Will Morrisey Reviews

Book reviews and articles on political philosophy and literature.

  • Home
  • Reviews
    • American Politics
    • Bible Notes
    • Manners & Morals
    • Nations
    • Philosophers
    • Remembrances
  • Contents
  • About
  • Books

Recent Posts

  • Chateaubriand in Jerusalem
  • Chateaubriand’s Voyage toward Jerusalem
  • Hitler’s Intentions
  • The Derangement of Love in the Western World
  • What’s So Funny About the Law?

Recent Comments

    Archives

    • May 2025
    • April 2025
    • March 2025
    • February 2025
    • January 2025
    • December 2024
    • November 2024
    • October 2024
    • September 2024
    • August 2024
    • July 2024
    • June 2024
    • May 2024
    • April 2024
    • March 2024
    • February 2024
    • January 2024
    • December 2023
    • November 2023
    • October 2023
    • September 2023
    • August 2023
    • July 2023
    • June 2023
    • May 2023
    • April 2023
    • March 2023
    • February 2023
    • January 2023
    • December 2022
    • November 2022
    • October 2022
    • September 2022
    • August 2022
    • July 2022
    • June 2022
    • May 2022
    • April 2022
    • March 2022
    • February 2022
    • January 2022
    • December 2021
    • November 2021
    • October 2021
    • September 2021
    • August 2021
    • July 2021
    • June 2021
    • May 2021
    • April 2021
    • March 2021
    • February 2021
    • January 2021
    • December 2020
    • November 2020
    • October 2020
    • September 2020
    • August 2020
    • July 2020
    • June 2020
    • May 2020
    • April 2020
    • March 2020
    • February 2020
    • January 2020
    • December 2019
    • November 2019
    • October 2019
    • September 2019
    • August 2019
    • July 2019
    • June 2019
    • May 2019
    • April 2019
    • March 2019
    • February 2019
    • January 2019
    • December 2018
    • November 2018
    • October 2018
    • September 2018
    • August 2018
    • July 2018
    • June 2018
    • May 2018
    • April 2018
    • March 2018
    • February 2018
    • January 2018
    • December 2017
    • November 2017
    • September 2017
    • August 2017
    • July 2017
    • June 2017
    • May 2017
    • April 2017
    • March 2017
    • February 2017
    • January 2017
    • December 2016
    • November 2016
    • September 2016
    • August 2016
    • July 2016
    • June 2016
    • April 2016
    • March 2016
    • February 2016
    • January 2016

    Categories

    • American Politics
    • Bible Notes
    • Manners & Morals
    • Nations
    • Philosophers
    • Remembrances
    • Uncategorized

    Meta

    • Log in
    • Entries feed
    • Comments feed
    • WordPress.org

    Powered by Genesis

    The “New Atlantis”; Utopia or Dystopia?

    February 9, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Francis Bacon: The New Atlantis.

    Kimberly Hurd Hale: Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis in the Foundation of Modern Political Thought. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2013.

     

    Francis Bacon follows in the wake of Machiavelli’s repurposing of political philosophy and of politics at the service of the mastery of Fortune animated by the desire for acquisition of rule. Bacon adds the indispensable ‘modern’ nuance: That this mastery must be achieved by means of the conquest of nature, which underlies the verdicts of Fortune. Men can effect the conquest of nature “for the relief of man’s estate,” as Bacon famously put it, by means of empirical experimental science, with which he would replace what he regards as the brilliantly misdirected efforts of Scholasticism, in its efforts to reconcile the speculative philosophy of Aristotle with the teachings of Scripture. Bacon rejects Aristotelian natural science and the spiritual content of Christianity while, as Hurd puts it, “co-opting” one element of Christianity, its “compulsion toward universal charity” as “essential for the acceptance of modern science by the public.” Bacon’s final book, The New Atlantis, sketches the portrait of a new regime dedicated to that (as moderns came to say) project.

    In the body of his written works, Bacon wanted The New Atlantis to be placed immediately after his Sylva Sylvarum, a work on natural history. Uniquely among his writings, The New Atlantis is a fiction. It takes the natural science of the Sylva Sylvarum and ‘projects’ it into an imagined regime that deploys such science as both the purpose and the method of political rule.

    The narrator describes a sea voyage from Peru, its intended destinations China and Japan. But the ship and its crew sailed at the mercy of the wind, of nature. Driven off course, they ran out of food; they prayed, and their prayers seemed to have been answered when they sighted land—a “good haven” occupied by “a fair city,” “not great indeed, but well built.” The inhabitants initially refused to permit them to land, instead sending a party of eight out to the ship. After interviewing them briefly, they permitted the crew to come ashore for sixteen days to resupply themselves with water and food and to obtain materials for repairing their vessel. It transpired that the city residents knew the classical languages and used Christian symbols on their official documents, a seeming combination of classical and Christian motifs that suggest the Scholastic intellectual horizon the European sailors knew, however dimly, from church in their native Spain. Acting in a spirit of reciprocity, the ship officers offered pistols as a sign of friendship, but the city man “took them not, and would scarcely look at them.” It will transpire that they possessed more impressive weapons of their own, and quite likely regarded the gesture as a bit like offering beads to ‘savages.’

    Three hours later, another delegation arrived, asking the crew, “Are you Christians?” After having the shipmates swear they were not pirates, the city representative granted them permission to land. The eminent man in the boarding party expressed concern about any diseases the men may have and was reassured that any diseases they suffered were not infectious. He provided them with a fruit that evidently had medicinal properties. The same man refused the pistols the shipmates again offered, explaining that he already had a salary and did not want to be “paid twice.” Another man might say ‘bribed,’ but even the word seemed not to exist in the citizen’s usage. They were taken to the Strangers’ House, receiving a civil welcome from the townspeople who gathered along their route. Of the 150 sailors, seventeen were ill. During their three-day quarantine, they were fell fed; the sick men were given more of the medicinal fruits and a course of medication. During this initial period, the narrator, the captain of the ship, delivered a speech to his men, telling them to be on their best behavior, to “reform [their] own ways”—presumably, to restrain themselves from acting like sailors on shore. They “promised me to live soberly and civilly.”

    The Strangers’ House has a governor, a Christian priest, who brought word that they had permission to stay six weeks, with the possibility of an extension of their stay. He told them that they were the first residents of the House in 37 years. In still another gesture of hospitality, the government would defray all their costs. He set down one prohibition: Do not go more than a mile and a half beyond the walls of the city without permission. The sailors wondered at “this gracious and parentlike usage.” “It seemed to us that we had before us a picture of our salvation in heaven, for we that were awhile since in the jaws of death were now brought into a place where we found nothing but consolations.” The men thought “we were come into a land of angels.” The city residents seemed both benevolent and superhuman to them, and they found themselves (it is implied) happily in the status of children under the welcome authority of wise, even godlike fathers. That is, instead of the usual adventurers’ tale of civilized men encountering savages, the narrative begins to look like the reversal of such, an instance of primitive Europeans ‘discovering’ a superior people

    Hence the name of the city, Bensalem. Traditionally held to mean “possession of peace,” Jerusalem combines the Hebrew shalem, completeness, with jeru, ‘they will see the awe.’ Combined, then ‘Jerusalem’ means ‘they will see the completeness in awe.’ Zechariah 8:3 describes Jerusalem as the City of Truth, God’s dwelling-place on earth. ‘Bensalem’ combines completeness with the Hebrew word for ‘son,’ and so, ‘Son of Completeness.”  Jesus of Nazareth is surely the Son of Completeness, and the sailors asked the priest/governor of Strangers’ House who their apostle was—who brought Christianity to this isolated island—he was pleased to tell the story. In 20 A.D., the islanders saw a “pillar of light” one mile offshore. One of “the wise men of the society of Salomon’s House” saw that this was the “Finger” of God, a miracle. He saw the Completeness in awe. God left the islanders an ark with both the Old and New Testaments in it; the New Testament hadn’t yet been written down for the churches in the West. There was also a letter from Bartholomew, a servant of Jesus Christ, promising “salvation and peace and good will from the Father and the Lord Jesus.” Each one of the diverse collection of islanders—they included Hebrew, Persians, and Indians—could read these documents “as if they had been written in his own language.” “And thus this land was saved from infidelity,” the governor concluded.

    The sailors assured the governor that they thought of this “rather as angelical than magical,” godly not satanic. And they wondered how it is that the islanders know about Europe but Europeans know nothing of Bensalem. He explained that “three thousand years ago,” approximately 1,400 BC, ocean-going travel was much more extensive than it is today. Many nations visited the island, which may account for the origin of its ethnic diversity. At that time, Atlantis existed, as described in Plato’s Timaeus and Crito. Atlantis was located in what is now called America on a hill that could be ascended like a “ladder to heaven”; it had a temple and a palace. Its King, Altabin, was “a wise man and a great warrior.” The city perished in a deluge, which explains why the natives of North America today are “a thousand years at least from the rest of the world” in their civilization. Since Atlantis was the island’s chief trading partner, the islanders lost much of their commerce with the outside world while navigation declined in the other parts of the world, perhaps because they were ruined by wars or because they declined in “a natural revolution of time.” 

    In the ensuing centuries, the islanders maintained their navigational capabilities and resumed their shipping. But they preferred to “sit at home.” This policy was instituted by the wise King Solamona, who ruled about 1,900 years ago, approximately 300 B.C. Solamona was the lawgiver of Bensalem, “a divine instrument thought a mortal man.” That is, Bensalem’s laws were framed by a man named after Jerusalem’s proverbially wise king. In China, the prohibition against foreign travel has been “a poor thing and hath made them a curious, ignorant, fearful, foolish nation.” But Solamona’s policy has had a different effect because he ordained that any foreign visitors be treated so well that they would not want to return to their native countries. Only thirteen—the symbolic number of atheism—have done so, and “whatsoever they have said could be taken where they came but for a dream.”

    Solamona also ordained the establishment of Salomon’s House, which contains a natural history that the original Hebrew Solomon wrote, lost to other nations. If this New Jerusalem is also the New Atlantis, it combines Christian wisdom with the wisdom of natural science, ascribed not to the Greeks but to a wise Hebrew. Salomona then founded the College of the Six Days Works,” dedicated to “the finding out of the true nature of all things”—advancing natural science beyond the bookishness that might have restricted it, had the new Solomon, Salomona, rested satisfied with merely conserving the knowledge of his namesake. [1] Nor was Salomona content to ignore any scientific discoveries in other parts of the world. He set a policy of sending missionary expeditions to be carried out by Fellows or Brethren of Salomon House. At any given time, three such persons will be voyaging abroad, gathering knowledge of “affairs and state” in other countries, with special interest in the sciences and the arts, particularly manufactures and inventions—what we now call the applied sciences or technology, a word that combines ‘art’ and ‘reason’ or knowledge. “Thus, you see,” the governor told them, invoking the ‘seeing’ of Jerusalem as it relates to ‘Solomonic’ natural science, “we maintain a trade, not for gold, silver, or jewels, nor for silks, nor for spices, nor any other commodity of matter but only for God’s first creature, which was Light, to have light (I say) of the growth of all parts of the world.” Light is the first principle of nature. Understand the first principles of science as seen in scientific discoveries found everywhere (is nature not universal?) and you will maintain the advantages you received from possessing the only surviving account of Old Testament natural science and from the first available written version of the New Testament. Writing permits the Bensalemites to preserve what they have learned, while forging ahead with new research. Light also recalls the Pillar of Light, the supposedly miraculous Giver of the three sacred (but also natural) books, a miracle carefully interpreted by the Brethren of Solomon’s House.

    “We were all astonished to hear so strange things so probably told,” the narrator recalls. “We took ourselves now for free men” (although in fact they were well restrained); we “lived most joyfully,” meeting with men of “such humanity and such a freedom and desire to take strangers, as it were, into their bosom as was enough to make us forget all that was dear to us in our own countries,” for “if there be a mirror in the world worthy to hold men’s eyes, it is that country.” That is, the Bensalemites’ policy of hospitality toward strangers—a seductive hospitality that makes strangers forget their homelands and to want to stay—alters the Platonic-Socratic notion of learning as ‘remembrance,’ learning described as a recollection of the ‘forms’ or ‘ideas,’ which men, sunk in their bodies and in the customs of their cities, have ‘forgotten’ and can only recover through a dialectical ascent from the ‘cave’ in which they can only see the shadows of physical idols on the walls, far from the natural light of truth. The forward-looking natural science of Bensalem proceeds by a forgetting of the political caves of the diverse sailors by the sailors. But would the sailors ascend to the light of truth sought by the Brethren of Solomon’s House? Or would they merely luxuriate in the benefits of the technologies discovered by the Brethren?

    The Brethren culled two of the voyagers from the rest, inviting them to a ceremony called the Feast of the Family, “a most natural, pious, and reverend custom” which shows the nation of Bensalem “to be compounded of all goodness,” the narrator exclaims. All goodness consists, as he had already learned, of a reconciliation of natural science and religion, of the Solomon met in the Old Testament with the Solomon revealed in his lost book. A Feast of the Family, paid for “by the state,” is “granted to any man that shall live to see thirty persons descended of his body alive together, and all above three years old.” That is, the Feast rewards generativity, longevity, and healthy offspring—natural vigor. The Father of the Family, called the Tirsan, is attended by all family members. During the attendant ceremonies he serves as a judge, settling “any discord or suits between any of the family,” in keeping with shalem or completeness, a term reminiscent of shalom or peace. The governor of the city executes “by his public authority the decrees and orders of the Tirsan,” although these are seldom disobeyed, “such reverence and obedience” do the Bensalemites “give to the order of nature.” That is, the Bensalem regime’s combination of Biblical piety and natural science tends to make piety reinforce science. What Bensalemites ‘see in awe’ is the completeness of an island at peace, thanks to the wise application of scientific knowledge. 

    The Tirsan also designates one of his sons to live with him in the Tirsan’s house; the son’s title is “Son of the Vine.” That is, the practice of conventional aristocracies, primogeniture, inheritance of the father’s estate by the firstborn son, is replaced by the rational or quintessentially natural principal of choosing the son worthiest in his father’s judgment. The Son of the Vine is the son of nature, a natural version of a biblical Son of God. Perhaps nature replaces God in Bensalem? The Feast features a ceremonial hymn praising Adam and Noah, who peopled the world, and Abraham, Father of the Faithful; here, the Faithful duly celebrate natural generativity, and indeed the Bensalemites “say that the King is debtor to no man but for propagation of his subjects.” They add thanksgiving for our Savior. The Tirsan blesses his descendants, one by one, in the name of “the everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace, and the Holy Dove,” thereby combining natural, familial piety with Christianity, understood first of all as the rule of peace, of shalom.

    After this, the narrator next met with Joabin, a Jewish merchant. It is noteworthy that the audiences granted to the voyagers moves from many to few to one. Jews, we learn, are left “to their own religion” in Bensalem. The Christianity of the city tolerates them, and why not? Solomon himself was a scientist, according to the book held at Salomon’s House. The graciousness is reciprocal. Unlike Jews elsewhere, Bensalemite Jews “give to our Savior many high attributes, and love the nation of Bensalem extremely.” That is, the Jews of Bensalem are Bensalem’s Jews, patriotic Bensalemites and admirers, if not worshippers, of Jesus. The narrator praised the Feast of the Family to Joabin, saying, “I had never heard of a solemnity wherein nature did so much preside.” This insight shows that the rulers of Bensalem have chosen well the man they’ve singled out for unique treatment. He understands the regime, at least on the simplest level.

    For his part, Joabin praised Bensalem as the most chaste nation in the world in body and in mind. Here, as the narrator has witnessed, the natural family is indeed respected and fostered in the manner commanded by God. He criticized European brothels and marriage customs. In Bensalem, he said, there are no brothels, no homosexuality, and no polygamy. Joabin promised an opportunity to see not only a natural father but a Father of Salomon’s House, who was returning from a twelve-year voyage as one of the scientific (not proselytizing and religious) missionaries to foreign countries. The Brethren were evidently also Fathers—Brethren amongst themselves, ruling Fathers of the people? There is the nature of the body and the nature of the mind. Ordinary fathers are fathers of the body, generating offspring under the grateful eye of the King, ruling by choice, by reason, insofar as they judge intrafamily disputes and select their successor. The Brethren who are Fathers of the mind may have a far more comprehensive, complete, ‘shalem-ic’ status.

    The returning Father did indeed invite the narrator to a private audience, after courteously meeting, then politely dismissing, the other foreigners. He began with a benediction and a promise: “God bless thee, my son; I will give thee the greatest jewel I have. For I will impart unto thee, for the love of God and men, a relation of the true state of Salomon’s House.” He outlined what he would say, “to make you know the true state of Salomon’s House,” repeating the last phrase for heuristic emphasis. God and love of God, love not merely of neighbor but of men, men everywhere, issue in knowledge, not so much knowledge of God or neighbors but (as will soon become known) of nature. Like Aristotle, the Father considered knowledge of a thing to entail knowledge of four causes: the ‘final’ cause or purpose of the thing (“the end of our foundation”); the ‘efficient’ or first cause (“the preparations and instruments we have for our works”); the ‘formal’ cause (“the ordinances and rites which we observe”). But in place of the ‘material’ cause—for example, the elements comprised in a compound—the Father substituted what might be called a ‘locomotive’ cause, the energy seen in the thing. For Salomon’s House, this consists of “the several employments and functions whereto our fellows are assigned.” The reason for this substitution can be seen in the purpose of Salomon’s House: “the knowledge of Causes and secret motions of things, and the enlarging of the bounds of Human Empire, to the effecting of all things possible.” The Fellows of Salomon House intend to overcome material causes with human functions founded upon the human knowledge that can be acquired through intelligently directed human action. To use language Bacon uses elsewhere, they will experiment on nature, torture her to force her to reveal her secrets, conquer nature for the relief of man’s estate. 

    The locomotive causes of Salomon’s House are extensive. In deep caves (not natural but dug by men), “remote alike from the sun and heaven’s beams and from the open air,” they coagulate, indurate, refrigerate, and conserve bodies, produce new artificial metals, and even to cure some diseases, prolonging the lives of “some hermits who choose to live there.” They also experiment with soils and compound cements in the caves,” as “the Chineses do their porcelain,” although we have them in greater variety, and some of them more fine.” 

    Opposite this, the “Lower Region,” the Bensalemites had built the “Upper Region,” with its high towers, some set on mountains so that the highest extend three miles into the sky. These might recall the Tower of Babel, but unlike the systems of philosophy and perhaps of religion that center human intelligence on words, these towers also serve as sites of action, experiments in isolation, refrigeration, conservation, astronomical bodies and meteorological forces. The towers also have their resident hermits, “whom we visit sometimes, and instruct what to observe.” 

    Finally, there is the “Middle Region” of this man-made universe, not so much geocentric as anthropocentric. On it we have “great lakes both salt and fresh, whereof we have use for the fish and fowl” and for experimenting with the effects of earth, air, and water on “natural bodies.” We have desalinization and resalinization pools (surely of interest to the English, living on their island in the ocean). We also experiment with what much later generations would call ‘alternative’ energy: water power, wind power. They do experiments on chemicals—producing, among other things, the “Water of Paradise,” an elixir “very sovereign for health and prolongation of life,” along with medicines. Bacon’s mentor, Thomas Hobbes, identified the ruling passion of human beings as the fear of violent death. Salomon’s House aims at curing human bodies and, to the extent proven possible by experimentation rather than by prophecy or speculation, ‘curing’ or at least warding off death itself.

    The Fellows also use the Middle Region agricultural experiments—for grafting and inoculating plants to cause them “to come up earlier or later than their seasons, and to come up and bear more speedily than by their natural course they do.” We also make them bigger, their fruits more appealing than they are naturally. “We have also have means to make divers plants rise by mixtures of earths without seeds, and likewise to make divers new plants differing from the vulgar, and to make one tree or plant turn into another.” That is, the Fellows of Salomon’s House have conquered the natural ‘kinds’ God ordains in the Garden, mastering the limits of nature. As for the animals, we keep them in “parks and enclosures…not only for view or rareness but likewise for dissections and trials, that thereby we may take light what may be wrought upon the body of man.” Godlike, we can resuscitate “some that seem dead in appearance.” We can kill, too, using the animals to test poisons “and other medicines.” Animals are useful to learn more about the techniques of surgery. As with plants, we can make them bigger or smaller, more fruitful or less, and we can produce new “kinds” of them, too. “Neither do we this by chance, but we know beforehand of what matter and commixture what kind of those creatures will arise.” Those saltwater and freshwater pools stocked with fish enable us to perform similar experiments on them. 

    The Fellows have learned to manipulate all the bodily senses. We stimulate taste with new drinks, breads, meats; we stimulate sight by altering light and learning about precious stones, fossils, and minerals. We can alter sound with several technologies, including hearing aids. We can appeal to the sense of smell with manufactured perfumes. Regarding the body as a whole, we conduct experiments on furnaces and other heating technologies and use engine houses for the development of submarines and flying machines. Nor do we restrict our experiments to mineral, vegetable, animal, and human matter. We address the mind in the mathematics house within the Salomon House complex and we also debunk the “deceits of the senses”—conjurors’ tricks and optical illusions. The Father hints that these are the real bases of so-called miracles. We could perform such illusions ourselves, but “we do hate all impostures and lies,” and have “severely forbidden” such activities to “all our Fellows, under pain of ignominy and fines.”

    They don’t entirely reject impostures and lies, or at least concealments, when it comes to their foreign policy. Twelve Fellows are selected to voyage to foreign countries, in ships flying false colors to avoid identification of their origin. These men bring back books, abstracts, and plans of experiments from these places. “These we call the Merchants of Light”—perhaps in truth more like pirates, since there is no mention of any fair exchange for the materials gleaned, although I may be a reader of too suspicious a cast. This, at any rate, is Bensalem’s approach to commerce, which aims exclusively at what the Fellows of Salomon’s House consider the true riches, the riches of the human mind.

    Meanwhile, back in Salomon’s House itself, there are those more ominously named “Depradators,” who collect records of the experiments culled from foreigners. The “Mystery Men” gather “all the experiments of all mechanical arts, and also of practices which are not brought into arts.” The “Pioneers or Miners” actually try these new experiments and the “Compilers” organize the data from the experiments, “to give better light for the drawing of observations and axioms out of them.” The “Dowry Men” or “Benefactors” consider these experiments, “cast[ing] about how to draw out of them things of use and practice for man’s life, and knowledge as well for works as for plain demonstration of causes, means of natural divinations, and the easy and clear discovery of the virtues and parts of bodies.” “Then, after divers meetings and consults of our whole number to consider to consider of the former labors and collections, we have three that take care, out of them, to direct new experiments of a higher light, more penetrating into nature than the former. These we call Lamps.” The “Inoculators” conduct the experiments so ordained. The Fellows avoid sinking into an exclusively ‘applied’ science by designating three of their number to “raise the former discoveries by experiments into greater observations, axioms, and aphorisms.” These ‘theoretical physicists,’ as it were, are the “Interpreters of Nature.” 

    Salomon’s House thus has its carefully ordered regime. This includes not only the Fellows but also “novices and apprentices” who insure that “the succession of the former employed men do not fail.” That is, this regime has its own form of royal succession or aristocratic primogeniture, evidently based not on bloodlines but capability. There are many “servants and attendants, men and women.” All “take an oath of secrecy for the concealing of those which we think fit to keep secret, though some of those we do reveal sometimes to the state and some not.” If, someday, they were to learn how to split the atom and weaponize the energy released, the discoverers and inventors themselves would decide whether to share this knowledge with the day-to-day rulers of Bensalem. In this important sense, then, the Fellows of Salomon’s House rule Bensalem, constituting a sort of ‘deep state’ of natural philosophers or scientists. 

    The fourth, ‘formal’ cause of Salomon’s House, its ordinances and rites, consists of two exhibition galleries. In the first we exhibit “patterns and samples of all the more rare and excellent inventions”; in the second we exhibit statues of “all principal inventors” and discoverers, including “your Columbus,” who sailed from the narrator’s native Spain. In the Politics, Aristotle deprecates the practice of rewarding reformers of the laws and institutions of the polis. In The New Atlantis, the Father lauded not so much political reformers but ‘reformers’ of human knowledge. Since advances in human knowledge might lead to political reform or even revolution, the Fellows evidently take some care in selecting the knowledge they release to the ‘civilians.’ They visit Bensalem’s major cities, revealing “such new profitable inventions as we think good” and also declaring “natural divinations of diseases, plagues, swarms of hurtful creatures, scarcity, tempests, earthquakes, great inundations, comets, temperature of the year, and divers other things,” adding “counsel thereupon what the people shall do for the prevention and remedy of them.” Natural-philosophic revelation replaces divine revelation; natural prophecy replaces divine prophecy; natural providence replaces divine providence.

    Not to seem to neglect piety, the Father mentioned “certain hymns and services” observed by the Fellows in which they praise and thank God “for his marvelous works,” asking also for “his aid and blessing for the illumination of our labors and the turning of them into good and holy uses.” One of those holy uses, the Father announced, concerned the narrator. “God bless thee, my son”—the narrator has been adopted—and “God bless this relation [i.e., this narrative] which I have made. I give thee leave to publish it for the good of other nations, for we here are in God’s bosom, a land unknown.” This marks an apparent change in Salomon House’s foreign policy. The Father thus deputized his new ‘son’ not as a merchant of light but a messenger of light, the light that emanates from the methods of experimental natural philosophy, with its reconception of both nature and of man’s place in it. There is no record that he gave the narrator a navigational chart whereby voyagers from other nations might come to visit Bensalem. And, given the careful policy of disseminating scientific knowledge firmly in place, the Father may not have worried much about other nations attacking or eventually dominating the greatest empire of knowledge in the modern world.

    As Kimberly Hurd Hale remarks, in his attempt to coordinate theory and practice, natural philosophy and what we would call applied science, including technology, Bacon failed in the short term but succeeded (in many ways spectacularly) in the long term. As an experimental scientist, he didn’t amount to much, and although his “tenure as Lord Chancellor is perhaps the closest the world has come to witnessing a philosopher king,” he “attempt to guide the political development of England failed,” his reputation tarred by accusations of corruption. Nonetheless, “his political and philosophical influence resonate through the centuries,” far beyond the borders of England. Machiavellian politicians, builders of the modern state, aspirers to the mastery of Fortuna, found ready use for Baconian scientists, aspirers to the conquest of nature. In their turn, the scientists have found in the modern state protection for and support of their research. The symbiosis makes sense, as Bacon was a careful student of Machiavelli, (even as Hobbes was a careful student of Bacon, and Locke of Hobbes); in the spirit of modernity, no philosopher in this line left his predecessor’s work unrevised, and indeed Machiavelli himself was a careful student, and reviser, of ‘the ancients,’ whose “wisdom” Bacon himself extolled, with some irony.

    Hale’s own innovation in scholarship is to claim that the New Atlantis, which “initially reads as a utopian tale,” actually serves as a warning against the possible excesses of “scientific rule,” a regime quite “removed from the type of society he advocates elsewhere.” The book, his only work of fiction, “expresses both his great hope and his deep reservations” about his own ‘project.’ 

    Like Machiavelli, Bacon knows “that Christianity and Christian charity have irreversibly changed the world. Science offers a way to channel the charitable compulsions of Christian Europe into a less destructive path,” the path of religious warfare, which Europeans would continue to trod for several generations after Bacon’s death. If the mythical Atlantis described by the ancients ended in telluric catastrophe, the New Atlantis might not, if the natural forces which wiped out its forebear could be tamed, and if the religious forces that threatened to inundate could be made to subside. Hale contends that Bacon also thinks “that modern science could easily sink modern society beneath the seas,” that the modern solution to the theologico-political crisis of modernity might itself ignite an equal or worse crisis, which could only be managed by attending to the wisdom of the ancients, judiciously revised. As she puts it, “Bacon recognized that modern science would irreversibly change political society; the New Atlantis shows us what that society could become without a strong commitment to liberal principles,” including political liberalism or republicanism, “and philosophical questioning,” now primarily in the form of scientific experimentation.

    Hale first looks as the old Atlantis, as sketched by Critias in Plato’s dialogues, the Timaeus and the Critias. In the Timaeus, Socrates meets at night with Timaeus, Critias, and Hermocrates, along with an unnamed fourth person. Critias begins a speech about Atlantis, defeated long ago in a war with Athens. He “pauses for Timaeus to give a speech about the origin and nature of the cosmos” before resuming his speech in the dialogue named after him. “His speech concerns the structure and regime of the city of Atlantis”; Critias never gets around to narrating the war. Since Hermocrates never offers a speech, and since he played a role in the impending, disastrous war Athens waged against Hermocrates’ “native Sicily,” Hale suggests that the now imperial Athens military defeat, narrated by Thucydides, parallels the defeat of imperial Persia by the old Athens, the history narrated by Herodotus. Hermocrates’ ‘missing’ speech would be spoken by Thucydides, who “argues that stasis is impossible in politics,” even as it permeates nature, according to Timaeus’ speech. In his dialogues, Plato himself frequently “chang[es] the horizon and show[s] philosophy how to adapt to political reality in a way that allows it to shape political reality.” 

    Timaeus is no “true philosopher” but a knower, lacking “the erotic yearning toward truth” that animates the philosopher’s soul. He is at home in the polis, unlike Socrates, the persistent questioner. Timaeus is a lecturer, and Socrates here a listener, a learner who wants to hear speeches describing how the regime he outlined in his dialogue the Republic will look if it were realized in practice, and thus subjected to motion. If it must change, what will it change into? In the end, according to what we learn in the dialogues, it will turn into the regime described in the Laws, a regime less just but more “robust” than the regime of the Republic, which can be sustained only so long as it remains a ‘city in speech.’ The real, imperial Athens is about to endure a great motion—the greatest the world has ever seen, according to Thucydides—and it will not end as well as the regime of the Laws, with its more modest and realistic adjustments to the city in speech.

    Critias, chronicler of the old Atlantis, is no Thucydides. He is a poet telling a traditional tale “passed down through his family from Solon,” the founder of Athens, not a philosophic historian narrating the events of a real war. “Critias embodies the love of one’s own,” the handed-down traditions of his own family and city, “that makes the Republic‘s city impossible,” as it identifies wisdom “with the memory of one’s own past, rather than philosophical striving,” identifying “the good with the old.” This is not simply to denigrate poetry. In telling the story of Atlantis, Solon tells a myth, the stuff of poetry; as a “consummate statesman,” Solon “does not disparage poetry” any more than Plato does, not only in packing his dialogues with such stories but in portraying the life of philosophical striving in dialogues, in dramas, not in treatises. “Poetry is extremely powerful, especially when woven with reason and truth,” as Bacon evidently understands in his own turn to storytelling about the new Atlantis.

    Critias tells the story of Solon’s meeting with Egyptian priests. Although Solon initially “tries to impress the learned priests by reciting the events and genealogy of human beings after a devastating flood,” the priests deprecate this effort as childish because such natural disasters “erase vestiges of ancient ways.” The Greeks know how to rebuild, how to innovate, but they “need myths to teach them piety and prudence”; they “lack ancient wisdom,” which Egypt has retained—Egypt, the land of the changing, flooding Nile, but also of the prudent use of the Nile and its rhythms for agriculture. Plato takes the priests’ point. Not only Greeks, but most men everywhere need civic myths because they, like children, do not have “fully developed reason.” Therefore, “political philosophers,” as distinguished from the childlike natural philosophers who preceded Socrates, “must employ myths if they are to educate the city.” In this, however, he surpasses the Egyptian priests in prudence. The priests believe that their myths are historically true, that their “wisdom is knowledge of the historical past and truth is pure facts.” They describe the myth of Phaethon as symbolic of “the movement of heavenly bodies and the periodic outbreak of wildfires, while completely missing the lesson of the myth: those who seek to rule to prove their wisdom and excellence will cause the destruction of themselves and their societies.” Plato suggests that the priests’ “scientific analysis of myth” because “it ignores the larger truth conveyed by the myth and because scientific-philosophical discourse is devoted to discovering truth, and thus should not be used in the service of interpreting myths.” Natural philosophers or scientists are literal-minded, all too literal-minded, as “the literal truth or falsity of a myth is irrelevant” to the more important question of “whether or not the myth is helpful or harmful to the young” in years and the young in mind.

    The natural philosophers of Salomon’s House diverge from both of these courses. Uninterested in educating their citizens in science, they “use their scientific understanding to create myths and miracles.” “There is no possibility of philosophic education in Bensalem,” Hale contends, although it would be more accurate to say that there is no possibility of a general philosophic education there, since someone has educated the Fathers of Salomon’s House. The Fathers are “both scientists and priests” who “do not merely regulate religion,” as the philosophers in Plato’s city in speech do, but “actively create it.” 

    Critias describes Atlantis as “an alliance of kings who rule over a wide-spread empire.” The Athens that defeats it is a self-governing polis whose statesmen make alliances with other Greek city-states on an as-needed basis—the foreign policy of the philosopher-kings of Plato’s city in speech. Athens defeated imperial Atlantis (even as the real Athens defeated imperial Persia), but both succumb to the overwhelming natural disaster, the flood. Critias, an aristocrat “who helped overthrow Athenian democracy,” hopes to “legitimize Socrates best regime by showing that not only could it exist, but a form of it has existed in the past,” in old Athens. Plato and his Socrates doubt it. Critias’ poetizing unrealism becomes obvious when he claims that the topic of war is more difficult to discuss than the origin of the cosmos, Timaeus’ topic. In upholding the love of his own, familial piety, he sharply departs from the Guardians in the city of speech, who don’t know their own children, hold their wives in common, unrealistically (because unnaturally) placing “civic virtue above love of one’s own.” He understands neither natural science nor Plato’s ironic political philosophy; he is unrealistic about nature as a whole and unrealistic in his interpretation of Platonic political philosophy, which produces a regime that Critias’ beloved Athens cannot embody, as Critias hopes, because no polis can ever embody it. Critias is no more a philosopher than Timaeus. He serves Plato’s purposes in showing “how a man inclined to politics and open to philosophy can become a tyrant,” a man who will overturn the democratic regime of contemporary Athens. 

    Critias’ Atlantis is a hereditary monarchy, prosperous, and dedicated to technological progress, which “ensured that they were twice as prosperous as if they had relied on the gods and nature alone.” Hale pauses to observe that too many harvests will deplete the soil, although she does not observe that the Bensalemite scientists have remedies for such hazards. She also observes that the Atlantean monarchs, “relentlessly progressive,” did “not seek stasis, unlike Bacon’s Solamona.” But does Bensalem’s founder really seek stasis, or rather controlled progress? At any rate, Critias holds that “human nature is not oriented to virtue, it is oriented to luxury,” and he worries that the slow inundation of virtue by the flood of naturally luxury-loving human beings must finally ruin a city. But he “fails to address the possibility of a regime that can cultivate virtue in the people.” “He seeks virtue, but he does not understand how virtue is achieved in political society.” 

    Hale suggests that Bacon sees and accepts Plato’s ironic teachings about utopias dreamed up by natural philosophers and politicians who get both nature and politics wrong. Unlike Aristotle, “Plato does not argue that men are political animals; men form political associations because nature does not fulfill all their needs. Anti-Aristotelian, but Platonic Bacon’s attempt to overcome nature in the service of human progress is merely an extension of this idea.” But is it? Would Plato, or Plato’s Socrates, or Plato’s Athenian Stranger, regard the project of overcoming nature scientifically, with a new form of natural philosophy, as any more plausible than the attempt to overcome, as distinguished from moderating, nature in the city in speech’s quest to fully instantiate the idea of justice? Granted, that “the ideal city of the Republic will always be misunderstood and corrupted by political men seeking to glorify themselves or their cities”; granted, that “philosophers are always in danger of aiding tyrants”; granted, that “a political philosophy that understands these dangers can be found” in Plato’s account of Atlantis. The question Hurd wants to answer in the affirmative, that such a political philosophy can also be found in Bacon’s account of the old and especially the new Atlantis, is the one to which she now turns.

    “Bacon does not disparage the Christian virtue of charity; he rather reinterprets it to support a much more robust, self-interested Christianity,” one fully consistent with the conquest of nature for the relief of man’s estate. Like Machiavelli and the Tudor dynasty of his own time, Bacon “approves of a Christianity that is molded to serve the best interests of the political state.” He will ‘nationalize’ Christianity, divide and conquer it, while at the same time replacing Christian Aristotelianism with the “new learning.” (“He vehemently opposes the Schoolmen.”) In this, “his project is far more comprehensive, more ambitious, than that of Machiavelli,” the “scope of his imperial ambitions” far wider. Machiavelli would master Fortuna; Bacon would master nature. Also unlike Machiavelli, Bacon would not attempt to wipe out the regimes of ‘the few’ in favor of regimes of the one or the many. He wants “a highly structured class society, one where philosophers serve as the educators and advisors of princes.” He will replace the old aristocracies of Catholic priests and feudal grandees with a new aristocracy of natural philosophers. Although at times Hurd describes Bacon as a republican, he is no James Madison, no democratic republican. He wants aristocratic republics, ruled by a new aristocracy. Bacon understands that “science, a wholly undemocratic enterprise, is forever beholden to the public for support and resources. Public opinion matters in scientific research; therefore, it is essential that scientists study the public,” develop a new political science, lest they suffer the fate of Socrates. 

    Bacon therefore regarded dissimulation as “the mark of a wise statesman.” A philosopher-statesman might then turn to poetry, “a product of imagination,” as the mode “best suited to make the harsh truths of political life palatable to society.” As Bacon teaches in his Advancement of Learning, some things are secret because they’re hard to know, others because “they are not fit to utter.” “Wisdom without rhetorical skill is useless for those engaged in public life”; the existence of a public requires publicity—in any regime, no matter how many or how few rule it. In this, he resembles the God of the Bible and His Solomon, who wisely work invisibly, but also Plato. Even while making his “break from the ancients” he uses “tools he learned from Plato,” very much including the practice of poeticizing harsh philosophic lessons. Further, with his experimental science he proposed a sort of neo-Socratism, confessing knowledge of his ignorance while insisting that the experimental “torture” of nature, making her reveal her secrets, will advance knowledge far more effectively that Socratic dialectic, which shares the ‘verbalism’ of the Scholastics even as it rejects their claim to encyclopedic knowledge, “replacing dialectic with induction.” Experimentation goes beyond induction, however, by torturing nature to compel her to reveal her secrets. This isn’t far removed from mastering Fortuna by beating her down, one might add. Bacon proposes to combine Socratic inquiry with a decidedly Machiavellian ’empiricism’ and ambition. This nonverbal core of reality will be coated with soothing and even inspiring words. In this way he can rival religious teachings by the same appeal to the imagination the Bible and Christendom’s many great poets deploy. “Poetry, when grounded in solid reason and utilized by careful philosophers, can be a powerful aid to science.” 

    “Providence” may be “man’s ability to mimic God’s power and manipulate natural law to the point of altering human nature.” In doing so, “Bacon collapses the ancient distinction between techne and wisdom.” In his Wisdom of the Ancients, Bacon re-tells the story of Daedalus, suggesting that “envy can be neither controlled nor exploited in the service of progress.” This evidently contradicts the teaching of the New Atlantis, which has the fellows of Salomon’s House treating one another as colleagues in both their research and their ruling of the general population through the putative rulers. This indicates “that a society such as Salomon’s House is simply not feasible. Scientists are human, and possess a human nature.” One might wonder, however, for how long they will possess such a nature. Might they not experiment upon themselves? Make themselves more like the God whose providence they intend to usurp? Hurd insists that “Bacon’s plan, unlike that of the Bensalemites, does not require the forcible or involuntary alteration of ordinary citizens,” much less alteration of the scientists themselves. Rather Hurd considers the science of Salomon’s House to be “a deliberately unrealistic portrait of scientific achievement,” one that, “unfortunately, many of Bacon’s intellectual heirs failed to recognize” as “impossible” to realize. “Bacon cannot be responsible for our own failure to appreciate his warning.” 

    “The uncertainty of all knowledge, including scientific knowledge,” which is in principle perennially revisable, “helps explain the necessity of liberalism for Bacon’s project.” “Liberalism prevents tyranny enacted in the name of ‘truth.'” It also sets scientists free to pursue the truth wherever their experiments lead them. Hence, Hurd argues, Bacon’s approval of Joabin. As a merchant, Joabin participates in international trade and its attendant “dissemination of information.” Hurd holds such trade inconsistent with the Salomon House Fathers’ careful control of information. Bacon thus “shows us…that modernity must be constantly vigilant; science can be tempered by liberty, but a tendency toward despotism may be unavoidable.” To counter this, “an adjustment of Bacon’s project is the only hope for political philosophy,” which must “reclaim our contemplative philosophy by engaging in contemplative philosophy.” Yet Joabin poses no threat to the Bensalemite regime in the eyes of that regime. He says and does nothing to undermine it. “Bacon’s revolution may have humanitarian aims, but it is not humanitarian at its core.” If not, then why is his picture of Bensalem a warning from Bacon? Granted, it may serve as a warning to those who do not share his philosophic purposes.

    Hale therefore proceeds to a consideration of the text itself, in an attempt to show that Bacon imbeds such a warning in it. She begins by examining “the structure and working of the ruling institution” in Bensalem, Salomon’s House. “If I am correct in surmising that Bacon wishes to indicate Bensalem as a false utopia rather than a model society, then the evidence must be present in the life of Bensalem’s citizens.” “How well [do] the scientists understand political rule and how capable” are they “of shaping a robust regime”?

    If most visiting sailors in Bensalem, including these, remain there, forgetting their homes and families like the Lotus eaters of the Odyssey, does that mean Bensalem is bad (as Homer evidently thinks of the Lotus eaters’ condition) or good? Hale says it is bad, claiming also that Bacon thinks so, too. “If the Bensalemites are living in a state of oblivion, their society will be stable but it will also be devoid of any individual liberty or classical virtue,” at least among the ‘civilians.’ “Political scientists” typically regard “the best society” as a balanced combination of “stability, power, and individual liberty.” “If Bacon is to be taken seriously as a political thinker, one must assume that his perfect society would strive toward this elusive balance,” as Bensalem surely does not. This is a humane and reasonable judgment, but why must we assume that Bacon concurs? Does Bacon want to be taken seriously as a political thinker by us on any other terms but what seem to be his own?

    Hale accurately recounts the history of Bensalem, cut off from the rest of the world initially not be its own choice but by telluric catastrophe. Under those new conditions, Bensalem chose isolation from the rest of the world. “Bensalem chose political stasis,” a choice made “by their most celebrated king, Solamona.” Solamona did decreed change, changes wrought by the natural philosophers of Salomon’s House. These would be carefully introduced to the lower orders of Bensalemite society in accordance with the judgment of those philosophers. Hale expects that political science, controlled by the philosophers, might also change the regime, over time. So it might, but again that will be determined by the philosophers; they are, after all, scientists, who insist on rigorously controlled experimentation. If so, Hale observes, “the people [will] not have become more philosophically enlightened.” Indeed not, but does that trouble Bacon? “The attempt to force a static politics and conquering science to coexist is a powerful indication that Bensalem’s project will fail” because he inserts “an independent, obscure government” into the regime. But how independent is it? It seems to be under the thumb of the philosophers. Will they “independent” governor or governors eventually rebel against the philosophers, as the Guardians might someday do in the regime of Plato’s Republic? Perhaps so, but does Bacon want them to? And, if Baconian natural philosophy, undergirding Baconian political science, is as effective in merging theory and practice as Bacon evidently wants it to be, will Bensalem not continue to look more like a much more efficient form of contemporary communist China than like contemporary England? And if, as Hale argues, Bacon indicates elsewhere a sympathy for republicanism, what kind of republicanism does he want? Commercial republicanism, to be sure, but democratic? Or ‘aristocratic’/scientific? Or even a ‘mixed-regime’ republic, with the few enjoying substantially more authority per person than the many? To put it another way, as much as Bacon may prefer Plato to Aristotle, Plato no more understands philosophy in terms of experimental science than Aristotle does.

    Hale excellently brings out the religious side of Bensalem, with its revisions of Christianity. The sailors ran out of food in six months, having provisioned themselves for a year—a result of poor planning, lack of self-control, or perhaps their inability to control nature, if they were becalmed or thrown off course. They offer prayers to God, who, as Hale notes, “showeth his wonders in the deep,” in the oceans, according to Psalm 107. “If man is to imitate God, as the scientists of Salomon’s House intend, he must have similar power.” As far as the sailors are concerned, Bensalem comes close enough, rescuing them from death. “The Christianity of Bensalem is a practical Christianity,” and the sailors are ready converts to it. The narrator of the story evidently numbers among them, and the Fathers of Salomon’s House think so, too, designating him as the one who did not escape to tell thee, dear reader, but who was released to tell thee. 

    Practical Christianity, Hale acutely observes, may be seen in the garments worn by the governor of the Strangers’ House, where the sailors first stay. “Dressed in blue, with a white turban bearing a red cross,” he would have been immediately recognizable by Bacon’s readers as wearing the colors of “the flag of St. George, worn by English Crusaders” in their mission “to spread Christianity and European hegemony throughout the world.” “The governor is no mere state official, however. He is by office the governor and by vocation a Christian priest. This mixture of political authority and religious importance brings to mind Thomas More, whose Utopia serves as a foil for Bacon’s New Atlantis.” Under Bacon, as under the Machiavellian Tudors, the modern state will institute an established church independent of More’s Catholic Church; that church will become part of a new ‘church militant,’ the ‘church’ of modern science. The new religion preaches “brotherly love and the good of the sailors’ souls and bodies,” aiming to “alleviate suffering and poverty, which will enable ordinary people to better serve their church and king.” As Hale puts it, with a touch of irony, “If science can provide physical comfort to the public then the public will see science as a tool of God”; under such circumstances, “the idea of ‘doing God’s work’ takes on a slightly different meaning.” Indeed so.

    And so, as Hale rightly says, the Feast of the Family rewards procreation not virtue, materialism not spirituality. “There is no apparent harmony between the intellectual scientists and the constantly breeding populace.” None, apparently, but then perhaps there is, from the standpoint of the natural scientists. After all, who built those immense caverns and towers, those wide pools, those grand implements of scientific experimentation? If “the state sets the rules for the Feast, funds the Feast, and lends its authority to the enforcement of the father’s wishes,” then “the whole idea of the Feast is a mockery of the natural order of the family” and the “happiness” that serves as both “a justification and a moral grounding for the boundary-pushing science conducted by Salomon’s House” departs substantially from Christian joy or happiness as understood by Aristotle. Machiavelli is more than willing to depart, to set sail for other shores. Is Bacon?

    Hale finds in the name of the friendly merchant Joabin an allusion to Joab, King David’s nephew “and an important captain of David’s army.” Joab turns away from vengeance against David’s rivals in the house of Saul, “relinquishing his claim to revenge” and thereby “enabl[ing] David to unite Israel. That is, under the Bensalem regime, Jews have reunited with Christians under the auspices of the new ‘Christianity.’ Although “Joabin’s status as a merchant” may or may not “mark him as a member of the ruling class of scientists,” as Hale argues, he, and the commerce he practices, are aligned with the regime of the scientists, claiming that it was Moses, “by a secret cabala,” who “ordained the current laws of Bensalem,” despite the overarching story that Bensalem’s lawgiver was Salomona. Such, perhaps, are the ways of reconcilers.

    Joabin’s teaching on marriage and chastity conforms to the regime of the new Jerusalem in which the teachings of Moses and Jesus have been redirected to new purposes. “The foundation of Bensalem’s chastity depends on self-regard,” not on regard for God. Bensalemites regard chastity as “a vice in relation to its consequences,” not “the body is a work of God and must be treated as a temple,” as “borrowed property.” “Bensalem has taken the morality of Christianity to heart, while dispensing with the cosmological motivations behind the moral code,” to say nothing of the spiritual motivations. Bensalemite chastity requires the improvement of human nature by scientific methods, not by the work of the Holy Spirit. Hale thinks that the need for rearing children puts a limit on such ‘improvement.’ “Bacon’s acknowledgement of the insurmountable bonds between parent and child,” seen in the Feast of the Family, “is an admission that all of nature cannot be conquered.” But need it be, if the core of Bacon’s project, including a new regime to go with the new philosophy and the new religion, is to be instituted? “It seems clear that a people consumed solely with the production of children at the expense of the state will not be capable of self-government.” Unquestionably so, but does Bacon’s republic, as distinguished from Madison’s republic, entail self-government among any but the few? It is indeed the case that “Salomon’s House is the defining feature of Bensalem’s society,” its ruling body par excellence.

    How does it rule? Primarily by satisfying the differing desires of the few and the many. “Either the threat of coercion and memory of past coercion are enough to keep the citizens of Bensalem orderly, or the scientists of Salomon’s House have managed to alter human nature”—purging it of “pride, jealousy, ruthlessness or simple stubbornness,” promoting peaceful order but also eradicating the “dynamic competition that lies at the heart of political life” and, Hale maintains, “incapable of defending itself culturally and militarily against a society guided by intelligent self-interest and civic virtue.” For the latter task, “Salomon’s House needs a political scientist in its midst” (“I believe that person to be Joabin”) but this will not bring Bensalem to resemble “the enlightened, rational, secular society envisioned by the founders of the modern scientific project.” This is undoubtedly correct. Bacon is no democratic republican and therefore no ‘Enlightenment’ man in the sense propounded by European intellectuals in the next century. Will it be able to defend itself against such societies? Hale doubts it, although at present “Salomon’s House is a stronger military force than Europe, and will not tolerate European aggression.” The issue would depend upon the maintenance of decisive technological superiority over any rival or set of rivals. Such superiority might be military, but it might also be seductive, Lotus-eating appeals to visiting envoys.

    A Father of Salomon’s House enters the part of the city where the narrator and the other sailors are staying, either returning from abroad or simply coming down from Salomon’s House. He enters on horseback, reaffirming his superiority to all who see him. Dressed in garments and carrying implements denoting religious authority, he is followed by the officers of the trade guilds; “Salomon’s House incorporates both religion and trade into its scientific endeavors.” Hale charges that the presence of such oligarchs, who “organize complaints against the government and establish common pricing and standards,” amounts to “an acknowledgment that economic injustice, or at least economic conflict, is present in Bensalem’s economy.” Their presence, and the general orderliness of Bensalem society, also suggests that these complaints are resolved. Hale asks, “the people are well-fed, but are they happy?” Even if “happiness for many people could very well be comprised of physical comfort and relaxed sexual mores,” but there evidently remains nothing of “the longing for the rare, the beautiful, and the great,” at least among those who are not natural scientists. “Bacon’s tale shows what unregulated science can accomplish, and it also hints at what is lost in such a world.” This begs the question, does Bacon mind? If ordinary people are satisfied, and the extraordinary among them rise to fellowship in Salomon’s House, is Bacon content with that regime?

    The Father’s speech to the narrator begins with a promise to reveal “the true state of Salomon’s House,” its regime. The purpose of the regime is not to glorify God, as the Governor of the Strangers’ House had claimed, but to know the causes and secret motions of things in order to “enlarg[e] the bounds of Human Empire to the effecting of all things possible.” While “Plato expresses wonder at an incomprehensible whole,” Bacon “rejects the idea of incomprehensibility altogether,” collapsing “Aristotle’s distinction between theoretical and practical knowledge.” Given this task, especially given the experimentalism it entails, and given the fact that “Bacon could not know where modern technology might lead,” either the Father “has too much assurance in his ability to control science” or “his absolute political control makes science less dangerous.” Since “science in a republic is a very different creature than science in a monarchy,” and “capitalism likewise drastically changes the way technology will be used,” Hale doubts that such control will be possible. Again, this depends upon the nature of the republic—specifically, upon how democratic it is. There is no indication that it is anything but aristocratic. As Hale later states, Salomon’s House resembles a modern scientific version of the Nocturnal Council described in Plato’s Laws.

    Salomon House’s substantial control over nature enables the natural philosophers to attempt to replace God by empowering them to prolong life indefinitely, thereby increasing their authority over the many, less inclined to risk death in rebellion if human rulers are the sources of their hope for perpetual life. The natural philosophers, like God, can rule minds as well as bodies, “choos[ing] to share what to share with the public and with the government” and are “very effective in deceiving human senses.” The natural philosophers can even “create life out of nothing, the ultimate challenge to God’s authority.” Indeed, they can simulate life, including human life, having designed robots, a point that leads Hale to “wonder about the strangely affected behavior of the people of Bensalem.” Is Bensalem animated not by a noble lie but an ignoble lie? Can the natural scientists “guard against the lie in their own hearts”? “The evidence suggests that the scientists of Salomon’s House think man can be God’s equal, practically speaking.” Hale does grant Bacon superiority over many of his successors. “Truth is not an unmitigated good and technology cannot be allowed to proliferate without guidance. This is the essential point of Bacon’s thought that is missed by modern science.”

    Having learned all this, “the narrator kneels before the Father,” who adjures him to spread the good news of modern natural philosophy to the world. The narrator, if not Hale, is a convert. But why would a modern natural philosopher want to exercise such charity toward his subjects, let alone foreigners? “Perhaps it is as simple as the compulsion to put knowledge into practice.” After all, “the pursuit of scientific knowledge and the knowledge of their power,” taken together, “are the sources of their pleasure.” This, Hale says, obscures the “future tyranny inherent in modern science.” She considers the Bensalem regime and the fate of its people “tragic,” its tragedy potentially “the tragedy of England if thinkers like Bacon do not rise to the occasion” and warn of the dangers of such a regime, and if “the terrible potential of technology and charity cannot be controlled” despite the “best efforts” of such thinkers. She doesn’t believe it can be controlled, once Bensalem “is exposed to the outside world” and the natural philosophers can no longer “control the flood of information to the people.” “Bacon’s tale demonstrates how carefully English scientists must foster liberty, while still seeking to persuade the public about the virtues of science. His plan only works if two conditions are met. First, science must be virtuous. Second, the people must be able to recognize virtue when they see it.” Warrants for pessimism, indeed, whether Bacon actually advocates or expects the advent of a democratic form of republicanism as the consequence of modern natural philosophy. 

    Accordingly, Hale devotes a chapter to sketching the effects of Bacon’s philosophy on “his closest successors.” The young Thomas Hobbes knew Bacon, sharing his intention “to use modern science to improve the comfort and security of man.” Hobbes does much more to describe the political institutions of a modern, centralized state, his “mighty Leviathan”—a “liberal” or commercial monarchy, not a republic, liberal in its political economy if not in its political form. Founded in 1660, England’s Royal Society resembles a Salomon’s House but without the political ambitions. Although ‘the moderns’ have adopted Baconian science, “modern political society did not follow the course hoped for by Bacon.” This was especially the case in France, as “few movements in modern political history express the great hope and great danger of the Enlightenment more clearly than the French Revolution,” preceded by the philosophic thought of the marquis de Condorcet (to say nothing of the marquis de Sade) who eventually fell victim to the Jacobin Terror. The Jacobins were too impatient, lacking the patience of the true scientists’ experimentalism. “Condorcet and his fellows could into control the beast they created,” having divorced Baconian science from what Hale takes to be Baconian philosophy in its ‘politic’ dimension. One might add, more specifically, that the philosophes were egalitarian to a degree Bacon would not admit and, very much to her credit, Hale does acknowledge this: “While Bacon hinted at science’s compatibility with republicanism, Condorcet attempts to make science democratic,” its progress “eventually lead[ing] to total enlightenment and the perfection of human nature.” She then takes that back, remarking that “Condorcet acknowledges that science cannot be democratic, especially in a large society.” Perhaps she means that the natural philosophers will undemocratically lead the way to democracy, rather as Marx holds out proletarian dictatorship as the means to the future abolition of all socioeconomic classes. This would be consistent with another of Condorcet’s proposals, familiar to our own contemporaries: “an international association…formed to pursue things like a universal language” and similar ‘good works’—a Salomon’s House writ large. Hale has her doubts.  As she politely remarks, “Even among allies, the idea that sovereign nations would forgo the economic and military benefits stemming from such research clearly indicates that Condorcet is working from a conception of human nature unfamiliar to any previous thinker.”

    What prevails today? “Natural science is now almost wholly based in experimentation, while political philosophy has so lost sight of the question of the nature of the whole that its students can barely understand the actions and consequences of science. Philosophers cannot effectively guide the political regulation of scientists, because philosophers have either accepted science’s primacy or refuse to accept science’s intractability.” Bacon’s successors have “failed to grasp how comprehensive and careful the reform of philosophy and politics had to be.” “Condorcet and his contemporaries attempted to overthrow the old society in the name of science; they dismissed Bacon’s warnings about the dangers of unmooring society from tradition,” of despising the religious rites and symbols the Fathers of Salomon’s House take such care to preserve. “Bacon’s successors could not keep his project anchored in tradition and the lessons of Plato’s philosophy, too seduced by the promise of modern technology to heed his warnings,” too unready to use Bacon’s “decidedly unscientific tool, namely poetry,” humanely to conceal the harshness of modern science even as it is deployed to alleviate human suffering. “Affecting political policy without compromising genuine philosophical questioning,” including self-questioning and self-rule, “requires extraordinary rhetorical skill.” “Bacon possessed such skill,” but do we?  

     

     

    Note

    1. For an example of a learned man in an almost exclusively ‘bookish’ university, see Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. New York: Garland Publishing, 1993.

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Liberal Education at Mid-Twentieth Century

    December 1, 2021 by Will Morrisey

    Mark Van Doren: Liberal Education. Boston: Beacon Press, 1965 [1943].

     

    By the mid-1940s, Mark Van Doren had already worked with Mortimer J. Adler to establish the ‘Great Books’ curriculum at St. John’s College in Annapolis, Maryland, where students would study Western classics together, from the ancients as freshmen to the modern Europeans and Americans as seniors, while picking up the rudiments of Greek and French along the way. Unlike previous forms of liberal education in the West, St. John’s offered neither a religious nor a civic education, although it fostered no animosity towards either religion or politics. Van Doren was a poet (Adler thought of himself as a philosopher), having indeed won the Pulitzer Prize for a book of poems published a few years before the appearance of Liberal Education. By then, he had moved to the English department at Columbia. 

    For him, then, “liberal education is intellectual education,” not so much the formation of character. At the same time, he resists the contemporary esteem for a purely scientific and technical education as illiberal. His reservations about science are nothing new, he rightly observes: “Science is not the only problem, yet it is a huge one, and”—likely thinking of the controversial ‘pre-Socratics’—it “always was.” “There has never been a time in Western thought when science was not a problem.” Today, the problem with the study of science to the exclusion or diminution of all else is that such study is illiberal. Although he never mentions them, the rulers of Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia both claimed science as the preeminent justification for their regimes, even if in both instances they upheld pseudo-science along with some of the real thing. 

    In contrast with these modern tyrannies, the modern liberal or free regime seeks science in its original sense: knowledge. It seeks that knowledge, implying that it doesn’t have it, or at least does not have it in full. “The best time for a free society is the time when everybody believes it makes a difference what he thinks and knows; and the accent should be at last on knows.” Genuinely liberal education “prepares the mind to search” for knowledge. Such knowledge will enjoy precision, including the precision of poetry. As at St. John’s, “the way to produce individual intellects is to teach all students the same things, and of course the best things.” It is fair to call Van Doren a liberal educator in the beam of the Enlightenment.

    If philosophy begins with wonder, education and discussions of education begin with a certain dissatisfaction with education. “It is impossible to discover a man who believes that the right things were done to his mind.” The dissatisfaction typical of those who think about education today is the danger of its “readiness to risk its dignity in a rush to keep up with events, to serve mankind in a low way which will sacrifice respect” for the thinkers of the past. Education in the name of ‘relevance’—the term would only come into vogue 25 years later—can “easily prove so useful as to earn contempt.” Although (as Van Doren generously allows) “all educators are well-intentioned,” “few of them reflect upon their intentions.” They do not adequately know themselves. To make utility the core of education is to assume you know what is useful. But if education arises from the desire to know it must be “humble at the center.” 

    Reflecting upon his intentions, and upon utility, the educator ought to see that “the one intolerable thing in education is the absence of intellectual design,” any overlooking of what education is useful for. “Nothing so big can long remain meaningless,” mindlessly utilitarian, thoughtlessly pragmatic. Echoing John Dewey (with perhaps a touch of irony), Van Doren asserts that “like democracy,” education “can be saved only by being increased.” If a man is honest, “nobody today thinks he has enough of it,” as he “does not find in himself a reasonably deep and clear feeling about the bearings upon one another, and upon his own mind, of three things, to name no more: art, science, and religion.” He doesn’t find that reasonable feeling because “he has never been at the center from which these radiate—if there is a center.” Perhaps confident in his knowledge of physics, he suspects he does not know metaphysics. “His education so far has been one-sided: mostly mathematical, mostly literary, or mostly something else.” Van Doren liberally admits that his own education has been literary, one that enables him to read Shakespeare but not Newton. And considering Shakespeare’s peers, “some of them are Greek to me.”

    These limitations granted, who is “the educated person”? He is, in one sense, happy, happiness being not a mood but “the possession of [one’s] own powers,” not suffering “the bewilderment of one who suspects he has missed the main thing.” Newton, Rousseau, and Nietzsche, often unhappy in mood, at least did not suffer that torment. “Trust no philosopher who does not relish his existence and his thoughts.” A philosopher may be politic; he may be political. But he never takes the tone of a teacher “who asks the student to smile for the last time before he offers himself as a sacrifice to society,” to what a later generation would call ‘social justice.’ A real educator “is under no illusion that campaigns against inequality will mean the disappearance of injury among men.” At least as of 1943, despite “all our present shallowness of thought about the matter, we do still recognize that man’s distinguishing feature is his inability to know himself.” 

    Beginning to know oneself, “to find peace” on the soul’s terrain, sparks a new war, “the war of understanding.” William James, that pragmatist and firm opponent of one kind of war, found in this kind of war a feature of human nature itself. To know oneself is to know oneself as a sort of warrior, a warrior-spirit in the sense of one that “strain[s] to comprehend what he contains, straining even to contain it”—it being “bigger than he is.” Not the materialist, James, but the Christian, Pascal, says it best: “We must love a being who is in us, and is not ourselves.” This ‘it’ “is not an animal.” It “goes by many names, serves under many metaphors” (although not, it must be remarked, for Pascal, who knew the Holy Spirit when he met Him). “Whatever it is, its authority is huge, and one who has heard it speak will never be complacent again.” We both inherit ‘it’ as part of our human nature, and we seek it as “something into which we are educated.” Man is the being who is both ignorant and conscious of his ignorance, neither angel nor beast. He “has a strange difficulty: he does not know what to be.” Or, as Pascal puts it, to deny, to believe, and to doubt well are what humans do, because they are what they are, not any other thing.

    Given the nature all men share, “no human being should miss the education proper to human being.” Doubtless nursing one or more old wounds, Van Doren contends that “educators, like magazine editors, persistently underrate the people,” but as for himself he insists that “what was once for a few must now be for the many” and, even more optimistically, there must be no “sacrifice of quality to quantity.” The ancients were right to hold that liberal education “is the education of a free man” and that “the free man is one who is worthy of a liberal education”; what remains to be discovered is “how many men are capable of freedom.” What was once the province of the young gentleman, “nature is prodigal” in its gifts, more prodigal than societies have been. “Liberal education in the modern world”—democratic, enlightened—must “work to make the aristocrat, the man of grace, the person, as numerous as fate allows,” to make “the last citizen…as free to become a prince and a philosopher as his powers permit.” Glancing at Aristotle, Van Doren avers, “the only slaves in our society ought to be its machines.”

    Not the rare philosopher-king but the common citizen-philosopher? In democratic regimes, philosophy has aroused suspicion. “Sufficient wisdom sometimes seems almost esoteric, an accomplishment of genius which the mass is bound to find unintelligible, no surface difference appearing between the the subtlety of the philosopher and the caprice of the tyrants.” As for the philosopher’s part, “Socrates supposed that philosophers would be useless only in a democracy, where he assumed they would not be heard.” Van Doren replies that the answer to the question of “the few and the many” begins by admitting that all men will not “be the best men” but in taking care that “all men should be as good as possible,” inasmuch as “the higher the average the safer the state.” The pyramid keeps its apex and its base; it “will have symmetry only if the same attempt is made with every person,” “to produce in him the utmost of his humanity” by giving him “as much liberal education as he can take,” even if “he is in a hurry to become something less than a man”—say, a business-man rather than a leisure-man. 

    Against Dewey, Van Doren maintains that “there is no such thing as education for democracy,” since “education is either good or bad,” whatever the regime. “The best education makes the best men; and they will be none too good for democracy.” Like Dewey, however, he insists that “the best man will make the best citizen,” that democracy’s “only authority is reason,” and that the best men, the most rational men, the most philosophic men, can become the most eminent citizens. This is true because the life of reasoning, the life of the mind, is the farthest thing from both the “fear and obedience” society may “command” and also from the coldness of calculation. “Love or friendship,” which cannot be forced, ‘which are irreducibly personal,” develop “in places to which politics as most conceive it has no access.” “Yet they are the foundation of good politics” and “what education wishes to perfect.” Liberal education is indeed intellectual education, but the intellect loves, reason guides the most refined eros, the one that seeks knowledge, thought free of contradiction. “A congressman recently recommended that American youth be ‘taught to think internationally.’ It would be still better to teach them how to think.” Otherwise, “he is no longer at home in the republic of the mind, where…thought is free and only merit makes one eminent.” In that republic, he brings the democratic republic to the bar of “good or bad, right or wrong, true or false.” “These are personal things,” things “of man rather than of society,” bringing himself closer to fully human personality. Whereas “in politics we cultivate little areas of freedom where we can live in isolation from the wilderness of compulsion,” in “the large area of freedom,” in the life of the mind, we breathe better air. “An individual, thinking the best thoughts of which he is capable, and mastering the human discipline without jealousy for his own rule, becomes more of himself than he was before.” 

    In his optimism, Van Doren goes so far as to give self-surpassing self-fulfillment a Nietzschean twist. In an aristocracy, some men ought to surpass other men more than the other men surpass children; in a democracy, “all men surpass themselves, putting behind them childish things.” Such a democracy “will not deny its inferiority to persons”; indeed, “the superiority of its persons is its only strength.” “To say as much is to say that democracy lives dangerously.” 

    In his fourth, central chapter, Van Doren addresses the principal question for liberal education in his time and place, the question of the status of science. “A liberal education is more than a classical education, more than an education in English literature, more than an education in what is called ‘the humanities,’ and more than a training in the moral virtues.” And even these components of liberal education have atrophied in today’s schools, as, for example, classical literature has been studied as language, yielding “hatred of Greek and Latin” on the one hand, estheticism or the love of linguistic beauty simply, on the other. But “the great writers have not read greatly”—that is, very widely. They have read a few things carefully, and those things consider “the themes of good and evil, God and man, true and false, large and small, the same and the different.” Teachers should not be expected to be great thinkers; they should be expected to direct their students toward such thinkers. Inasmuch as “the young are incorrigibly moral,” tending toward the priggish not the thoughtful, a principal task of teaching is to get them away from that. 

    In 1943 as decades later, although in different ways, “professors of English behave as though they would like to explain literature away”—then by reducing it to ‘history,’ later by reducing it to ‘race, class, and gender.” “If all students of English were set to studying Shakespeare, who is so much the greatest of English writers that this might be no more than simply sensible, the result could be, in the first place, a generation of teachers who knew their business,” and in second place “a striking advance in our knowledge of Shakespeare.” (“There are no signs at the moment that such a project would be considered anything but insane.”)

    Knowledge, then. Here is where science comes in. “Science is knowledge, and knowledge cannot be inhumane,” as it is what the human being’s rational love and friendship aims at. By itself, “humanism was never good enough,” having taken “too thin a view of man.” To attain both the knowledge of the science and the knowledge of the humanities requires the moral virtues, making “a pupil studious rather than merely curious” by making his love of knowledge persistent and steady. Curiosity that gives up too soon becomes “what Socrates called misology,” hatred of reason, hatred of the way to knowing. Yes, “the educated person is gentle, but he is at the same time a tough spirit,” one who knows by his studies that life is hard, “for that is what he has been taught it will be.” Moral virtue can’t be taught, yet the mind can be prepared to cultivate it. “Life for him is hard because he must always think about it, and thinking is hard” and life gives one a lot to think about, “bristling with decisions which fill his days with crisis and color them with possible tragedy.” Here tragedy may not begin but the path may lead to it. Like Socrates (if unlikely altogether like him), “he must be prepared…for resistance in the world to what he represents.” In a democracy, in the regime governed by popularity, “the thinking man is not readily popular,” as his “disinterested criticism is disturbing,” a threat to the peace of ‘the many.’ In this chapter, then, Van Doren moderates his optimism with a sobriety learned from Plato and (some will be surprised) Nietzsche.

    Liberal education is knowledge of, among other things, certain arts—the “liberal arts.” These have long been counted as seven: grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy. Van Doren would redefine these as reading—the operation of particular things in discourse; writing—the signifying of some particular things through others; and thinking—the relation of all things to universals. This more capacious enumeration encompasses the original seven but adds forms of science and mathematics unmentioned in them while extending the ‘verbal’ arts to the things the philosopher’s logic discovers and rejects and to the things poets may discern beyond rhetoric. 

    Insofar as liberal education and educators need institutions to support them, the college has proven the most serviceable such institution. Here Van Doren takes up history and in so doing unfortunately descends into historicism. “The American college today is descended in a direct line from the seventeenth century college which prepared so many persons for the ministry.” It no longer does so. Hence, he evidently supposes, the college is “one way in which the deeper spirit of the time received expression.” The spirit of this time is “secularized to the root” and moreover “busily occupied with details of trade, profession, an technique.” But is that spirit deep? Yes, but “it must be deep indeed, for few can define it.” The spirit of this time is what the college of this time ought to search for. “The ancient obligation of the college is to express, and to that extent to be, a living principle.” Unsurprisingly, Van Doren finds this in the importation of “the European university” to America, with its “graduate or professional education” and (as he apparently does not see) its variety of Hegelianisms. Colleges have adapted to the university system by offering not a core of courses—easier to do when it inculcated religious truths—but ‘electives,’ courses of study that vary according to the several professions students now aspire to prepare themselves to enter. 

    This being so, “what should be studied, in what order?” Most urgently, what can be done to make the field of knowledge whole again, to re-associate “humanism and science,” to recover “the liberal strategy” of education. Yes, “the curriculum was now completely flexible, but it had no joints,” open but “it did not know what to contain.” Liberal education (in Hegelian language) has been rendered “incapable of its own synthesis,” leaving that to the confused student to his own devices. 

    Against this, a “wisely narrow” approach is needed. “Studies have their own natural joints, their relations to one another of sequence and of difficulty; the cutting up should then be done by persons with a kind of surgical knowledge” and more, a “philosophical” knowledge. The difficulty is that philosophy itself “is something that one department teaches, just as religion  is encountered only in parochial schools.” “We shall refuse to believe in the seriousness of curriculum makers until we hear that they have decided, in the interests of philosophy, not to leave departments of philosophy in being.” Philosophizing needs to pervade the college, especially the spirit of the faculty that sets the curriculum and (dare one say it) the spirit of the  ‘administrators’ who run the place.

    If Van Doren is a historicist, he is a ‘right-Hegelian,’ not a ‘left-Hegelian’ of either the liberal-progressive or Marxist stripes. He looks to the tradition of the West in defining liberal education, albeit a tradition that “heaves with controversies and unanswered questions,” a tradition which in principle has culminated in, but in practice may well never culminate in, Hegel’s grand synthesis of a comprehensive science of knowledge in a world state because “at no time is the world populated by competent philosophers,” and consequently no thoroughly ‘enlightened’ political order is possible. At best, the liberal arts learned by the liberally educated man may bring him to “an artistry in difference,” that modest capacity to exercise the principle of non-contradiction in the ability to perceive distinctions. Democratic regimes too easily lose themselves in a thoughtless egalitarianism, as “ordinary persons…expect others to be like themselves.” By finding the joints that connect the liberal arts while maintaining the distinctions among the bones, teachers in liberal arts colleges can begin to teach their students to discern the extraordinary, and to see the connections between it and the ordinary. 

    But in the meantime, what to do with the physical sciences, “which are a problem for the educator because they do their work so well,” outpacing the humanities? “The way to catch up with them is not to sermonize against their inhumanity,” especially since “the liberal arts survive more intact in their laboratories than elsewhere in education today.” Unlike the art-for-art’s-sake relativists in the humanities, scientists persist in seeking the truth. They deploy their arts, their ‘techniques,’ to observe, classify, deduce, verify, and predict. Scientific truth may not be the whole truth, but it’s part of it, and scientists haven’t given up their quest for it. 

    If the scientist now tends to assume that his understanding of the truth is the only one, it is because he has “lacked thoughtful partners in the enterprise of intellect” for a long time. “He has used philosophy because he could not do without it, but the specimens available to him were those that lingered by inertia in his mind.” As a result, when he ventures outside his ‘discipline’ he inclines to “dogmatism.” “The modern distinction between science and philosophy has led to the intellectual demotion of philosophy and the impoverishment of science. Looking at his scientistic contemporaries, Socrates thought judged that “when the good is known less well than things, then the value even of things is missed.” What is needed is a philosophy of science that does not exclude consideration of what science is good for. While “the college student will not discover this, or contribute to its discovery…no time is too early to learn that the problem exists.”

    What about religion, science’s supposed rival for human attachment? Here Van Doren, who came from a family of atheists, has less to say, although what he does say is suggestive. He wisely recommends Pascal’s Pensées (“written with sharp eyes by a great mathematician”) and he acknowledges that “most of our terms for man when we praise him are inherited from languages that traced his highest nature to the gods.” He quite sensibly observes that liberal education has never generated a religion, “and so, if one is needed now, liberal education will not be its source.” “Liberal education is occupied with the nature of things, and chiefly with the nature of man,” and evidently not, in his view, with the revelation of things or the ‘nature’ of ‘the gods.’ Liberal education cultivates the ‘unaided’ human intellect, not spirituality. Van Doren wants it to attend to the laws of Nature and of Nature’s God, not so much to God Himself. 

    What, then, of the evident tension between Van Doren’s historicism and his esteem for nature? “The medium of liberal education is that portion of the past which is always present.” If so, his talk of the ‘spirit of the times’ as the spirit of liberal arts colleges must be heavily qualified. And he does qualify it, remarking on the spirit of his own time as one in which “literary and philosophical careers atrophy” and “intellectual movements are…short-lived and self-defeating.” He ascribes this fault to Bacon’s bifurcation of truth—truth in things and truth in words—and to Descartes’s abandonment of literary studies for what he called the great book of the world. “The poet of an older time who assumed that he could know as much as any man—and half a dozen of his species did—exists no longer, while science more and more noticeably suffers from the all but universal conviction that it alone can deal with reality,” even as “the reality it finds is deficient in fancy and even in logic.” Meanwhile, “the poet who ignores or abuses his intellect seems not to know, though the rest of the world does, that his imagination has grown feeble.”

    If scientists, philosophers, and poets need to keep an eye on one another in order to sharpen their minds and imaginations, how does a teacher, a liberal educator, stay sharp? By learning “by teaching.” “If Socrates was the perfect teacher, the reason is that he was the perfect student.” (If Jesus was the perfect teacher, the reason is that He was God. Socrates was then the perfect human teacher, and even Jesus was a perfect student inasmuch as He was the Son of God, who really did know everything.) The Sophists Socrates questioned were mere lecturers; they did not impress in dialogue. A real teacher asks “real questions”; “when we want answers no matter what the source, be it ourselves or others, be it old or young, be it one in authority or the most insignificant authorities,” only then do we stand to learn something. “The good teacher is a man whose conversation is never finished, partly because it is about real things and so cannot be finished, but partly because there is always a new audience, which itself takes part.” Many are called teachers but too few choose themselves as teachers. “The teacher who is not a liberal artist may indoctrinate or charm, but he will not teach.” The liberal educator invites his students on an erotic quest quite different from those they are inclined to undertake. “It is the love of truth that makes men free in the common light of day.”

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Dante on Monarchy

    July 14, 2021 by Will Morrisey

    Dante Alighieri: Monarchy. Prue Shaw translation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

     

    The author of the Divine Comedy practiced politics. As Prue Shaw writes in her incisive introduction, in the 1290s and early 1300s he served among the six priors who ruled Florence and as an ambassador on a mission to the vulpine Pope Boniface VIII, “whose aggressive and duplicitous intervention in the affairs of Dante’s native city threatened its independence and stability.” It was while serving on that mission that a rival faction within his Guelf Party, acting in alliance with the pope, falsely accused Dante of corruption and had him “condemned to death at the stake should he ever return.” Dante the political thinker profited from the exile of Dante the politician, as he now began extensive travels throughout Italy, “observing at first hand the devastating effects of factional intrigue and papal meddling in temporal affairs”; in effect, exile induced him to study what academics today call ‘comparative politics’ in addition to concentrating his mind on what political philosophers call ‘the theologico-political question.’ Shaw remarks that there is some tension between these tasks, as the Monarchy dwells mostly on the latter at the expense of the former. Dante asks his reader to think primarily about first principles; he is no Montaigne or Tocqueville. As she observes, Dante mentions historians in passing while “the poets are quoted verbatim.”

    Shaw additionally calls attention to an important structural feature of the book. “In each book the most important argument is placed right at the center, physical centrality reflecting intellectual weight and cogency.” Indeed, “the treatise may have been planned by Dante around a numerical model, the mathematical shaping and ordering principles which underlie reality itself built into the very structure of the text,” with the tripartite division “echo[ing] not only the structure of the Trinity but also that of the syllogism (three terms, one argument; three propositions, one conclusion.” 

    Book One consists of sixteen sections. In the first section he appeals to “Higher Nature,” nature in the mind of the First Mover—the idea of nature which precedes the creation of nature itself. Dante’s stated intention parallels, on the human level, the universality of Higher Nature: “I wish not just to put forth buds but to bear fruit for the benefit of all, and to reveal truths that have not been attempted by others” (I.i). [1] Specifically, “among the truths which are hidden and useful, a knowledge of temporal monarchy is both extremely useful and most inaccessible”; “no one has attempted to elucidate it” because it does not lead “directly to material gain” (I.i). In so doing, Dante seeks not material gain but “glory”—trusting, however, “not so much in my own powers as in the light of that giver who [in the words of I Corinthians] ‘giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not'” (I.i). To counterbalance the universal power of the Papacy, then, Dante will propose a universal temporal monarchy, taking care to invoke the same source of wisdom the pope claims to tap.

    Dante means “temporal” literally. The secular emperor would have authority over things “measured by time” (I.ii). Is such a universal monarchy “necessary to the well-being of the world”? (I.ii). When the ancient Romans ordained such an emperor, did they act “by right”? (I.ii). And does the monarch’s authority “derive directly from God or from someone else,” such as the pope? (I.ii). Finally, what is the first principle of Dante’s inquiry?

    He addresses the last question first, distinguishing between things beyond human control, about which we can only theorize, and things concerning which we can both theorize and act. Following Aristotle, he remarks that we theorize about things within human control “not for the sake of theory,” not only to satisfy our wonder, but to take action (I.ii). Political actions number among those things human beings control; this treatise therefore aims at action, primarily. Action aims at end, a telos. “Whatever constitutes the purpose of the whole of human society (if there is such a purpose) will be here the first principle” (I.ii).

    All human things have a purpose. The parts of the human body serve the purpose of the “whole person”; similarly, households, tribes, cities, kingdoms, and “the whole of mankind” have purposes (I.iii). “In the intention of its creator qua creator the essential nature of any created being is not an ultimate end in itself; the end is rather the activity which is proper to that nature” (I.iii). The activity “specific to humanity as a whole” is to strive for “the highest potentiality of mankind,” the fulfillment of its nature (I.iii). This follows from the definition of human beings as rational animals; “the highest potentiality of mankind is his intellectual potentiality or faculty,” and “since that potentiality cannot be fully actualized all at once in any one individual or in any one of the particular social groupings enumerated above, there must needs be a vast number of individual people in the human race, through whom the whole of this potentiality can be realized” (I.iii). This activity isn’t limited to the perception of “universal ideas or classes,” to theoretical activity, but to particulars, to matters of “doing and making,” actions “regulated by political judgment, and its products, which are shaped by practical skill” (I.iii). All of these practical arts “are subordinate to thinking as the best activity for which the Primal Goodness brought mankind into existence,” and is consistent with Aristotle’s “statement in the Politics that ‘men of vigorous intellect naturally rule over others'” (I.iii)—a statement Aristotle doesn’t explicitly make in the Politics, as Shaw duly notes, but which is more or less in line with his definition of the best form of kingship.

    Aristotle refers, however, to a just king ruling over a polis, not a universal monarch. There is no notion of a universal monarch in Aristotle, despite the attempts of Alexander the Great, whom he is said to have taught. Aristotle locates human flourishing in particular regimes ruling particular (and fairly small) sovereign political communities. It isn’t clear that he would regard a world empire (if feasible) as genuinely political at all, and therefore as genuinely conducive to the flourishing of a rational and political animal. Between Aristotle and Dante, Christianity has intervened, and especially the Christian church or assembly, then ruled by its monarch, the pope. If politics strictly speaking consists of ruling and being ruled, of reciprocity, then Dante evidently responds to the advent of Christianity, the universal assembly of God ruled on earth by one monarch, by proposing a parallel monarchy aimed at restoring the reciprocity of political life on the much grander scale now envisioned by the Catholic Church. The Church’s monarch and the temporal monarch would recapitulate the relationship of the husband and the wife in Aristotle’s understanding of the household, who share rule, ruling reciprocally—the definition of political rule proper. [2]

    In practical terms, then, if “the activity proper to mankind considered as a whole is constantly to actualize the full intellectual potential of humanity, primarily through thought and secondarily through action (as a function and extension of thought)” then the aim of this “almost divine” activity is “the calm or tranquility of peace,” the “universal peace [which] is the best of those things which are ordained for our human happiness,” as exemplified by the Christian blessing, “Peace be with you” (I.iv). This is because peace follows from the activity of the intellect, the human power which aims at what Aristotle identifies as the human end, eudaimonia or happiness. [3]

    Having established the first principle of his inquiry, Dante recurs the first of his questions: Is temporal monarchy necessary for the well-being of the world? It is: “When a number of things are ordered to a single end, one of them must guide or direct, and the others be guided or directed” (I.v). In the individual person this is the intellectual faculty, reason; in the family it is the pater familias; in the city it is its politeuma, its ruling body; in a kingdom it is its king (as a kingdom divided against itself will not stand); in the world it must be an emperor. In Aristotle, a ruling body might be one, few, or many, and any of these might be good or bad. Considering the papacy, a monarchy with universal claims, Dante prefers a temporal monarch as its counterpart. He argues that “as a part stands in relation to the whole, so the order in a part stands to the order in the whole. A part stands in relation to the whole as to its end and perfection: therefore the order in a part stands to the order in the whole as to its end and perfection” (I.vi). Since “the goodness of the order in a part does not exceed the goodness of the order in the whole, but rather the reverse,” a regime ordered by a “single entity” is better than one ordered by a multitude of entities. Therefore, all kingdoms “must be ordered to one ruler or one rule, that is to be a monarch or monarchy.” (I.vi) This goes also for the universal monarchy’s relation to the whole universe, under “its ruler, who is God and Monarch” (I.vii).

    “It is God’s intention that every created thing should show forth His likeness in so far as its own nature can receive it” (I.viii). Man was created in God’s image, and indeed “the whole universe is simply an imprint of divine goodness” (viii). so mankind is in a good (indeed, ideal) state when, to the extent that its nature allows, it resembles God. But mankind most closely resembles God when it is most a unity, since the true measure of unity is in him alone”; politically, this means “mankind is most like God when it is ruled by one ruler, and consequently is most in harmony with God’s intention,” (I.viii), obeying a single source of motion in accordance with a single law.

    Practically speaking, the several kings who rule the several kingdoms will stay at peace only if they have a common judge to settle disputes. “The world is ordered in the best possible way when justice is at its strongest in it,” and “justice is at its strongest only under a monarch” (I.xi). But what if the universal monarch is not perfectly just, as he is indeed unlikely to be, given his flawed human nature? “Justice,” Dante admits near the center of Book One, “is sometimes impeded in the will; for where the will is not entirely free of all greed, even if justice is present, nonetheless it is not entirely present in the splendor of its purity” (I.xi). Nonetheless, justice is also “sometimes impeded by power,” or rather the lack of it; therefore, “justice is at its strongest in the world when it resides in a subject who has in the highest degree possible the will and the power to act,” and this occurs only when justice “is located in the monarch alone” (I.xi). Dante understandably places his radical proposal for a universal emperor, his acknowledgment of its hazardous character, and his reason for proposing it nonetheless, in the center of Book One.

    But again, what if the powerful world monarch is unjust? Dante begins his answer by observing that “the thing most opposed to justice is greed,” which “easily leads men’s minds astray” (I.xi). But “where there is nothing which can be coveted, it is impossible for greed to exist, for emotions cannot exist where their objects have been destroyed” (I.xi). Being both universal and the ruler, the universal monarch would have nothing to covet, “for his jurisdiction is bounded only by the ocean”—unlike all other rulers, “who sovereignty extends only as far as the neighboring kingdom” (I.xi). Therefore, only the universal monarch can be “the purest embodiment of justice” (I.xi). 

    But will he be such an embodiment? Quite possibly so, in Dante’s judgment, because not only will the universal monarch covet nothing, his status will make his charity or “rightly ordered love” stronger (I.xi). “Greed, scorning the intrinsic nature of man, seeks other things; whereas love, scorning all other things, seeks God and man, and hence the true good of man”; “the monarch more than all other men should feel rightly ordered love” (I.xi). Why? Because “the closer any loved object is to the lover the more it is loved; but men are closer to the monarch than to other princes; therefore they are more loved by him, or ought to be” (I.xi). Why are men closer to the monarch than to other princes, especially since the other princes rule more ‘locally’? Because “the more universal a cause is, the more truly it is a cause, because the lower is not a cause except by virtue of the higher”; “the more truly a cause is a cause, the more it loves its own effect, since this love follows from the cause as such. Therefore since the monarch is the most universal cause among mortals that men should live the good life (for the other rulers are a cause only by virtue of him), it follows that the good of mankind is dear to him above all else.” (I.xi). That is, although subordinate monarchs are closer to their own people, the universal monarch is closer to mankind as a whole, loves mankind as a whole more than the others are likely to do.

    In addition to justice, freedom also conduces to human flourishing, if freedom is defined rightly not as doing what one wants but as doing what accords to reason, the distinctively human characteristic. “Free will is free judgment in matters of volition,” and judgment links “perception and appetition” inasmuch as “first a thing is perceived, then it is judged to be good or evil, and finally the person who judges pursues it or shuns it” (I.xii). Freedom means judgment’s freedom from desire; “that is why the lower animals cannot have free will, because their judgments are always pre-empted by desire” (I.xii). This “principle of all our freedom” is “the greatest gift given by God to human nature…since by virtue of it we become happy here as men” and “become happy elsewhere as gods” (I.xii). On earth, the fullest freedom can exist only under a monarch, since “only then are perverted forms of government (i.e. democracies, oligarchies and tyrannies), which force mankind into slavery, set right,” and “only then do kings, aristocrats (known as the great and the good), and those zealous for the freedom of the people govern justly” (I.xii). Themselves unfree, slaves to their desires, the rulers of perverted regimes enslave those they rule; the “just forms of government aim as freedom, i.e. that men should exist for their own sake” (I.xii). 

    This gives a clearer picture of what regime Dante intends. The universal monarch or temporal emperor will serve as an arbiter over a set of regimes that may include not only kingdoms but aristocracies and mixed regimes (‘republics’), as seen in Aristotle’s classification of regime types. As the arbiter among this set of just regimes, the emperor “is to be considered without doubt the servant of all men,” and “mankind living under a monarch is in its ideal state” (I.xii). “The person who is himself capable of being best disposed to rule is capable of disposing others best, for in every action the primary aims  of the agent, whether it acts because its nature compels it to or as a matter of free choice, is to reproduce its own likeness” (I.xiii). For the reasons already stated—justice and judgment—the monarch is the ruler “best disposed for ruling” (I.xiii). Additionally, a monarch is (as we would now say) more efficient; “what can be brought about by a single agent is better done by a single agent than by more than one,” as he will do nothing “unnecessary and pointless” (I.xiv). Dante is quick to say that “this is not to be taken to mean that trivial decisions in every locality can be made directly by him,” for (as Montesquieu would insist, centuries later) “nations, kingdoms and cities have characteristics of the own, which need to be governed by different laws” (I.xiv). Rather, “mankind is to be ruled by [the emperor] in those matters which are common to all men and of relevance to all, and is to be guided towards peace by a common law” received “from him by individual rulers, just as the practical intellect, in order to proceed to action, receives the major premise appropriate to its own particular case, and then proceeds to the action in question” (I.xiv). The emperor is the guardian of these “universal principles” (I.xiv).

    In ruling this way, the emperor comports with not merely a natural but a metaphysical principle. “Being, unity, and goodness are related in a sequence”: “Being naturally comes before unity, and unity before goodness; perfect being is perfect unity, and perfect unity is perfect goodness” (I.xv). As “in every species of thing the best is that which is perfectly one,” unity “seems to be the root of what it is to be good, and plurality the root of what it is to be evil,” and sin is nothing other than to spurn unity and move towards plurality” (I.xv). In this, Dante substitutes Aristotelian metaphysics for Aristotelian politics, inasmuch as he ignores Aristotle’s critique of Plato’s ‘ideal’ regime—that it strives for a too-simple unity, reducing “a theme to a single beat.” Hence Aristotle’s preference in practice for the mixed regime, even if a virtuous king would be best if he is truly superior in justice and judgment to all others in the polis. Dante may acknowledge this in writing “the whole of mankind in its ideal state depends on the unity which is in men’s wills,” a unity which “cannot be unless there is one will which controls and directs all the others towards one goal, since the wills of mortals require guidance on account of the seductive pleasures of youth” (I.xv, italics added). 

    Dante’s relative optimism concerning the universal monarchy derives in part from “a remarkable historical fact” which Aristotle could not see (I.xvi). The Son of God chose as his moment for His life on earth the time of world peace “under the immortal Augustus, when a perfect monarchy existed” (I.xvi). The Apostle Paul “called that most happy state ‘the fullness of time,'” a seamless garment eventually “rent by the talent of cupidity” (I.xvi). Against the pope, who might otherwise portray himself as the universal monarch, Dante holds up the temporal empire of ancient Rome. This raises at least two obvious difficulties. Although Christ came to earth during the reign of Augustus, it was a Roman ruler who signed off on His crucifixion; further, as Dante here acknowledges, the monarchic regime in the Empire soon corrupted itself, ruled as often by tyrants as by kings. It is to the question concerning the rightfulness of Roman rule—the second question he had posed at the outset of his treatise—that Dante turns in Book Two.

    When he first studied the history of the Empire, Dante confesses, “I thought that they had attained their supremacy not by right but only by force of arms” (II.i.). “But when I penetrated with my mind’s eye to the heart of the matter and understood through unmistakable signs that this was the work of divine providence,” he came to “cry out in defense of that glorious people and of Caesar,” supplanting St. Augustine’s mockery of Rome with “natural love” (II.i). That “the Roman empire is founded on right” is “revealed not only by the light of human reason but also by the radiance of divine authority,” and “when these two are in agreement, heaven and earth must of necessity both give their assent” (II.i).

    What evidence can be adduced to show the providential character of the worldwide rule of Augustus? Dante again has recourse to a metaphysical first principle. Nature first exists in “the mind of the first mover, who is God”; it is then “in the heavens, as in the instrument by means of which the image of eternal goodness is set forth in fluctuating matter” (II.ii). As a fluctuating substance, matter lacks the perfection of the divine and heavenly forms; “whatever flaws there are in earthly things are flaws due to the material of which they are constituted, and are no part of the intention of God the creator and the heavens” (II.ii). All that is good in matter derives come from God and the heavens; “the right is willed by God as being something which is in him,” that is “divine will is right itself” (II.ii). Nothing not in harmony with divine will can be right, including all things in “human society” (II.ii). When looking for evidence of divine Providence, we cannot peer into God’s mind (even less than we can read other human minds), but we can understand His intentions through the things he has made, as the Apostle Paul says in his letter to the Romans.

    “It was by right, not by usurping,” that the Romans became the ‘monarch’ or sole ruler “over all men” (II.iii). We know this, first, because “it is appropriate that the noblest race should rule over all the others,” and the Romans were the noblest “race” or nation (II.iii). “Men become noble through virtue,” and the founder of Rome, Aeneas—that “supremely victorious and supremely dutiful father”—gained his nobility—his justice, his piety, his greatness in war—by a “double confluence of blood” (II.iii). His ancestors were noble and so were his wives. His first wife, Creusa, daughter of Priam of Troy, represented Asia; his second wife, Dido the Carthaginian, represented Africa; his third wife, Lavinia, daughter of King Latinus, represented “Italy the most noble region of Europe” (II.iii). “Who will fail to recognize divine predestination in all of this?” (II.iii).

    Second, one can see Providence in the miraculous events that sustained Rome in its advance toward world rulership. The shield that fell from heaven into Rome as Numa Pompilius sacrificed to the gods; the geese warning the Romans about the Gauls’ night attack; the hailstorm that deterred Hannibal’s troops from taking Rome—all these events and many others evidence the intervention of God’s will, showing that “he who ordained all things from eternity in harmonious order” had ordained these acts, too, “as testimony” (II.iii). 

    Third, “whoever has the good of the community as his goal has the achievement of right as his goal,” right being “a relationship between one individual and another in respect of things and people,” preserving human society (II.iv). Right aims at the common good, and right laws “bind men together for mutual benefit” (II.iv). “Therefore if the Romans had the good of the community as their goal, it will be true to say that the achievement of right was their goal” (II.iv). That was indeed their goal, for they “cherish[ed] universal peace and freedom” for the benefit not only of themselves but mankind as a whole (II.iv). As Cicero testified, Rome conquered not so much for the sake of ruling the world as for the sake of protecting it, as seen in the lives of such public-spirited Romans as Cincinnatus, Fabritius, Camillus, the first Brutus, Mutius, Cato, and the Deciii. Although it is possible to attain a right end by evil means, this is only an accident; to have attained the right end of world peace consistently, over many centuries, by evil means is unlikely or impossible. Overall, the intentions of the Roman statesmen who guided Rome to triumph must have been noble.

    Dante reserves the fourth proof of the rightness of Roman rule for the central chapter of Book Two. There, he argues that “it is right to preserve what nature has ordained, for nature in the measures it takes is no less provident than man”; indeed (and contra the ‘moderns,’ beginning with Machiavelli) nature is prior to man in goodness (II.vi). “Nature orders things according to their capacities, and this taking into account of their capacities is the basis of right established by nature in the created world” (II.vi). Dante never claims that ‘history’ or the course of events ordained the Roman Empire. Rather, “the Roman people were ordained by nature to rule,” a claim proven by the way nature works (II.vi). “Just as a craftsman would never achieve artistic perfection if he aimed only at the final form and paid no need to the means by which that form was to be achieved, so too nature would fail if it aimed only at the universal form of divine likeness in the universe, yet neglected the means to achieve it; but nature is never less than perfect, since it is the work of divine intelligence,” willing “all the means through which it achieves the fulfilling of its intention” (II.vi). Aristotle sees that nature is teleological, “always act[ing] with an end in view”; nature achieves this through the celestial powers of the planets, the geographical features of the earth, and the “vast number of people [it] fit[s] to different functions” (II.vi). “This is why we see that not just certain individuals, but certain peoples are born fitted to rule, and certain others to be ruled and to serve, as Aristotle affirms in the Politics” (II.vi). What Aristotle affirms in the Politics in fact refers only to individual human beings, not peoples; Dante actually follows a “prophetic prediction to Aeneas” reported by Virgil (II.vi). This is to say that in the central chapter of the central book of his treatise, Dante makes his claim justifying Roman rule dependent upon the testimony of a fellow poet, whom he takes (and he was far from alone in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance in doing so) as a true prophet and not a mere fabricator of myths or repeater of them. It is almost needless to say that Dante took up the Virgilian mantle in his own poetry, and so has every reason to admire, conspicuously, the prophetic powers of a great poet.

    Regarding prophecy, Dante distinguishes two ways of discovering “divine judgment in earthly affairs,” namely, faith and reason (II.vii). By reason (for example) man can discover God’s judgment that “a man should sacrifice himself to save his country” because he thereby sacrifices “a lesser good for a greater” (II.vii). By God’s Word alone, however can man discover God’s judgment that a human being can only be saved by faith, “no matter how perfectly endowed he might be in the moral and intellectual virtues in respect both of his character and his behavior” (II.vii). The only other source by which God’s judgment may be discerned is “special grace”—either “by a spontaneous act of God, or by God in response to prayer” (II.vii). Spontaneous acts of God may be either a direct message from God or a sign. One may test the veracity of what one takes as an act of special grace in two ways: by lot or by contest. Contests may be conflicts, as in a prize fight, wherein “the contestants may obstruct each other,” or they may be competitions, as in a race, where no such obstruction is permitted (II.vii). The Romans “won the race to rule the world” and therefore did so by divine decree (II.viii). It may be recalled that nineteenth-century Europeans engaged in what the contestants called ‘the race for empire’ or ‘the scramble for empire,’ sometimes with a similar rationale.

    “Furthermore, whatever is acquired through trial by combat is acquired by right,” as trial by combat occurs when “human judgment” fails and all other means of settlement have been exhausted (II.ix). “The contenders or champions enter the arena by mutual agreement, and not out of hatred, nor out of live, but solely out a passionate concern for justice…in the name of God,” as in the contest between David and Goliath (II.ix). Similarly, the Romans achieved world empire “through trial by combat” (II.ix).

    Although Dante has alluded to St. Augustine’s critique of the Roman Empire and indeed of all worldly regimes, he now explicitly answers “those who style themselves ardent defenders of the Christian faith who most of all have ‘raged’ and ‘meditated vain things’ against Roman authority” (II.x). Such persons “have no pity for Christ’s poor,” whom the Church has neglected to help, instead funneling relatives to the relatives of churchmen (II.x). More important, “if the Roman empire was not based on right, Christ by his birth assented to an injustice”; but Christ chose to be born of his Virgin Mother under an edict emanating from Roman authority, so that the son of God made man might be enrolled as a man in that unique census of the human race,” an edict that likely “came by divine inspiration through Caesar” (II.x). The Roman Empire finally disintegrated only when the Emperor Constantine, “weakened by his own pious intentions,” split it into two sections, East and West (II.xi).

    Having thus vindicated the right of Rome to rule the world—at least to his own satisfaction—Dante addresses his third and final question: Would the authority of the Roman emperor he wants to see restored derive his authority directly from God or from some intermediary, such as the pope? He bases his answer on a principle he has already asserted, that “what is contrary to nature’s intention is against God’s will” (III.ii). What kind of men oppose Dante’s proposal? First, there are the churchmen, who “perhaps” oppose it “out of zealous concern and not out of pride” (III.iii). Second, there are those “whose stubborn greed has extinguished the light of reason,” sons of the devil who “profess themselves to be sons of the church,” men who tacitly deny the first principles Dante has enunciated (III.iii). Finally, there are the decretalists, men “ignorant and lacking in any philosophical or theological training,” who base their stance strictly on papal decrees, “stubbornly insist[ing] that the traditions of the church are the foundations of faith,” ignoring the fact that some Scriptures preceded the founding of the Church (III.iii). They too are “slaves to their own greed,” men “incapable of seeing first principles” (III.iii).

    All of these persons “assert that the authority of the empire is dependent on the authority of the church,” as the light of the moon reflects the light of the sun (III.iv). “The whole force of their argument rests on this claim,” which Dante rejects as “completely untenable” (III.iv). Dante supposes that the moon produces some of its own light, and even if it does not do so, the spiritual realm and the temporal realm are not analogous to the sun and the moon, inasmuch as “the temporal realm does not owe it existence to the spiritual realm, nor its power (which is its authority, and not even its function in an absolute sense” (II.iv). The spiritual realm directs man toward his eternal salvation; the temporal realm directs man toward happiness on earth. At most, the temporal power may receive a blessing from the spiritual realm, through the pope. But he should not rule it.

    Dante next refutes five Scripture-based arguments for papal supremacy. The first draws from Genesis 29. Jacob’s sons, Levi and Judah, are said to prefigure the priestly and temporal powers, respectively; since Levi was the eldest and took precedence over Judah, so too should the Church take precedence over the empire. But seniority doesn’t necessarily imply authority, Dante observes, noting that within the Roman Catholic hierarchy itself there are bishops “younger than their archdeacons” (III.v).

    The second argument points to God’s command to Samuel to remove King Saul (I Samuel). “From this they argue that just as he, as God’s vicar, had the authority to give and take away temporal power and transfer it to someone else, so now too God’s vicar, the head of the universal church, has the authority to give and to take away and even to transfer of temporal power, from which it would undoubtedly follow that imperial authority would be dependent in the way they claim” (III.vi). Dante answers by denying that Samuel was God’s vicar; he was only “a special emissary for a particular purpose” (III.vi). Whereas a vicar is authorized to “take action by applying the law or using his own discretion in matters of which his lord knows nothing,” an emissary has no such authority (III.vi).

    Proponents of papal supremacy also point to the homage paid by the Magi to the infant Jesus, again drawing an analogy between Jesus and God’s vicar. But “Peter’s successor is not the equivalent of divine authority at least as regards the workings of nature, for he could not make earth rise nor fire descend by virtue of the office entrusted to him” (III.vii). By nature, even God’s vicar cannot take away what belongs to another man, innately. In the language of later thinkers, some property is unalienable; “no one can give away what does not belong to him” (III.vii). “The creation of a prince is not dependent on a prince”; consequently, “no prince can appoint a vicar to take his place who is equivalent to him in all things” (III.vii). A temporal prince cannot renounce his authority to a spiritual power.

    What about Jesus’ substantial grant of authority to Peter, that “whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven”? Dante grants that this is true, but only within the constraints of previously established divine law. Peter wasn’t entitled to alter the Ten Commandments, for example. Also, Jesus refers to “the office of the keys of the kingdom of heaven,” not to the office of the temporal ruler (III.viii). [4]

    Finally, Dante must address the ‘two swords’ doctrine, based on an incident recorded in the Gospel of Luke. “This too must be answered by demolishing the allegorical interpretation on which they base their argument” (III.ix). Contra the apologists for papal supremacy, the two swords do not represent the papacy and the emperor. Jesus was rather commanding his disciples to purchase the means by which they could defend themselves against “the persecution and contempt they would face” after His departure (III.ix)—weapons He had forbade them to wield while He was still with them. Jesus added that if each apostle could not afford a sword, two swords would suffice for their defense.

    Moving from Biblical exegesis to the current circumstance of the Church, Dante turns to the Donation of Constantine. This critique occupies the center of Book Three. Constantine had no authority to give the “seat of empire,” Rome “along with many other imperial privileges,” to the papacy, “nor was the church in a position to accept them” (III.x). As “can easily be seen from the first part of this treatise,” the purpose of the emperor “is to hold mankind in obedience to a single will” (III.x). This he failed to do. “Just as the church has its foundation, so too the empire has its own,” and to divide it “would be to destroy it—for the empire consists precisely in the unity of universal monarchy” (III.x). The empire is both temporally and logically prior to any given emperor; “from this it is clear that the emperor, precisely as emperor, cannot change it, because he derives from it the fact that he is what he is” (III.x). And, given that the Church’s kingdom is not of this world, it may not legitimately receive the empire or any part of it, regardless of what an emperor might attempt to do.

    In addition to the scriptural and ‘historical’ arguments, papal supremacists make an “argument based on reason,” albeit one falsely reasoned (III.xii). Since “all things belonging to a single species are referred to one thing which is the measure for all things which belong to that species”; and since “all men belong to the same species”; “therefore they are to be referred to one man as their common measure”; furthermore, “since the supreme Pontiff and the emperor are men…it must be possible to refer them to a single man,” and “since the pope must not be referred to any other man” the pope must be the measure of the emperor (III.xii). Dante agrees that all men belong to the same species and therefore “should be referred to a single measure for that species” (III.xii). He rejects the conclusion, however, as an instance of the accidental fallacy. “It is one thing to be a man, another thing to be an emperor,” a father, a master, or a pope (III.xii). A man is a man because he has the “substantial form” of a man; a man is an emperor, a master, or a pope because he happens to be one “by virtue of certain relationships” to certain roles or offices (III.xii). Popes and emperors are equally men, but that has no bearing on their offices, or on the relationship of their offices to each other.

    Dante then advances his own arguments based on reasoning, first on reasoning from Scripture. Repeating that the Roman Empire predated the Church, he observes that Jesus accepted punishment at the hands of the imperial authority. “If Caesar had not at that time had authority to judge temporal matters, Christ would not have submitted to this” (III.xiii). Indeed—and reversing the papalists’ argument—if they do not recognize the legitimacy of the Emperor over temporal matters, how could they accept his Donation? “It is foolish to think that God would wish that something should be received which he has forbidden should be offered” (III.xiii).

    Moreover, the Church is “not an effect of nature”; therefore, it could not have authority over the emperor according to natural law (III.xiv). Nor did the Church receive such authority by divine law, so it could not have derived such power ‘from itself,’ as it were. “The church’s nature is the form of the church,” and “the ‘form’ of the church is simply the life of Christ, including both his words and deeds”—His life being “the model and exemplar for the church militant (III.xv). But Christ enounced the kingdom of the world.

    Dante ends his treatise by addressing his third question, Does the emperor derive his authority directly from God? He begins by observing the dual nature of human beings. Among all creatures, “man alone is the link between corruptible and incorruptible things,” by which he means that man alone consists of body and soul, the corruptible/mortal and the incorruptible/immortal (III.xvi). “Since every nature is ordered towards its own ultimate goal, it follows that man’s goal is twofold” (III.xvi). As a mortal being “in this life”—on earth, “this threshing-floor of mortals”—his goal or telos is happiness, which “consists in the exercise of our own powers” in this life (III.xvi). As an immortal being, his goal is eternal happiness, “which consists in the enjoyment of the vision of God” in the “heavenly paradise” (III.xvi). These two goals “must be reached by different means”: through “the teachings of philosophy, provided that we follow them putting into practice the moral and intellectual virtues”; and “through spiritual teachings which transcend human reason, provided that we follow them putting into practice the theological virtues, i.e., faith, hope and charity” (III.xvi). Reason, through the philosophers, teaches us insofar as we are a combination of body and soul; the Holy Spirit, “through the prophets and sacred writers” and above all “through Jesus Christ the Son of God” and his disciples,” teaches us insofar as we are souls encumbered by now-natural “human greed” (III.xvi). “It is for this reason that man had need of two guides corresponding to this twofold goal,” namely, “the supreme Pontiff, to lead mankind to eternal life in conformity with revealed truth, and the emperor, to guide mankind to temporal happiness in conformity with the teachings of philosophy” (III.xvi).

    “Their understanding clouded by the fog of greed,” papal supremacists covet earthly dominion in addition to spiritual dominion (III.xvi). Dante is happy to point this out to them, and to his other readers. “The disposition of this world is the result of the disposition inherent in the circling heavens”; good order in this world requires “useful teachings concerning freedom and peace…applied appropriately to times and places” (III.xvi). Hence the necessity of providing “a protector to be made by Him who takes in at a glance the whole disposition of the heavens” (III.xvi). Only God can choose and confirm the one to take on this responsibility, since He alone “has none above Him” (III.xvi). Insofar as they choose rightly, the human electors of the emperor merely proclaim God’s providence. Insofar as they may “disagree among themselves,” their “understanding [is] clouded by the fog of greed,” which causes them to “fail to perceive what God’s dispensation is” (III.xvi).

    Dante’s Monarchia seeks to recapture political rule as Aristotle understood it in the profoundly un-Aristotelian circumstance of a prophetic religion with universalist claims as it sought to dominate the city-states of Italy and the feudal conditions prevailing in Europe. This daunting task did not succeed. Machiavelli, whose ‘prince’ would replace Dante’s ‘monarch,’ took the world in a different direction, though not necessarily a better one.

     

    Note

    1. Whether by accident or by design, Dante overlooks Marsilius of Padua and his The Defender of the Peace. He is nonetheless arguably very cognizant of Marsilius, who was punished for his efforts at limiting papal power by excommunication. Of Monarchy may be considered an effort at engaging in a dialogue with Marsilius.
    2. Marsilius, by contrast, suggests that the Roman papacy should not be universal, nor should the Roman emperor. In this, he anticipates Machiavelli, albeit without Machiavelli’s radical attempt to reconfigure human life by mastering ‘Fortuna.’
    3. In his emphasis on peace as the end of human political society, he echoes Marsilius, while differing with him with respect to the means to that end.
    4. In this and much else, Dante follows Marsilius quite closely.

     

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    • « Previous Page
    • 1
    • …
    • 17
    • 18
    • 19
    • 20
    • 21
    • …
    • 69
    • Next Page »