subjects of His regime.

    “Finally, my brothers, rejoice in the Lord” (3:1). Being ruled by Christ, being subject to Him, is no burden, since His love is for our good. For Paul, animated by the same love, “to write these same things to you is not troublesome but a safeguard for you” (3:1). A safeguard against who or what? “Watch out for the dogs, watch out for the evil workers, watch out for the mutilators” (3:2). As Pastor Kunkel observed, in the ancient world dogs were filthy and predatory—and obstinately so, returning again and again to devour their intended prey. They concentrate their ravening on flesh.  The enemies of Christians also work evil on the flesh; they mutilate, whether by circumcision, according to Jewish practice, or more generally, as the Baalites did. Christians have no need for forms of worship, ways of life, that include marking the flesh. “For we are the circumcision, the ones worshipping by the Spirit of God, boasting in Jesus Christ and not having confidence in the flesh” (emphasis added) (3:3). God has marked our souls, the entities which make us what we truly are, not our bodies. Bodies are superficial and also transient because infected by sin; only souls truly consist of what is permanent in human beings. Human souls are also infected by sin, which is why only the laws of God inscribed in human souls matter. External practice, ‘going through the motions,’ however good in itself, however it might make a person harmless, even helpful, to others, isn’t good enough for the soul’s salvation. Christians boast not in themselves, loving themselves secondarily; they boast in Jesus as Christ, as Savior. Their ‘love of their own’ has been transferred to Him, their just but also merciful, graceful, Ruler.

    If any man is entitled to have confidence in the flesh, I, Paul, surely am that man, having been circumcised on the eighth day after my birth “of the stock of Israel”—in accordance with Jewish law (3:5). I am “a Hebrew of Hebrews, as touching the law,” indeed a Benjaminite, a member of the royal tribe, the tribe Saul, Israel’s first king, Paul’s namesake was born in. And I am a Pharisee, which means “separated one,” as Pastor Kunkel remarked; God Himself is holy—that is, that separate from His creation. To be a true Pharisee is indeed to be ‘holier than thou,’ marked off from the common run of Jews. Best of all, I was a Pharisee among Pharisees, holiest among the holy, having been a zealous persecutor of the the Christian Church, a man faultless in all regarding “the righteousness which is in the law” and therefore one of the Godliest of men of my generation, preeminently entitled to enforce the laws of God’s regime with utmost rigor (3:5). I have been, perhaps more than any other Christian now alive, a good citizen of the Israelite regime, the one who most sharply distinguished, and most ardently acted upon the distinction, between the citizens of Israel and the foreigners, the nations, the Gentiles, and also between such loyal Jews as myself and those who departed from the laws of our regime, those I regarded as traitors.

    Nevertheless, all of that, “what things were gains to me, I have considered as loss on account of Christ” (3:7). Laws, like dogs, ‘have teeth in them,’ their enforcers inflict pain upon the flesh but cannot finally improve the soul, benefit what is both most human and what is most individual, most specific, about me. “But even more so I consider all [those] things to be loss on account of the excellence of the knowledge of my Lord Jesus Christ, on account of whom I consider all my gains to have been losses, mere rubbish, in order that I may gain Christ and be found in Him, not in my own righteousness as one of the law, but righteousness through faith in Christ, the righteousness of God (3:7-9). Obedience to the laws of the Hebrew regime requires obedience in action, adherence to a set of prescribed bodily acts. Bodily obedience to the laws requires a kind of ‘outward’ righteousness but imparts no righteousness to the human soul, at best only habituating the soul to decent conduct. Knowledge of the Person who rules, faith in the grace of the only true Ruler, the only pure, the only fully righteous and holy Ruler, surpasses all other knowledge and all other faith as gain surpasses loss. Gain in the ‘account book’ of actions in this world is less than nothing compared to the inner gain imparted by the Holy Spirit, which brings faith in that true Ruler. In any political community, laws and obedience to laws are important, but the source of the laws, the regime of the polis, surpasses the laws of the regime, prior to them not only in time but in authority.

    To any member of Christ’s regime, knowing Him therefore takes priority even over knowing oneself. The animating principle of the regime is the ‘nature’ of God, not human nature, which is fatally flawed. Insofar as human beings can achieve righteousness, justice as defined under God’s regime, that righteousness will come by way of knowing God, knowing “the power of his resurrection”—a divine power, well beyond human competency—and “the fellowship of his sufferings” (3:10). Unlike human regimes, the best of which aim at happiness or well-being in this life, in emulation of heroes held up as examples of the right way of life, the subjects of God emulate Christ, follow His way of life, a life of suffering, sacrifice of happiness, liberty, and life on earth, “if somehow I may attain to resurrection from the dead,” eternal life in Heaven (3:11). Paul immediately cautions: “Not that I have already attained this or already have been perfected, but I pursue it, “if indeed I may lay hold upon it, the purpose for which Jesus Christ laid hold of me” (3:12). Every regime has not only a ruler, a set of ruling offices, and a way of life but also a purpose, a tēlos. God is the ruler of the Christian regime; the Church or Assembly is its set of ruling offices; its way of life is self-sacrifice in imitation of its Ruler; its purpose, the intention of that Ruler, is the salvation of the human soul, the resurrection of human beings from death on earth to life with their Ruler in Heaven.

    “Brothers,” Paul reiterates, “I do not consider myself to have laid hold of [this perfection] but this one thing I do: forgetting what lies behind and straining toward what lies ahead” (3:13). In this, Paul displays the humility necessary to become a good subject of this divine-centered regime. But more, he dedicates himself not to the remembrance of things past but to “forgetting” them. “Forgetting” isn’t quite the correct word, here, inasmuch as Paul has pointed quite emphatically to his own ‘past’; he remembers it well, if not happily. The Greek word, eplanthanomenos, literally means “wandering from” or “leaving behind.” Paul is leaving behind what lies behind, leaving his past status and the actions he took in the past. Whereas the hero of the Greeks, Odysseus, wandered from his home but longed to return to it, Paul wanders from his home, from his status as a Benjaminite, a Pharisee, and a zealous persecutor of Christians, with no interest in returning but instead with the intention of “stretching forward according to the goal I pursue, the prize of the heavenly call of God in Jesus Christ” (3:14). The Greek hero-sailor ventures out, fights in the great Trojan War, discovers nature, then naturally longs to return home, to his wife and their household, with his glory and his knowledge. The Christian ventures out, fights in a greater war, eventually to die in it as his Commander did. But he has no interest in returning to his natural home, intending to follow Jesus Christ to His ‘home.’

    There is an old joke: “That man suffers from Irish Alzheimer’s; the only things he remembers are his grudges.” The problem isn’t limited to the Irish. Pastor Kunkel put special emphasis on this point. A Christian should not persist in chewing over things past, whether glorious or (more often) bitter. The cure for holding grudges is to set out for a far better future. Christ has already atoned for Paul’s sins against Christ and Christians. There is no need to attempt to justify one’s past actions or to wallow in self-condemnation. And not only is there no need; it is futile. By the criterion of God’s justice, Christians are condemned; only by the grace of their Ruler may they be saved from the just punishment that would follow from His judgment. It is for Christians to accept His grace, humbly and gratefully reaching for the prize that he offers with it. 

    To his fellow Christians at Philippi, Paul writes, “Therefore, as many as are mature [in their Christianity], let us think this,” let us be of the same mind; “and if you think anything different, God will reveal it to you” (3:15). That is, God will correct those who wander not from their past but from His way and His purpose for them. “Nevertheless, let us hold fast to what we have attained” (3:16), not leave behind what the knowledge of our Ruler that we have achieved so far but follow it in imitation of me, observing “those who walk according to the example you have in us” (3:17). Every regime has its ‘model citizen’ or model subject, but the Christian regime, ruled by the invisible Holy Spirit, who prompts us to imitate the Son who obeys His Father, complicates a problem seen in all regimes: Who is a loyal member of the regime and who is secretly a traitor to it? Our fellow professing Christians need watching, “for many live as enemies of the cross of Christ, as I have often told you, weeping” (3:18).

    Paul weeps for the traitors instead of raging at them (as patriots in most regimes would do) because “their tēlos is destruction” (3:19). Their “god is their belly and their glory is in their shame, their thinking is on earthly things” (3:19). Belly, glory, thinking: appetites, thumos, logos. The three parts of the human soul should be ordered so that reason, ruled by the Logos or Holy Spirit rules spiritedness a nd spiritedness rules the body. Such is the rightly ordered soul, a fit subject of God’s regime. The supreme example of such a soul is Jesus, who sacrificed his body on the Cross, even after praying to His Father to exempt him from that torture. That is why belly-worshippers are enemies of the Cross.

    True Christians understand “our citizenship” to exist “in the heavens,” not on earth; it is from the heavens, not from earth, that “we eagerly await a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ” (3.20). This is a rare example of Paul describing Christians not as Christ’s slaves, His subjects, His children, but citizens. He immediately adds that the Savior of Christians is also their Lord, but as members of His assembly or church still here on earth, they are equal under God—brothers insofar as they form a family, citizens insofar as they form a larger community. Upon His return to earth as our Ruler, Christ will neither gratify our bodily appetites nor suppress them. He will rather “transfigure our humiliating body”—humiliating to each of us because the body is loaded with sin and seeks, often successfully, to rule the better parts of our souls—into “conformity with his glorious body,” the body He sacrificed for our salvation, the body that, raised from death by the same authority which required but also enabled him to perform his “working” on the Cross, also enables “Him to subject all things to Himself,” that is, to rule all persons and all things (3:21). Willingly suffering the supreme physical agony and the supreme humiliation of spiritedness endured on the Cross, Christ will then transfigure our bodies, too, as he founds His renewed regime on the new earth, under the new heaven—all of which He rules. Paul weeps for those who remain outside God’s regime because their bodies will suffer a different transformation: the death and decay ordained, as it were, by the imperfection of body and soul produced by sin. 

    Paul delivers the logical conclusion: “So then, my beloved and longed-for brothers, my joy and crown, thus stand firm in the Lord, my beloved” (4:1). Given the Lord’s agapic love for you, given the prospect of the refounding of His regime with renewed human beings on a new earth under a new heaven, remain loyalty to His regime in its present, imperfect form, in His assembly or Church. Imprisoned, not only do I stand firm under His regime but I am joyful; imprisoned, I wear a crown, in view of your own steadfast loyalty to the regime we share in. 

    There is, however, (as in all regimes on earth as it is, with human beings as they are) an immediate problem to address. That is, the logic of the regime doesn’t match the reality of life under it—and will not, so long as the Logos in the person of God has not transformed the ‘materials’ of which it has been made. Only God can fully integrate ‘practice’ with ‘theory,’ with no contradictions. “I appeal to Eudoia and I appeal to Syntyche to think the same thing in the Lord” (4:2). “Eudoia” means something like “good journey”; “Syntyche” means “with fate,” “fortunate.” Given their names, these women should indeed be like-minded. And they have been so, having “contended alongside me with Clement (“Merciful”) and the rest of the co-workers of mine in the Gospel, whose names are in the Book of Life”—future members of the perfected regime of God (4:3). Despite this, the women are somehow at odds, evidently contending with one another not over any matter indispensable to their salvation, yet over something vexatious to themselves and to their fellow-citizens in the Church. Having contended with me, and with one another, they now contend against one another, and therefore against the spirit that animates Paul. Paul intervenes; to translate his word as “appeal” doesn’t capture the urgency of his language, better conveyed by the King James Version’s “beseech.” Pastor Kunkel remarked that the Greek word derives from “Paraclete,” Holy Spirit; Paul invokes the Messenger of agapic love, the self-sacrificing love which animates the unity of the Church. Physically absent from Philippi, Paul requests assistance. “Yes, I ask also you, true yoke-fellow”—that is, every member of the Philippian church—to “assist them,” to bring them back to mindfulness of Christ and to the mindset of Christlikeness, to the love that sacrifices personal preferences for the good of the other, so that each can continue her good journey in accordance with the right way of life, in good fortune (4:3).    

    “Rejoice in the Lord always; again I will say, Rejoice” (4:4). Why such emphasis? Because rejoicing restores right-mindedness, re-cognition, when Christians, warriors of the Spirit, fall into the wrong kind of warfare, into ‘civil war.’ “Let the reasonableness of you be known to all men” (4:5). The Greek word translated “reasonableness” has also been translated as ‘moderation,’ ‘forgiveness,’ and ‘gentleness.’ It is, crucially, rooted in the Greek word pneuma or ‘spirit.’ The Holy Spirit or Logos indeed partakes of reasonableness, moderation, forgiveness, and gentleness, as revealed in the ‘God-breathed’ Scriptures; He is the Word, one of God’s ‘persons,’ existing (as the Apostle John writes) from the beginning of all. Wrong contention, wrongful warfare, often derives from fear, leading quickly to anger, but Paul writes, “In nothing be anxious, but in everything let your requests be known to God in prayer and supplication with thanksgiving” (4:6). Let the Holy Spirit, who now dwells in you, be your messenger to God the Father and God the Son. “And the peace of God, surpassing all understanding, will guard your hearts and your thoughts in Christ Jesus” (4:7). This reasonableness and the peace that comes with it can become known to all men, a light unto the nations, giving them an example of a community that need not fall into strife, into factions. This is cause for thanksgiving, for gratitude to God, beyond the gratitude Christians acknowledge for the specific gifts God grants them. God’s peace surpasses all understanding because the Holy Spirit knows better than human beings do; the Holy Spirit can find a way to reconciliation human beings cannot see, blinded as they often are by their passions, and especially by their ‘thumotic’ or prideful passions, fundamentally the self-regarding passions of fear and anger but also the nobler passion of honor. The Holy Spirit can address the dispute between the two women, remedy faction generally, animate union within the Church. 

    “Finally, brothers, whatever things are true, whatever honorable, whatever just, whatever pure, whatever cherished, whatever well-spoken of, if of any virtue and of any praise, take account of them, which things you both learned and received and heard and saw in me, these things practice; and the God of peace will be with you” (4:8-9). The true, the honorable, the just, the pure, the cherished, the things spoken well of—all of these things bring the joy commended in verse 4. Christian union is not a dreary thing, a matter of self-abnegation, except insofar as the ‘self’ is a soul narrowed to the things of ‘self-interest.’ Nor is it an ignorant thing, a matter of ‘blind faith.’ Christian union is true to the guidance of the Holy Spirit, redirecting human nature back to its nature as the Father created it; as such, it is honorable, no source of shame. Justice and purity follow from the Holy Spirit’s guidance of the human soul, the ‘inner’ person, while the things cherished and well-spoken of register the ‘outward’ recognition of these ‘inner’ virtues. In this, Paul, as their founder/teacher, serves as both a source of virtues heard in his preaching and virtues seen in his conduct, his example. He has acted in accordance with his words, which consist of the Word of God. The God of peace will then bring to you the peace of God, removing strife within the church at Philippi.

    “And I rejoiced in the Lord greatly that now at last you blossomed anew in thinking on my behalf, as indeed you were thinking, but lacked opportunity [to show it]” (4:10). Circumstances count; Paul acknowledges both the intent of his brethren and their inability, up to now, to carry out that intent; as for himself, “I am not in need of anything, as I have learned to be content in whatever [circumstances]” (4:11). Circumstances may dictate conduct, which should be guided thoughtfully, prudentially, but they need not dictate one’s ‘mindset.’ “I know both what it is to be humbled and what it is to abound; in everything and in all things I have learned the secret of being well-fed and being hungry, of abounding and of lacking; I can do all things by the One empowering me” (4:12-13). In place of, or perhaps supplementing, the natural virtue of prudential reasoning, God endows him with the capacity to adjust to favorable or unfavorable events and conditions. When Christ tells His followers to be as harmless as doves and as prudent as serpents, He intends to help them in both efforts.

    Paul does not want the Philippian Christians to suppose that he lacks gratitude to them as well as to Christ. Christ’s strengthening of him notwithstanding, “you did well in becoming partners of my affliction” (4:14). At the beginning of the time when Paul had received the Gospel and left for evangelical work in Macedonia, “not one church shared with me in accounting of expenditures and receipts but you only” (4:15). Even when he traveled to remote Thessalonica, the Philippians met his needs. He honors them not because he sought the gift but because he sought “the fruit of the gift, namely, the profit that accumulates to your account” (4:16). In Christianity, giving or sacrificing for the sake of the advancement of the Gospel is the profit. Like a priest’s fragrant sacrifice of an animal in the Old Testament, a sacrifice for the advancement of God’s Word gives off “a fragrant odor,” “well-pleasing to God” (4:18-19). In return, “my God will fill every need of yours according to the wealth in glory in Jesus Christ” (4:19). That is, the gifts God exchanges for the gifts of Christians consists not only of material things; God’s greater gifts return glory or honor for a Christians’ material sacrifices in honor of God. God gives out of His infinite riches, which is no sacrifice, having already made the supreme sacrifice of His Son for the sake of the human beings now gratefully sacrificing for Him. “Now to our God and Father be the glory into the ages of the ages. Amen.” (4:20).

    Therefore, Paul concludes, “Greet every saint in Jesus Christ. The brothers who are with me greet you. All the saints greet you, especially the ones of Caesar’s household”—perhaps the prison guards to whom Paul gave the Gospel (4:21-22). “The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit” (4:23). As Lord or Ruler, Jesus Christ honors those who honor Him by grace, that is, as God to creatures, as the unqualifiedly superior Being to His inferiors. The exchange of gifts between God and men can never be equal but it can be just, as each gives according to his ability to each according to his need. The Philippians need much; Paul needs little; God needs nothing but wants honor as His due, given His sacrifice on behalf of his creatures his creation and wise rule of them, before that. The fellowship of the Lord Jesus Christ with the spirit of His subjects animates His regime, supplies its unity.

     

    Note

    1. Located near the northern coast of the Aegean Sea, Philippi began as a Greek city called Krenidas, settled by colonists from Thasos, a nearby island, in 360 BC. Conquering Philip II of Macedon named it after himself four years later; not only does it occupy a militarily and politically strategic point but its gold mines assured wealth to any occupier. It is almost needless to say, therefore, that the Romans eventually took it (this, in 168 BC); only a few decades before Paul’s founding Mark Antony and Octavian had defeated Marcus Brutus in a battle that marked the end of the Roman republic. It is fair to say that Paul’s spiritual warfare in the city mirrored the physical warfare and commerce it had seen for the previous four centuries.

     

    Filed Under: Bible Notes

    Portrait of a Jihadist

    September 22, 2021 by Will Morrisey

    Thomas Hegghammer: The Caravan: Abdallah Azzam and the Rise of Global Jihad. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020.

     

    “This book is about why jihadism went global,” written through the prism of the life of Abdallah Azzam, the Palestinian Arab instrumental in organizing “the world’s first truly global foreign-fighter mobilization,” which occurred in 1980s Afghanistan in response to the 1979 Soviet invasion. “The Soviet-Afghan war is the cradle of today’s jihadi movement,” the event which nurtured new leaders (including Azzam and Osama bin Laden), new fighters, intra-jihadi networks, and Islamist ideology. In Iran, jihadis had successfully targeted the secularist regime of the Shah. But in the Arab countries regimes both secular and religious proved harder to subvert. “Jihadism went global in the 1980s because [Arab] Islamists had been excluded from domestic politics in preceding decades” and accordingly “turned to an arena in which they faced less government interference—namely, transnational activism for pan-Islamic causes.” Men like Azzam and bin Laden channeled this activist passion into military organizations, urging Muslim youth to “join the Caravan,” head to Afghanistan, and make war for Allah.

    Hegghammer wants to know several things about Azzam: Who was he? That is, “where did he come from, and what shaped him as a thinker?” “What motivated the big decisions in his life? And what were his opinions?” “Why was he so influential?” And how did he and his associates organize their movement?

    Azzam was born into a family of jihadis; his father had fought against the British, whose empire encompassed Palestine, having taken it over from the Ottomans. In his childhood he saw members of the Muslim Brotherhood from around the Middle East who joined with Palestinian Arabs to fight the Israel as soon as it was founded in 1948. While this was an international conflict, as the Afghan war would prove to be, decades later, it was regional, not global, organized by states not ‘non-state actors.’ Most of the foreign fighters were “not especially religious,” unlike the Brothers. Azzam later wrote, “True Islam did not enter the battles of 1948.” Nonetheless, “To Azzam…the war of 1948 had offered a glimpse of what the Islamist movement could achieve militarily if it were not obstructed by governments and if it collaborated across borders.”

    The youth joined the Brotherhood in 1954, going on to study Islamic law at Damascus University, where he graduated in 1966, a year after his marriage. The Six-Day War of 1967 “was a turning point in Azzam’s life,” making him a refugee and spurring his passion for revenge. As many have noticed, the war also injured the prestige of the secularist Arab regimes, making Islamism more appealing to the masses. And Azzam was far from the only displaced Palestinian Arab; he was among several hundred thousand who joined the 700,000 displaced in the aftermath of 1948. With the Israeli takeover of Jerusalem, Muslim militants gained a focus for their cause; the struggle was no longer simply a question of reclaiming those parts of Palestine ruled by Israelis and the Hashemites of Jordan, but of reclaiming the third holiest city of Islamdom. For this reason, Azzam would always maintain that “Palestine is more important than Afghanistan,” even as he recruited fighters against the Soviets in the 1980s. Indeed, he regarded Afghanistan as a solid potential base for (in his words) “found[ing] a core around which a big Muslim army can be gathered to cleanse the earth of the big corruption,” of which the Jewish occupation of Jerusalem was a major symptom and symbol. Being an Islamist, he had no use for the Palestine Liberation Organization of Yasir Arafat, “whom he saw as godless traitors” to the cause of Islam. He remained loyal to the Brothers.

    “Azzam’s Brotherhood background is crucial for understanding his subsequent activities; it shaped not only his ideological outlook but also his career opportunities and personal trajectory”; “his Brotherhood network would come into play at almost every key juncture of his life, and it would help him fundraise and recruit for the Afghan cause.” He had been “one of the very few Palestinians to study Islamic Law in the 1960s,” when secularism held the dominant position in Arab intellectual life. “Azzam’s sustained commitment to the weaker side in this political struggle is indicative of a deep and genuine ideological conviction,” a conviction refined by his mentor, a schoolteacher in his village who was a Brotherhood member. Later, the curriculum he found at the University of Damascus aimed not only “to transmit traditional religious heritage, but to train modern experts on Islamic law who could deal with real-world challenges,” such as the confrontation of the Shari’a with secular Common Law. “The Brotherhood presence at the Shar’ia faculty reflected the enormous importance that Islamists attached (and continue to attach) to the issue of legislation. The main political objective of all Brotherhood branches in the region was the Islamization of the legal system,” inasmuch as Muhammad himself was a legislator. Unfortunately for the Islamists, Syria’s nationalist/secularist Ba’thist Party seized power in 1963, strongly resisting the Brother’s agendum. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser cracked down on the Brotherhood in that country; Nasser had the leading Brotherhood thinker, Sayyid Qutb, executed in 1966. Qutb had been Azzam’s principal intellectual influence, one whose writings he recommended to his students, after he became a university professor. [1]

    Before that, however, Azzam joined in the guerrilla fighting along the Jordanian-Israeli border which erupted after the Six-Day War. The Fedayin conducted cross-border raids, recruiting militants from around the region. These men were mostly left-wing secularists, but some, like Azzam, were Muslim Brothers; “militarily insignificant” at the time, they would nonetheless form a nucleus of fighters among whom Azzam was already “a relatively senior figure,” although a military novice. With his training in the Shar’ia, he soon took “the role of a religious authority in the camps,” giving brief sermons before military engagements and also returning to talk about jihadi exploits among rank-and-file Arabs. Thus, by 1969 “Azzam was already taking on the role he would be famous for during the Afghan jihad, namely, as a preacher who brings news and martyrdom stories from the battlefront to the people.” From time to time, secularist-Islamist tensions within the Fedayin would flare; Azzam never wavered, reportedly sneering at the Left’s hero, Che Guevara, “My religion is Islam, and Guevara is under my foot.” Although the secular Arab regimes soon closed down the militants, who threatened their own rule more than Israel did, Azzam profited; his experience on the front line “gave him a taste of military life with all its emotional rewards: the sense of purpose, the thrill of adventure, the pride of making it through hardship, and the pleasure of camaraderie.” And it enhanced his prestige within the Brotherhood, which had prudently withdrawn from military struggle before the crackdown began.

    He had already done some teaching in Saudi Arabia in the 1960s. He earned a Master’s degree in Islamic Law at the University of al-Azhar in Cairo, then a Ph.D, also at al-Azhar, “the most prestigious place of religious learning in the world of Sunni Islam” at that time.  In the early 1970s, Egypt’s new president, Anwar Sadat was less antagonistic towards Islamists than Nasser had been. For its part, the Egyptian chapter of the Brotherhood moderated its tone, “abandon[ing] revolutionary violence, in both theory and practice.” Azzam evidently held his tongue, completing his dissertation on Islamic jurisprudence in 1973, emerging from the university “as a classically trained scholar of Islamic Law with impeccable credentials.” On the strength of them he obtained a teaching position at the University of Jordan, where he taught for seven years. “As many as a third of the teaching staff in the department [of Shar’ia law] were Muslim Brothers, some of whom were known as relative hardliners.” A popular professor, Azzam advanced the ideology of Islamism not only on campus but in talks throughout Jordan. For a time, the monarchy there regarded the Islamists as useful counterweights to the leftists, who were sponsored by the Soviet Union, “confident that [Islamists] would not produce a violent revolutionary offshoot.”

    That began to change. Having earned for himself the title, “Sayyid Qutb of Jordan,” he began to travel and lecture internationally, even visiting the United States in 1978, where he met Usama bin Laden at the University of Indiana’s Islamic Teaching Center. Back in Jordan, he began to teach a course titled “The Muslim World Today,” in which he propounded the claim that “Western and Jewish conspiracies against Muslims” were causing “most of the region’s ills.” Communism was nothing more than “a Jewish ploy to weaken Islam,” and indeed “all Communist revolutions in the world are Jewish” in their inspiration. The downfall of the Ottoman Empire, the last caliphate, was the product of exactly this Communist-Jewish conspiracy. Arab nationalist regimes constitute only another Communist front, deploying Arab Christians as their pawns. More alarming to the monarchy than these vaporings was his dismissal of the Jordanian regime as “un-Islamic” and secretly in alliance with Israel. His rhetorical fireworks against the neighboring Ba’athist regime’s struggle against the radical wing of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria provoked “a Syrian hit team” to pepper his house with bullets in warning. Eventually, he was fired from his university position for threatening a Jordanian newspaper editor who had published a cartoon satirizing the Iranian mullahs, whom he preferred to the secularist Iraqi tyrant, Saddam Hussein on the grounds that at least the mullahs were Muslims. By then, even his Muslim Brotherhood colleagues had grown nervous about his outspoken radicalism, which threatened to upset the “delicate balance” between the Brothers and the monarchy.

    He landed another university position, this time in Mecca. “Lacking educated manpower at this time,” Saudi Arabia welcomed foreign academics, including Brotherhood activists from Syria and Egypt. “These well-educated men found employment in Saudi schools and universities, and formed the backbone of the kingdom’s education system in the 1960s and 1970s.” At the same time, the movement for pan-Islamism was gaining momentum in the Middle East. Pan-Islamists differed from their predecessors because they dismissed the Arab governments as insufficiently Islamic, obstacles rather than vehicles for the restoration of the Caliphate. Whereas the Muslim Brotherhood had always advocated international cooperation among Muslims, “the various national Brotherhood branches had operated to a large extent as vertically separated silos, with most political activities taking place within countries”; now “there emerged a new class of Islamists, preoccupied with building horizontal connections between countries.” Activities included proselytizing on behalf of Islam and exploiting the annual Hajj in Mecca to network with fellow Islamists, while “construct[ing] an identity discourse emphasizing the unity of the Muslim nation and highlighting outside threats.” That is, before the Caliphate, a religio-national state, could be founded, it was first necessary to induce Muslims to think of themselves as ‘one nation under Allah,’ as it were, yearning for the honor and protection a Muslim state, indeed a Muslim empire, would bring. “Jihad is the key to Muslims’ success and felicity,” the pan-Islamists maintained, “especially when their sacred shrines [were] under the Zionist occupation in Palestine, when millions of Muslims are suffering suppression, oppression, injustices, torture and even facing death and extermination campaigns in Burma, Philippines, Patani, USSR, Cambodia, Vietnam, Cyprus, Afghanistan, etc.” Saudi Arabia and several other Arab governments “tolerated the diffusion of pan-Islamist propaganda because it vilified primarily non-Muslim powers” keeping the jihadis’ attention pointed ‘outward.’ 

    In Mecca, Usama bin Laden may have attended some of Azzam’s lectures; at any rate, they reacquainted themselves with one another, more than a decade after their brief meeting in the United States. Bored with teaching, eager to return to the battlefield, Azzam taught only one semester at King Abd al-Aziz University, heading next to Pakistan, where he hoped to plan his move into his real destination, Afghanistan. Arriving in Islamabad in November 1981, he had an appointment at the Islamic University of Islamabad, which was part of Pakistani president Zia ul Haq’s policy of Islamization, undertaken against the secularist Bhutto family and its allies. Azzam joined a faculty with a large foreign Arab contingent, teaching students who were mostly foreigner from Asia or the Middle East. This Islam-based internationalism coincided with his own long-held convictions, and he took the opportunity to lead student trips to Afghan refugee camps in the Peshawar area. 

    By the end of the 1980s, the Soviet military would kill somewhere between one million and two million Afghans while displacing about 7.5 million (“over half the population”). “Although the Afghan jihad was widely perceived in the West as a national liberation struggle, the Afghan Mujahidin neither presented nor saw themselves simply as a nationalist movement in need of external support.” They repeatedly proclaimed that they were engaged in a world-historical struggle, extending the Muslim revolution in Iran to its eastern neighbor, preliminary to greater conquests on behalf of Allah. For his part, Azzam worked to connect the Muslim Brotherhood to the Mujahidin, asking for humanitarian aid not fighters. The man who undertook military recruitment of Arabs was Jalaluddin Haqqani, who “became an important early ally of Azzam’s.” While he did bring the Afghan jihad to “Arab attention,” Azzam couldn’t unite the Mujahidin, nor could he persuade the Brothers to lend military support to them. Contrary to much that has been written, the Arabs who did fight in Afghanistan never received “direct support” from the CIA or any other Western intelligence services, which reserved their assistance for the indigenous fighters. (As for Bin Laden, he worked with the Saudis.) Generally, the Arab groups contributed little to the overall effort to expel the Soviets from the country. Azzam did arrange for Islamic charitable funding in Peshawar, through non-governmental organizations rather than governments: “No tyrant has power over me.” Such aid did assist the nascent terrorist movement, inasmuch as “it was in this period that Islamic charities developed the militant ties and problematic practices that led some of them to lend support, wittingly and unwittingly, to more radical organizations such as al-Qaida in the 1990s.”

    Having failed to reconcile Mujahidin factions, Azzam turned to organizing the Services Bureau, “a militarized charity with projects in multiple domains.” Bin Laden provided the funding for its activities, which included hosting incoming volunteers, providing education for children and adults, gathering intelligence, monitoring press coverage of the war, coordinating humanitarian aid, military logistics, and publishing the Al-Jihad magazine, “a resounding success.” The Bureau itself was riddled with factions, which the “notoriously conflict-shy” Azzam failed to moderate; it nonetheless proved crucial to bringing Arabs to Afghanistan after the Soviets had been expelled. More, it functioned as “a vital mechanism for turning global Muslim interest in the Afghan jihad into actual fighters on the ground.” “Azzam was a better recruiter than manager,” bringing Muslims from “at least forty different countries” in “the most international volunteer force the world had ever seen.” It is noteworthy that “the Service Bureau’s most elaborate overseas infrastructure was not in the Middle East but in the United States”; Azzam himself visited dozens of American cities during the 1980s, telling Muslims there that they shouldn’t live in the West “because it exposed them to sinful things and benefited the Jews who run the global capitalist system.” The Bureau and other Islamist organizations recruited approximately 10,000 foreign fighters, half of them Arabs, most of them students. Although they didn’t do much to kill Russians, they did form a nucleus for worldwide terrorist activities after the Soviet troops retreated.

    In addition to his lectures, in the 1980s Azzam published nine books and over 100 articles, arguing that “internal division was the main source of Muslim weakness”; “all forms of nationalism, sectarianism, ethnic politics, and tribalism” must be opposed. His theology was therefore syncretistic, intended as an ideational basis for activism in shared causes. “Azzam was thus in some sense an Islamic culture warrior; he considered it more important to protect Islamic culture from foreign influences than for Muslim society to advance materially or technologically.” “No education at all was better than a non-Islamic education,” he insisted. As in any regime, the Umma as Azzam conceived it held up an ideal human type for emulation, “a new conception of the ideal Muslim, a kind of homo jihadicus for whom warfare is integral to his way of life,” superior to any other form of religious activism. He claimed that jihadis witnessed many acts of divine intervention on the battlefield—for example, an enemy tank that exploded because an Islamic warrior threw a Koran under it—proof of Allah’s approval. Failure too only instanced divine approval, inasmuch as martyrs earn honor in Heaven. To those who doubted such tales, he replied that doubters are men of little faith. More worrisome were those Muslims who suspected Azzam of Sufism, on the grounds that claims of miracles and martyrdom smacked of mysticism. To this, he answered that the Koran itself testifies to the existence of miracles and lauds martyrdom.

    The core of Azzam’s argument for jihadism “combined two existing but previously unconnected ideas”: that Islamic law requires Muslims to repel invaders of Muslim land by military force; and “that the duty of jihad is universal and not subject to approval by any one nation-state.” Individual Muslims must therefore heed the call to jihad in Afghanistan, regardless of the policy of their government. This doctrine had the advantage of shifting militants’ attention from “rebelling against Muslim rulers,” who might be false Muslims but claimed to be faithful, towards “fighting infidel invaders” who made no claims to be Muslims at all. Hegghammer notes that this nonetheless departs from Muslim orthodoxy, which holds that “jihad is in principle only an individual obligation for the population touched by the invasion,” whereas “for everyone else it is a collective obligation, meaning that it is optional and subject to a range of restrictions.” The only exception to this is a circumstance in which the Muslims under attack are unable to defend themselves; in that case, Muslims outside that area are obligated to intervene. This gave Azzam a theological opening. He argued that “the very existence of an occupation somewhere was evidence that the locals were unable to defend themselves, and hence the individual obligation should extend to all the world’s Muslims immediately.” This claim effectively ‘privatizes’ jihad, taking it out of the control of Islamic rulers. The problem was that jihadis so inspired might refuse the ruler of those who called them in. Having arrived in Afghanistan, many foreign fighters refused to obey Azzam’s commands, either, and factionalism arose within his own movement. 

    Azzam called not only for military resistance to those who invade Muslim-ruled lands but terrorism, especially against Jews and against anyone who donated money to Israel. Answering a question after delivering a lecture in a California mosque, he endorsed “revenge on American Jews” as commanded by the Qur’anic verse, “Kill them wherever you find them.” 

    In addition to expelling Soviet troops, the jihadis aimed at regime change, replacing the Soviet puppet government with the Taliban. Azzam hoped that “the Islamic state in Afghanistan would serve as a base for a new missionary effort and a military of other lost territories,” an “impregnable fortress,” as he called it, serving not only as a refuge for jihadis seeking shelter from persecutors but as the nucleus of “a transnational caliphate that would encompass all the world’s Sunni-majority nation-states,” an empire that might even expand worldwide, God willing. As the Mujahidin rolled back the Soviets, Azzam’s “hostility toward the West,” and toward America especially, intensified. He blamed the United States for assassinating Zia ul Haq and installing Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan and for planning to assassinate the leaders of the Afghan jihad. In response to such alleged enormities, he justified jihad defense of the Umma, which would in turn justify bin Laden’s terrorism. It was bin Laden who insisted that the Services Bureau expand its military activities, and so vindicate the honor of Arab volunteers. Being the Bureau’s principal donor, bin Laden got his way; in April 1987 he ordered an assault on an Afghan army outpost; Azzam fought alongside the other volunteers. Shortly thereafter, bin Laden formed al-Qaida in order to maintain order and discipline among his men. As yet, the organization “had no clear political objective or designated geographical operating area”; “it was not until the mid-1990s that the group would stake out a clear strategy in the form of war against America.” Meanwhile, although “the Arab role in evicting the Soviet Union” from Afghanistan “was miniscule,” the prestige of the new leaders had been enhanced throughout the jihadi network.

    As with any regime, the “Afghan Arabs” had not only rulers and ruling institutions but a way of life. “The Afghan jihad experience was otherworldly compared with the ordinary lives most fighters left behind,” “involv[ing] extended isolation in landscapes that were literally moon-like as well as intense emotional and spiritual experiences” that induced many to abandon any thought of returning home. Azzam refined and directed these emotions with the careful use of poetry, “an age-old feature of mainstream Arab culture, which in the 1980s was used by Islamists to glorify jihad.” Azzam judiciously inserted poetic verses into his writings and speeches, drawing on what one co-worker called “an endless treasury of Arab epic poems” he had committed to memory, knowing “exactly how to use them in provoking the sentiments of Arab youths.” He also saw to it that “a specifically jihadi iconography” was developed for use in magazines and films. All of this established his authority as “the undisputed spiritual leader of the Afghan Arabs and an influential figure in intra-Mujahidin politics.” 

    As Azzam gained prominence, he attracted enemies. These included the Pakistani government, nervous about too many Arab fighters on their soil, Salafists in Saudi Arabia, who distrusted his distrust in Arab governments and considered his theological syncretism too lax, jihadi radicals who judged him “too moderate,” Israel, which took exception to his ties with Hamas and his Pakistan-based training camps open to Palestinians, and finally rival Mujahidin factions. He was assassinated in 1989; any one of these entities may have done it. 

    “Famous in life,” Azzam “became iconic in death.” Among jihadis, his memory is venerated to this day, by internationalists and even nationalists (especially Palestine’s Hamas). His main critics remain the more apolitical Muslims. His admirers continue to promote his legacy, keeping his books in print for the benefit of new recruits. The several, often conflicting, jihadi groups all claim him as their own, thanks to a certain vagueness in his writings which elevates him above the bitter tactical disputes that have given rise to faction. They “seem to have appreciated most of all…that he was a scholar who dared speak his mind and take part in jihad”—a figure combining the kind of spiritual and intellectual authority earnest youths revere with the kind of energy and ambition earnest youths possess, a man who synthesized words and deeds. As a result, “the phenomenon that Abdallah Azzam helped create has become the preeminent rebel movement of the post-Cold War era.

     

     

    Note

    1. For a brief account of Qutb’s religio-political thought, see “Islam and Modern Politics,” on this website under “Nations.”

    Filed Under: Nations

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