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    Gentlemen and Gentlemanliness According to Shakespeare

    July 19, 2019 by Will Morrisey

    William Shakespeare: The Two Gentlemen of Verona.

    Performed at the Michigan Shakespeare Festival, July 13, 2019.

     

    What is a gentleman? Are these two Veronese gentlemen true gentlemen? Why Veronese gentlemen, and not gentlemen from some other city? Why bring them to Milan?

    And while we’re at it, Shakespeare concludes his comedy with a reconciliation scene that we now find utterly implausible, even for a comedy. What was he thinking? Is the fault in the stars, in the brilliant Shakespearean constellation, or in ourselves?

    In the 1590s, when Shakespeare wrote, Verona was ruled by commercial-republican Venice. It may have been known as a city of romance; Shakespeare set Romeo and Juliet there, and it has surely been known as such ever since. So, gentlemen of Verona may be expected to be looking for love, for girls happily to wed. For gentlemen, marriage matters politically; aristocratic households not only possess wealth, they rule. Good marriages perpetuate aristocratic regimes, bad marriages ruin them. All regimes concern themselves with the problem of continuity, with the transfer of authority from one generation to the next. Monarchies see dynastic struggles and fear imbecile heirs to the throne, and in the American republic young Lincoln lectured schoolboys on “the perpetuation of our political institutions, as the founding generation passed from the scene.

    Milan has another regime, under another imperial ruler. Conquered by the Romans in the third century BC, Milan served as capital of the Western Roman Empire, beginning in third century AD. There the Emperor Constantine issued the Edict of Milan in 313, granting religious toleration throughout the empire and thereby enabling Christianity to spread unimpeded. The Roman aristocracy would need to adjust to the new religion, now, just as the modern European aristocracy would need to adjust to commerce and democracy, centuries later.

    In modern times, the Christian ruler of Milan, Ludovico il Moro, committed a notorious mistake. Needing an ally against rival, ever-squabbling Italian city-states in the 1490s, when other enterprising Italians were sailing the ocean blue for the New World, he called the king of France Charles into Italy. In 1500, Charles VII returned, this time to stay and to rule—an example of misguided policy by a Christian Italian prince Machiavelli would later deplore. In 1525, Hapsburg Spain took over, and in Shakespeare’s time Milan was part of the Holy Roman Empire.

    For centuries, Roman gentlemen knew exactly who they were, and what a gentleman was. But if the Empire becomes holy, at least in name, possibly in aspiration and even a bit in fact, what is a gentleman then, and who is one? ‘We democrats’ of later modernity miss the point of the play if we do not see that it’s about those questions, about aristocracy, the regime that claims to be the rule of the few who are best, men and women who claim the right to rule on the basis of their excellence—whether of virtue (as in Aristotle), ‘birth’ (social rank), wealth, or some combination thereof. In modernity, aristocracy often founds its claim on knowledge or expertise, calling itself ‘meritocracy’; traditionally, another sort of learning, learning in the liberal arts, enhanced a young man’s eligibility for positions of authority. Christians are numbered among ‘the elect’—a new sort of aristocracy, chosen not on the basis of virtues natural or conventional but by God, gratuitously.

    Given these cross-cutting, sometimes contradictory claims to rule by self-styled aristocrats, what is a young gentleman of Verona to do, and to think? Proteus, named for the classical world’s legendary changeling, who wrestled with Odysseus, intends to stay in his native city, close to his honorable beloved.  Valentine, whose name means “as one containing valor,” has no beloved. He prepares instead for an odyssey, intending to leave Verona, “To see the wonders of the world abroad” (I.i.6). Valentine criticizes love as a dubious investment of sentiment (“If haply won, perhaps a hapless gain”) and intellect (“a folly bought with wit, / Or else a wit by folly vanquished”) (I.i.32-35). If Valentine is an Odysseus and Proteus a Proteus, they will square off, someday (and Homer’s readers won’t put their money on Proteus). Now, however, they part as friends, agreeing to correspond. Proteus thinks Valentine seeks not so much the wonders of the world as honor, traditionally the aristocrat’s passion par excellence, the ruling passion of the noblest minds, as Publius would call it, nearly two centuries later. For the moment, Proteus’ mind is closed to wonder, his love for Julia having “metamorphis’d” him (he soliloquizes, recalling his Ovid), causing him to “neglect my studies, lose my time, / War with good counsel, set the world at nought,” making his “wit with musing weak, heart sick with thought” (I.i.63-69). His immediate worry is Julia’s failure to answer his most recent missive.

    Julia asks her lady-in-waiting, Lucetta (“light”), if she would “counsel me to fall in love” and, if so, with which of her suitors. Lucetta recommends Proteus but has “no reasons” for her recommendation “but a woman’s reason; I think him so because I think him so” (I.ii.23-24). This unilluminating counsel fails to impress Julia; Proteus “has never moved me” because in “little speaking [he] shows his love but small” (I.ii.29). Lucetta then produces the letter, which Julia pretends to scorn but delights in, tears up, then attempts to reassemble. Lucetta isn’t fooled, knowing that her mistress has made up her mind. But Julia’s initial concern will prove just.

    Proteus’s father, Antonio, also receives advice from a servant, or rather from his brother, a priest, who conveys it through his servant. Why does his lordship allow Proteus to stay at home, “While other men, of slender reputation, / Put forth their sons to seek preferment out,” whether to war, to voyages of discovery, or to “the studious universities” (I.iii.5-10). Antonio confesses to having thought the same thing: His son “cannot be a perfect man,” a man with a just claim to rule, without “being tried and tutor’d in the world: / Experience is by industry achiev’d, / And perfected by the swift course of time,” which his son is now wasting in Verona, Venice’s subordinate, while his friend Valentine is off (as servant Panthino reminds him) to the Holy Roman Emperor’s court in Milan (I.ii.20-23). When Proteus enters, reading Julia’s return letter, he lies to his father about its sender, telling him it’s from Valentine. This only confirms Antonio’s intention to send Proteus to the imperial city; after all, he will be reuniting the young man with his friend. In lying, Proteus tells himself, “I shunn’d the fire for fear of burning,” only to drench himself “in the sea, where I am drown’d” (I.iii.78-79). This hard lesson will not prevent him from lying many more times, however, with Protean abandon.

    At the Duke’s palace in Milan, Valentine’s servant, Speed, baits his master, who has reversed his opinion of love, having fallen for the Duke’s daughter, Silvia. Valentine has been so profoundly “metamorphosis’d” by love that “I can hardly think you my master” (II.i.26-27). For his own sport, Speed takes up Valentine’s former critique: “If you love her, you cannot see her” because “Love is blind” (II.i.61-63). With both Lucetta and Speed, the servant attempts to moderate a young boss. Valentine differs from Julia, however, because he makes no attempt to deceive him respecting his correspondence with Silvia; he chaffs Speed right back. Having no need of maidenly modesty, he has no need of maidenly secrecy. The crucial question will be whether an ‘Ovidian’ metamorphosis effected by love is merely ‘Protean,’ or does it instead bring out the nature of the lover, a nature that can remain faithful, unchanging?

    Being a maid, Silvia does have need of a ruse. Valentine has been gazing at her at table, and no woman in the world who isn’t blind as Love wouldn’t notice such behavior.  She has charged him with writing a letter to her (supposed) beloved, and she has come to tell him that “I would have had them writ more movingly” (II.i.117). She will permit him to revise and resubmit. “O excellent device!” Speed exclaims (II.i.128); the lady flirts well, having “taught her love himself to write unto her lover,” whom he now sees to be Valentine (II.i.156)—as he explains to his uncomprehending, disbelieving, love-tortured master. Is his servant in earnest but wrong, in earnest and right, or deliberately wrong and still baiting him, as his wont? Love is a chameleon, as Speed now and Valentine soon will remark, living on air (as chameleons were said to do)—that is to say, on hope—and changing colors in its blushes, its excitation, its jealous rages.

    Changeling Proteus implausibly pledges his constancy to Julia and then heads to Milan, where Valentine lauds his character to the Duke when told of his impending arrival. Proteus, Valentine avers, is a man of ripe judgment and “all good grace to grace a gentleman” (II.iv.70). So trusting, he does not hesitate to tell Proteus of his beloved, to extol her beauty and saintliness, and to introduce her to him. Between now and the flirtation over the letter, Speed has been proven correct; the couple are betrothed, and plan their elopement. Proteus now has other plans, having instantly conceived a passion for Silvia. His love, “like a waxen image ‘gainst a fire / Bears no impression of the thing it was. / Methinks my zeal to Valentine is cold, / And that I love him not as I was wont. / O! but I love his lady too much…” (II.iv.197-201). As for Julia, he has “quite forgotten her” (II.iv.191)—a Proteus of love, indeed. “If I can check my erring love, I will; / If not, to compass her I’ll use my skill” (II.iv.209-210). It doesn’t take him long to logic-chop his way to the latter course. He even concludes his ‘reasoning’ with a prayer, a prayer to Love: “Love, lend me wings to make my purpose swift, / As thou has lent me with to plot this drift” (IV.vi.42-43). Back in Verona, meanwhile, Julia tells Lucetta that Proteus’s “words are bonds, his oaths are oracles, / His love sincere, his thoughts immaculate,” and so on (II.vii.75-76). She plans to disguise herself as a man and run off to Milan to be with him. Sensible Lucetta doubts her mistress’s faith to be well-placed but, loyal herself, will not betray her plan.

    Proteus easily frustrates the elopement by disclosing Valentine’s plot to the Duke, who banishes the plotter. The Duke would marry his daughter to the wealthy Thurio, a Thor in name only—vain, cowardly, and blustering, a Thor of big thunder and small hammer, despised by prudent Silvia. For his part, Proteus offers ‘friend’ Valentine mock-moderate advice: “Cease to lament for that thou canst not keep” (III.i.241); trust to time. Write to Silvia and send your letters through me, as I shall deliver them faithfully. As it happens, Proteus’s servant, Launce, has formed a better estimate of Proteus than Valentine has done; “I am but a fool, look you, and yet I have the wit to think my master is a kind of a knave” (III.i.261-262). He suspects his master of being willing to launce, a lot.

    In this comedy, then, it is usually the case that the servants are smarter than their masters and mistresses. Even Launce’s dog, subordinate of a subordinate, routinely outwits his master, puts him to shame, induces his master to serve him. [1] This is Christianity ill-conceived, a Christianity in comical abdication of political responsibility, mock-Christian misrule. Who, then, are the true aristocrats? How will the aristocrats-by-convention improve themselves, become worthy of the authority they claim?

    The Duke isn’t doing so well, in that regard. His purpose as an aristocratic father with an eligible daughter is to choose a worthy suitor and so to continue his line, assuring that his family will continue to rule in the next generation. He too trusts Proteus, asking him his counsel on how to make Silvia forget Valentine and love Thurio. Proteus is more than happy to oblige, and to use what there is of the Duke’s prudence for his own advantage and against the Duke’s intention. Slander Valentine, the would-be Machiavel thoughtfully advises, “with falsehood, cowardice, and poor descent— / Three things that women highly hold in hate” (III.ii.32-33). Yes, but I cannot deliver such a message, the Duke calculates; it must come from the one “she esteemeth as his friend” (III.ii.37). Needless to say, Proteus promises to undertake the task, adding that he shall praise Thurio in the bargain, as Thurio himself is the first to suggest. The Duke and Thurio can trust Proteus, the Duke explains, because Proteus is “already Love’s firm votary / And cannot soon revolt and change [his] mind” concerning his lovely Julia (III.ii.58-59). That Proteus has already revolted and changed his mind, that his quick betrayal of Valentine proves him capable of doing just that, does not occur to the Duke or to Thurio. Milan’s rulers are misfits, aristocrats in name only. As for Proteus, he puts his faith in the power of poetry to persuade Silvia, and again the Duke concurs: “Much is the force of heaven-bred poesy” (III.ii.72). Proteus knows that not all poesy need be heaven-bred, but he does trust in its power; he trusts in what he knows to be human artifice, not in nature and not in God. Shakespeare also knows that not all poesy is heaven-sent, and wants his hearers to know it. He also knows the power of some poetry, but prefers to use it to illuminate and not to deceive. Hilariously, he has dolt Thurio choose to write the sonnet.

    A natural aristocrat will find his way to rule in nature itself. So we see when Valentine, self-exiled from Verona and banished from Milan, meets a gang of outlaws in a forest on the frontiers of Mantua. To win their esteem, along with his own and his servant’s safety, he tells them a prudent if not noble lie—that he was banished for killing a man, although “without false vantage or base treachery,” there being honor among killers as well as thieves (IV.i.29). Suitably impressed, upon learning that Valentine also possesses a useful knowledge (foreign languages) as well as the requisite virtù, they will have him for their king. “Some of us are gentleman,” one of their number explains, outlaws only because they committed murder and “such-like petty crimes” in “the fury of ungovern’d youth” (IV.i.44-45). It should be remarked that aristocratic regimes that fail to govern their youth, whether in love or in anger, cannot last long. Valentine agrees “to make a virtue of necessity” (as one outlaw puts it); in return, they will “do thee homage, and be rul’d by thee, / Love thee as our commander and our king,” albeit upon pain of death if he demurs (IV.i.62, 66-67). Judging that these new outlaw-allies may be more honest than some of those he has known in civil society, Valentine consents, “Provided that you do no outrages / On silly women or poor passengers” (IV.i.71-72). Of course not. Being gentlemen manqué, “We detest such vile base practices” (IV.i.73).

    As Proteus’s servant serves, doglike, a dog, so (Proteus admits), “spaniel-like,” the more Silvia “spurns my love / The more it grows and fawneth on her still” (IV.ii.14-15). Thurio arrives beneath Silvia’s room, where the Duke has confined her, with sonnet in hand and musicians in his train. Julia is there, too, disguised as a boy, listening to the preposterous serenade. Proteus’s betrayal stands exposed after Thurio gives up and Proteus makes another try at winning Silvia. More lies follow: Julia is dead, so he’s free to court another; Valentine is, too, so Silvia is equally free. After her scornful rejection, he begs for her picture as a consolation, which she promises to send in the morning, “loath” though she is “to be your idol” (IV.ii.124).

    Rid of him, she spins a counterplot with her friend Eglamour, whose name Shakespeare has borrowed from a hero of a medieval romance. Sir Eglamour of Artois is a Christian Hercules, performing heroic deeds in a story of courtly love that, counter to convention, leads to marriage and family. A good name, indeed, and Silvia knows him as “a gentleman”—”valiant, wise, remorseful [i.e., compassionate], well accomplished” (IV.iii.11-13). Like Julia, she would escape her father’s injustice and seek her beloved. She will need no protective disguise, as Julia did, because Eglamour consents to accompany her, although this will put him at odds with the Duke. His compassion or pity, consonant with both nature and Christianity, brings him to agree to guard her. Apart from Valentine, he is the only real gentleman in the play, although, being human and no demi-god, he will defend her in a less-than-Herculean way.

    Disguised Julia calls herself “Sebastian,” recalling the saint martyred after attempting to persuade the Roman Emperor Diocletian from persecuting Christians. “Sebastian” means “be ashamed,” and Proteus, who doesn’t recognize her in disguise, shows no more shame at his betrayals than the Emperor did at killing saints.  Having judged his own dog-serving servant unreliable, he asks her to deliver a ring to Silvia, which of course is the same ring Julia had given to him at the time they pledged mutual fidelity. Unlike Proteus, who uses deception to betray his friend, Julia will faithfully offer the ring to Silvia. “I am my master’s true confirmed love, / But cannot be true servant to my master / Unless I prove false traitor to myself. / Yet will I woo for him but yet so coldly / As, heaven it knows, I would not have him speed” (IV.iv. 98-102). Silvia unwitting proves more faithful to Julia than Proteus, plotting, saying, “Tell him from me, / One Julia, that his changing,” Protean, “thoughts forget, / Would better fit his chamber than this shadow,” the picture of herself that he wants her to exchange for the ring, which Silvia rejects because her finger “would not do his Julia so much wrong” (IV.iv.133). “Sebastian” reveals herself not as Julia but as Julia’s servant, whom Silvia accordingly rewards with a token of respect for her loyalty. Having proved herself good and faithful, Julia also proves vulnerable to a touch of jealousy; left with the picture of Silvia, she supposes herself no less lovely than her rival, concluding that Love is indeed “a blinded god” (IV.iv.193). In judging, justice is blind to persons; in pursuing, Love is blind to judgment. To found a just regime, men and women will need to learn to love prudently and to judge justly, forming families aristocratic in the natural sense of the word, the rule of those best by nature, as guided by God. Before leaving in search of Valentine, Silvia goes to confession.

    Before Thurio left Silvia, Proteus told him to meet him the next morning at St. Gregory’s well. It is an unwittingly ironical choice, as St. Gregory was the man who sent Christian missionaries to England, where they led the Anglo-Saxons to conversion. Proteus intends no such holy purpose, but his mission will soon come to an end. By the next day, the Duke has discovered Silvia’s escape, correctly guessing that she’s left in search of Valentine. All parties will soon converge in the forest, in nature, outside the city and its conventions, where a re-founding of the Milanese regime may occur rightly, by the light of natural justice.

    An outlaw intercepts Silvia; Eglamour’s disappearance will remain unexplained, and he will not return. However things may have gone, the outlaw faithfully brings the lady to his captain, even assuring her: “Fear not, he bears an honorable mind, / And will not use a woman lawlessly” (V.iii.12-14). His fidelity to his promise not to harm women will serve him well, in the end. Valentine already knows that his men “love me well; yet I have much to do / To keep them from uncivil outrages” (V.iv.16-17). But he hides, seeing intruders in the forest.

    They are not strangers. Proteus, Julia/Sebastian are with Silvia, whom Proteus has seized from the outlaws; hoping to put her in his debt, he insists that they “would have forc’d your honor and your love” (V.iv.21). “How like a dream is this I see and hear!” Valentine thinks; like Proteus, he prays to Love, not for swiftness in the execution of a plot, as Proteus had done, but for exactly the opposite, for the “patience to forbear awhile” (V.iv.26-27). Valentine’s love is Christian, agapic not erotic: “Agape suffereth long and is kind; agape envieth not, agape vaunteth not itself” (I Corinthians 13:4). Christian love is patient, not protean,. Christian love enables not only the innocence of doves but the prudence of serpents. In terms of the names in the play, “Speed” is a servant for Valentine, a person under his rule; Proteus imagines speed a virtue, and his servant is a clown.

    Fortified with this loving patience, Valentine listens as Silvia laments her misery in having been rescued by “false Proteus,” exactly the sort of man to whom she would never want to be obliged (V.iv.35). He listens as she adds, “O, heaven be judge how I love Valentine, / Whose life’s as tender to me as my soul!” (V.iv.36-37). And he hears his beloved reveal not only her faithful heart but her clear mind, as when Proteus complains of “the curse in love” (Love’s final answer to his evil, impatient prayer), that “women cannot love where they’re beloved,” she rejoins with crushing logic that “Proteus cannot love where he’s beloved!”—in Verona, by Julia (V.iv.43-45). The Protean soul contradicts itself by rending its faith “into a thousand oaths,” by committing perjury, by saying two opposite things at once (V.iv.48). “Thou has no faith left now, unless thou’st two, / And that’s far worse than one,” making him a “counterfeit,” a false double, “to thy true friend!” (V.iv.50-53). This reduces Proteus first to appealing to convention masquerading as nature (“In love, / Who respects friend?”); when Silvia refutes this (“All men but Proteus”) he threatens to “love [her] ‘gainst the nature of love—force ye”—the very act he had begun by praising himself for saving her from (V.iv.50-54). Unblessed or even cursed by nature, or by the goddess Love, he would treat her as Machiavelli urges the prince to treat the protean, faithless lady Fortuna, to master her by force. “I’ll force thee to yield to my desire” (V.iv.59). The source of Proteus’s proteanism is the disorder of his soul, which he has turned in precise contradiction to its natural order. His reason serves his desires, and when reasoning fails to get him what his desires want, he resorts to spiritedness, to angry threats of force. Since (as Socrates observes in the Republic) the desires or appetites are foolish and inconstant counselors, he constantly bends himself out of shape.

    Valentine, whose soul is so ordered that his reason contains his valor, now puts that virtue to use, commanding Proteus to “let go that rude uncivil touch” (V.iv.60). In the wild, natural forest, outside civil society, his mind and heart command civility, speech over touch. Machiavelli teaches that one learns best not through hearing or faith, not through seeing or reason, but through the sense of touch—touch, which caresses or annihilates, mastering Fortuna. Valentine doesn’t need force to defeat the astonished Proteus; he need only address him as “Thou common friend, that’s without faith or love” (V.iv.63). Common: That is to say, he reveals Proteus as a commoner, not an aristocrat at all, unworthy of ruling anyone because incapable of ruling himself as a human being should do, if fully human. “Proteus, / I am sorry I must never trust thee more, / But count the world a stranger for thy sake. / The private wound is deepest” (V.iv.68-71). Valentine’s own status as a ruler crumbles if civil and even personal friendship disintegrates. Aristocracy requires the virtues of courage, moderation, justice, prudence, fidelity in friendship and in love. For an aristocrat to be a counterfeit, aristocratic in convention, in title or appearance only, ruins aristocracy, makes the world itself a stranger, which is to say a foreigner, not merely an illegal but a natural alien. Machiavellianism alienates nature, and in so doing destroys not only conventional aristocracy, the political balance-wheel between ‘the one,’ the prince, and ‘the many,’ the commoners, but destroys the real, natural aristocracy upon which every conventional aristocracy must finally rely.

    Here is where ‘we democrats’ misunderstand the ending of the play. Proteus, for all his faults, retains an element of aristocracy in his soul. He has attempted to play the leonine and vulpine prince, but he still has a core of virtue that his would-be virtù cannot quite smother. He can still feel shame, the reverse side of the honor that is the ruling passion of the true aristocrat’s mind. Confronted by the outraged friend he has betrayed, he admits that “My shame and guilt confounds me” (V.iv.74). Instead of offering battle he asks for forgiveness. Only in a soul formed and informed by natural right and Christian or agapic love can this response make sense. The same is true of Valentine’s response:

    Then I am paid;

    And once again I do receive thee honest.

    Who by repentance is not satisfied

    Is nor of heaven nor earth, for these are pleas’d;

    By penitence th’ Eternal’s wrath’s appeas’d.

    And, that my love may appear plain and free,

    All that was mine in Silvia I give thee.    (V.iv.78-83)

    If God forgives penitent sinners, and if nature does, too, why should humans not forgive? Is Proteus’s sudden show of shame and guilt, along with his repentance and humble request for forgiveness, only another shape-shifting, soon to be forgotten by him? Is Valentine’s immediate reversal of his distrust, his natural (that is, rational) and Christian forgiveness implausible, or even a ruse, a deeper Machiavellianism? Unlikely: This is a comedy, and Shakespeare does not intend to appeal to the supposed realism of Machiavellians or democrats, but to the realities of natural right and Christian grace, which Tocqueville identified as the democratizing gift of an aristocratic society. The resulting democratic society yet stands in need of aristocratic guidance, Tocqueville added.

    But what of Julia, still disguised as Sebastian? Overwhelmed by all of this, she covers and reveals herself by stepping out of the shadow of her disguise, as Valentine had stepped out of the shadows of the forest. She too rebukes Proteus, invoking his shame at his own commonness, baseness, vulgarity. Behold the woman:

    Behold her that gave aim to all thy oaths,

    And entertain’d ’em deeply in her heart.

    How oft has thou with perjury cleft the root!

    O Proteus, let this habit make thee blush!

    Be thou asham’d that I have took upon me

    Such an immodest raiment—if shame live

    In a disguise of love.

    It is the lesser blot, modesty finds,

    Women to change their shapes than men their minds.  (V.iv.101-110)

    The root of nature, the heart, will be cleft by the many-minded, self-contradictory man. The relation of heart to mind, of morality to reason, deranged, ought to shame not only an aristocrat but a man as such.

    And so it does. Proteus admits “’tis true” (V.iv.110). Inconstancy is the original sin, the “one error that fills [man] with faults,” making him “run through all th’ sins” (V.iv.111-112). To run: to be impatient, to hasten, to change senselessly, to be ruled by the desires. “What is in Silvia’s face but I may spy / More fresh in Julia’s with a constant eye?” (V.iv.114-115). That is, constancy of heart is the indispensable condition of clarity of mind, of the reasoning mind whose exercise shows men human, and makes aristocrats just. At this, Valentine again intervenes. With right relations restored, he proposes reconciliation of both the friends and the lovers. Proteus and, crucially, Julia agree to the covenant. What Christian aristocrats of the Tudors’ English regime once understood and accepted as plausible, at least in an instructive stage comedy, we modern democrats, we petty Machiavels, do not. Were they the deluded ones, or are we?

    As for Valentine and Silvia, there remains the matter of her father, the Duke, who now blunders in, accompanied by thundering arch-blunderer Thurio. Upon seeing Silvia, Thurio claims her as his own, but Valentine proves the more valorous of the two (no hard thing), threatening to thrash him if he touches her, and the false Thor instantly decides that only a fool “will endanger / His body for a girl that loves him not” (V.iv.133-134). The Duke has prudence enough to recognize the obvious: “The more degenerate and base art thou / To make such means for her as thou hast done / And leave her on such slight conditions.” (V.iv.136-138) No true aristocrat, Thurio. Therefore “by the honour of my ancestry”—in the name of his aristocratic lineage—”I do applaud thy spirit, Valentine, / And think thee worthy of an empress’ love” (V.iv.139-141). Valor is the spirit of the true aristocrat, and the Duke now sees that he needs to re-found his regime by ending Valentine’s banishment but much more, to “Plead a new state in thy unrivall’d merit” (V.iv.144). This new state, this new regime, will find support in the man he now addresses as Sir Valentine. “Thou art a gentleman, and well-deriv’d; / Take thou thy Silvia, for thou has deserv’d her.” (V.iv.146-147). The Duke of Milan has clearly stated what a gentleman really is, and it is on this true perception, made possible by a reformed because dis-illusioned heart, that the renewed and more truly aristocratic regime will rest.

    Valentine’s first act as a co-ruler of that regime is to reincorporate its remaining repentant scapegraces, the outlaws who preceded him in banishment. They are, he tells the Duke, “men endu’d with worthy qualities,” deserving now of forgiveness, having become “reformed, civil, full of good, / And fit for great employment, worthy lord” (V.iv.154-157). The Duke immediately pardons both them and Valentine, telling his future son-in-law to “Dispose of them as thou know’st their deserts” (V.iv.158-159). Clear-sighted, because virtuous, Valentine knows them because he is clear-sighted, and will then be able to exercise the virtue of justice wisely—justice and wisdom being the virtues of the ruler par excellence, the virtues needed in politics. The Duke then proposes an extraordinary ‘royal progress’ back to Milan—extraordinary because they shall proceed “with triumphs, mirth, and rare solemnity” (V.iv.161). The circumstance makes celebration of victory understandable enough, but how can mirth and solemnity combine? Only in comedy: the high seriousness of tragedy has no mirth, but comedy treats of “high” or noble things with a happy ending, an ending whereby all the elements that might make for tragedy are harmonized as a graceful spirit and the rule of reason over hearts corrected by grace take hold among the rulers of the political community. Comedy is aristocracy gone right, tragedy aristocracy gone wrong. Too much democracy will form souls that blink uncomprehendingly at both.

    There is even a hint of philosophy to come. Valentino introduces the Duke to Julia, still in boy-disguise. “I think the boy hath grace in him; he blushes,” the Duke observes, happily noting an aristocratic sense of shame in the supposed lad (V.iv.165). Valentine warrants him “more grace than boy,” and when the Duke asks what that could mean he promises to tell the story in the return, triumphant, trip (V.iv.166), promising in addition that the Duke will “wonder” at the tale (V.iv.169). Before embarking on his odyssey, Valentine had said he intended to see the wonders of the world abroad; Proteus had supposed Valentine’s motive to have been the quest for honor. Valentine has seen the wonders and found honor, as well. As for Proteus, it will be, just Valentine remarks in his final act of justice, Proteus’s act of penance will be to hear “the story of your loves discovered” (V.iv.171).

    After that, Valentine promises, the regime will be re-founded on the two marriages, re-founded on “One feast, one house, one mutual happiness!” (V.iv.174). Love and friendship, sundered by the chaotic soul of Proteus, and a sundered aristocratic regime, nearly ruined by the overbearing and imprudent father-Duke, will both achieve reunion on the only stable foundation for private and public good, fidelity. Henceforth the private fidelity of marriage and the public fidelity of justice will reinforce one another, securing the truly human purpose, happiness.

     

    Note

    1. See II.iii.1-29 and IV.1-36.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    “Manners and Morals”: Table of Contents

    November 1, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    NOTE: The “Contents” section of the site menu list all articles, divided into six categories (“Bible Notes,” “Philosophers,” “American Politics,” “Nations,” “Manners and Morals,” and “Remembrances”). The articles are arranged in the chronological order of their posting. This Table of Contents lists articles in the “Manners and Morals” section in the order in which they may be read as if they were chapters in a book.

     

     

    1. Frost and Oliver: Poets of Nature

    Robert Frost: “Mending Wall.”
    Mary Oliver: “Writing Poems.”

     

    2. “Algeny”

    Jeremy Rifkin: Algeny (1983).

     

    3. Seneca: Epistle 88: “On Liberal and Vocational Studies.” Richard Mott Gummere translation. (1920).

     

    4. Latini’s Treasure: What a Gentleman Should Know About Nature

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book I: “The Origin of All Things.” Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. (1993).

     

    5. Latini’s Treasure: What a Gentleman Should Know About Morality

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book II: “The Second Book Speaks of Virtues and Vices.” Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. (1993).

     

    6. Latini’s Treasure: What a Gentleman Should Know About Politics

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book III: “Instructions Concerning Cities of Various Types and Good Speaking in Government.” Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. (1993).

     

    7. Is the Decline of Civility the Refutation of Montaigne?

    Ann Hartle: What Happened to Civility: The Promise and Failure of Montaigne’s Modern Project (2022).

     

    8. What Shakespeare Means to Say, When He Says, “As You Like It”

    William Shakespeare: As You Like It.

     

    9. Gentlemen and Gentlemanliness According to Shakespeare

    William Shakespeare: Two Gentlemen of Verona.

     

    10. Royal Dreaming

    William Shakespeare: A Midsummer Night’s Dream.

     

    11. Is All Well That Ends Well?

    William Shakespeare: All’s Well That Ends Well.

     

    12. Comic Errors, Legal Slapstick

    William Shakespeare: The Comedy of Errors.

     

    13. What’s So Funny About the Law?

    William Shakespeare: The Comedy of Errors. Lecture delivered for the Sixth Annual Will’n in Weslaco Festival, South Texas College, Weslaco, Texas, April 8, 2025.

     

    14. Taming Our Shrewishness

    William Shakespeare: The Taming of the Shrew.

     

    15. Twelfth Night

    William Shakespeare: Twelfth Night.

     

    16. Geopolitics of Love

    William Shakespeare: Love’s Labour’s Lost.

     

    17. The Wisest Beholder

    William Shakespeare: The Winter’s Tale.

     

    18. Shakespearean Philosophy?

    K. J. Spalding: The Philosophy of Shakespeare (1953).

     

    19. The Roman Cato with the Soul of Washington

    Joseph Addison: Cato: A Tragedy, and Selected Essays. Christine Dunn Henderson and Mark E. Yellin, editors. (2004).

     

    20. Sade: Laclos for the Lackluster

    Maurice Lever: Sade (1993).

     

    21. Young Werther’s Wrongly Ordered Soul

    Johann Wolfgang Goethe: The Sufferings of Young Werther. Stanley Corngold translation (2013).

     

    22. Religious Toleration Among the Aristocrats? Chateaubriand’s Thought Experiment.

    François-René de Chateaubriand: The Adventures of the Last Abencerraje. A. S. Kline translation (2011).

     

    23. Tocqueville on the Moral Effects of Public Charity

    Alexis de Tocqueville: Memoir on Pauperism and Other Writings: Poverty, Public Welfare, and Inequality. Christine Dunn Henderson translation (2021).

     

    24. Sentimental Individualism

    Richard Brautigan: So the Wind Won’t Blow It All Away (1983).

    Richard Sennett: The Frog Who Dared to Croak (1983).

     

    25. “The Wizard of Oz,” or, Platonism for the People

     

    26. “Gone With the Wind,” Begone

     

    27. An Age of Inflation

     

    28. Philip Gilbert Hamerton: Man of Letters, Man of Art

    Philip Gilbert Hamerton: An Autobiography 1834-1858. (1896).

    Eugénie Gindriez Hamerton: A Memoir by His Wife. (1896).

    John Gross: The Rise and Fall of the Man of Letters: A Study of the Idiosyncratic and the Humane in Modern Literature. (1969).

     

    29. The Life of the Mind as a Way of Life

    Philip Gilbert Hamerton: The Intellectual Life. (1877).

     

    30. The “Two Cities” Viewed from Poland

    Adam Zagajewski: Two Cities: On Exile, History, and the Imagination. Lillian Vallee translation. (2002).

     

    31. Why Ardor?

    Adam Zagajewski: A Defense of Ardor. Claire Cavanaugh translation. (2004).

     

    32. Teaching as Distinct from Educating

    Jacques Barzun: Teacher in America. (1945).

     

    33. Pedagogy of the (Would-Be?) Oppressors

    Paulo Freire: Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Myram Bergman Ramos translation. (1968).

     

    34. How Bloom Did It: Rhetoric and Principle in The Closing of the American Mind

    Allan Bloom: The Closing of the American Mind (1987).

     

    35. The Intellectual Life and the Social Life: Imperfect Together

    Thomas Sowell: Intellectuals and Society (2009).

     

    36. Sociology, That Societal Problem

    Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss: Primitive Classification. Rodney Needham translation (1967). Originally published in 1903.

     

    37. Liberal Education, That Vexed Thing

    John Agresto: The Death of Learning: How American Education Has Failed Our Students and What to Do About It. (2022).

     

    38. Oedipus’ Self-Deception

     

    39. Fatherhood and Friendship in the Modern Regime

    Jean Dutourd: The Springtime of Life. Denver and Helen Lindley translation. (1974).

     

    40. Politics and Romance: Hawthorne’s Blithedale

    Nathaniel Hawthorne: The Blithedale Romance.

     

    41. Vaunting Guardians of the Marxist Revolution

     

    42. The Goodness of Banality

     

    43. Peace-Seeking in the Western Tradition

    James Turner Johnson: The Quest for Peace: Three Traditions in Western Cultural History (1987).

     

    44. The Holocaust Reconsidered

    Tzetan Todorov: Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. (1996).

     

    45. Can the Use of Nuclear Weapons Be Moral?

    Joseph P. Martino: A Fighting Chance: The Moral Use of Nuclear Weapons (1988).

     

    46. Malraux and the “Farfelu”

    André Malraux: The Kingdom of Farfelu with Paper Moons. W. B. Keckler translation. New York: Fugue State Press, 2005.

    Georges Lemaitre: From Cubism to Surrealism in French Literature. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1978 (1947).

    André Vandegans: La Jeunesse Littéraire d’André Malraux: Essai Sur L’Inspiration Farfelue. Abbeville: Jean-Jacques Pauvert, 1964.

    Domnica Radulesca: André Malraux: The “Farfelu” as Expression of the Feminine and the Erotic. New York: Peter Lang, 1994.

     

    47. Malraux and De Gaulle: Can Democracy Be Cultural?

     

    48. Malraux and ‘Diversity’

    Claude Tannery: Malraux, The Absolute Agnostic (1991).

     

    49. Literary ‘Theory’ Refuted

    Raymond Tallis: In Defence of Realism (1988).

     

    50. Leftist Lit-Crit, Revised

    Patrick Holm Hogan: The Politics of Interpretation (1990).

     

    51. How Not to Edit a Collection of Essays

    John K. Roth and Robert C. Whittemore, eds.: Ideology and the American Experience (1988).

     

    52. What Is the Point of Studying Literature?

    John Guillory: Professing Criticism: Essays on the Organization of Literary Study. Part One. (2022).

     

    53. Undertaking Literary Study

    John Guillory: Professing Criticism: Essays on the Organization of Literary Study. Part Two. (2022).

     

    54. Does Music Mean Anything?

    Peter Kalkavage: Music and the Idea of a World. Philadelphia: Paul Dry Books, 2024.

     

    55. Soul Music

    Robert R. Reilly (with Jens Laurson): Surprised by Beauty: A Listener’s Guide to the Recovery of Modern Music. San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2016.

     

    56. How to Be a Sensible Tourist: Edith Wharton in the Mediterranean

    Edith Wharton: The Cruise of the Venadis (2004).

     

    57. The Spirit of the (Democratic) Laws

    Dominique Schnapper: The Democratic Spirit of Law (2016).

     

    58. What Is a ‘Network’?

    Niall Ferguson: The Square and the Tower: Networks and Power, From the Freemasons to Facebook (2017).

     

    59. Epidemic of Fear

    Bernard-Henri Lévy: The Virus in the Age of Madness (2020).

     

    60. The Crisis of Islamic Civilization

    Ali A. Allawi: The Crisis of Islamic Civilization (2009).

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    What Is a ‘Network’?

    October 19, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    Niall Ferguson: The Square and the Tower: Networks and Power, from the Freemasons to Facebook. New York: Penguin Books, 2017.

    Originally published in Liberty and Law, May 21, 2018. Republished with permission.

     

    We know a noun has pervaded our sensibilities when we derive a verb from it. ‘Network’ appears in sixteenth-century English, and was meant literally: a work of netting, coarse or fine. As an abstraction meaning any complex design of threadlike entities, from a river system to a political economy, the word didn’t arrive until the early nineteenth century. Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Ralph Waldo Emerson were among he early adopters—writers influenced by European Enlightenment thought, especially as filtered through Germany. ‘Networking’ as a verb appeared in our own time, with the computerization of everything serving as an accelerant.

    Niall Ferguson does exactly what historians should do, explaining the origins of the modern understanding of networks and illustrating the theory with several dozen examples, ranging from Italian Renaissance merchants and Spanish explorers to the election campaign of Donald Trump. “The Square and the Tower” refers to the city center of Siena, Italy where the shadow of the watchtower falls on the marketplace below. The tower represents the “vertical” or hierarchic structure, the square the “horizontal” or democratic structure. The one tends toward rigidity and command, the other toward fluidity (at times anarchy) and consent. Ferguson notes that the tension between these two kinds of ‘networking’ is “as old as humanity itself,” and sees history as the interplay of the one with the other.

    Perennial and universal phenomena like networks must have attracted the attention of intelligent people long before the word was coined. Signor Machiavelli inaugurated ‘modernity’ as the human quest to master the course of events and to gain control over that vast network nature; the centralized modern state he lauded exemplifies the “vertical” network, and he intended it to be an indispensable part of his project to out-‘network’ the biggest network.

    Before Machiavelli, the earliest philosophers, in naming ‘nature,’ marked out an order of regularly interacting parts a ‘whole.’ Turning to human life, they did not imagine ‘states’ but instead identified regimes—effectively, networks of rule involving persons and their institutions, their patters of life, and the purposes those persons, institutions, and social patterns aimed at achieving. Those philosophers understood politics as the architectonic art, the political community as the most comprehensive form of human organization.

    Ferguson identifies the intellectual founder of modern network theory as the influential Swiss-born mathematician Leonard Euler, who formulated it in 1735 while working in the Imperial Russian Academy of Sciences. He later joined the Berlin Academy, so his two major political patrons were no less a pair of enlightened despots than Peter the Great and Frederick the Great, sitting atop hierarchical networks that enabled Euler’s theory to circulate far, wide, and rapidly.

    Euler studied a set of seven bridges in the Prussian city of Königsburg. Why was it impossible, he wanted to know, to walk across all seven bridges in one trip, without re-crossing any of them? The geometrician’s answer involved understanding the relations of the bridges as a pattern of lines and their intersection points or “nodes.” The pattern or structure of any given set of lines and nodes delimits ways in which energy (in the case of the footbridges, the flow of pedestrians) can travel—as in one of today’s electrical power grids, for example.

    Euler was among the pioneers of calculus, the branch of mathematics which takes the classical plane geometry of Euclid and in effect ‘sets it in motion,’ plotting points along a curve—this, much to the fascination of later political philosophers, as they considered both the modern state (the tower) and its civil wars (in the square). Americans will recall their friendly visitor, Alexis de Tocqueville, who described both the ‘tower’ of the administrative state and the ‘square’ of democratic associations complementary and conflicting features of modern life.

    The attempt to reduce a social network and the changes it undergoes to a mathematically-based science awaited the invention of the modern French- and German-inspired academic discipline of sociology toward the end of the nineteenth century. As the theory developed, Ferguson observes, several insights accrued.

    First (and pace Thomas Friedman), even the most ‘democratic’ networks aren’t quite “flat,” horizontally arranged though they may be. Persons located at the nodes where social, political, and economic lines cross enjoy an advantage over persons who aren’t. “Sometimes, as in the case of the American Revolution, crucial roles turn out to have been played by people who were not leaders but connectors,” he says. Whereas he holds up midnight-riding Paul Revere as his example I would choose Benjamin Franklin, that supreme networker of both tower and square.

    Second, consent-based networks organize according to the principle of “homophily,” a notion more colloquially captured in the old saw, ‘Birds of a feather flock together’—a principle now playing on a website near you, and in clubs, churches, and political parties for millennia.

    Third, and paradoxically, weak ties with a network are strong. The stronger my ties, the more exclusive they are, and the more exclusive my ties, the less extensive they are. This point obviously needs to be supplemented by the observation Ferguson made initially, that certain positions or “nodes” within networks are better than others; a tightknit group occupying a node might extract considerable benefits and hold on to its position for a long time. This accounts for a fact well known to politicians and political scientists alike, which is that oligarchies are hard to overturn, not only because they enjoy ‘vertical’ power but because they cohere well ‘horizontally’—good news for the Chinese Communist Party.

    Fourth, when we speak of an image or a message ‘going viral’—whether it’s Hitlerian poison circulating through the veins of Germany or a YouTube photo of kittens in a basket—the structure of the network delivering the message matters more than the message itself. Marshall McLuhan’s phrase, “the medium is the message” (which itself went viral, half a century back), succinctly summed up the thought. Grant Wood’s career as a painter went nowhere until he hired an agent with ‘connections’—connections to a network. Or, to take one of Ferguson’s examples, “Without Gutenberg, Luther might have been just another heretic whom the Church burned at the stake.”

    Another stock phrase, ‘the city never sleeps,’ applies to networks (all of them, not only urban ones). Even the more rigid, hierarchic networks—trees, monarchies—stay active, change over time, cause things to circulate, so long as they live. Peter and Frederick were not only great; they made things happen by establishing structures, including research and educational institutions, militaries, railway systems.

    Networks also interact with other networks. This gets dramatic when a hierarchic network confronts a newer and more egalitarian one. “When a network disrupts an ossified hierarchy it can overthrow it with breathtaking speed,” as communist parties in Central and Eastern Europe learned to their sorrow,” and as current hierarchies in China and elsewhere currently work very hard to prevent. “But when a hierarchy attacks a fragile network, the result can be the network’s collapse” not all bands of guerrilla fighters win their wars of attrition.

    Finally, the networked rich really do get richer. “Most social networks are profoundly inegalitarian” given the position of the wealthy along the node-and-line structure of “horizontal” networks. The medieval churchman, the Gilded Age railroad magnate, and even the studiously egalitarian computer entrepreneurs of Silicon Valley, got very rich, sometimes very quickly, by occupying strategic chokepoints in the structures they knew very well, having invented them.

    All of this means that the much-ridiculed conspiracy theorists among us are on to something, even if they don’t quite know what it is. Ferguson shows how such organizations as the Illuminati and the Freemasons did indeed conspire in their semi-secret networks. In describing exactly who they were, how they operated, and to what extent they succeeded (usually much less than their enemies suppose), he both confirms and sanitizes—makes sane—parts of the conspiracy theorists’ hypotheses. It turns out that, contrary to certain dyspeptic members of the monarchist clergy of France, the Freemasons didn’t really cause the French Revolution—but they did have a hand in it. The most successful network of conspirators in Western history was surely the early Christian Church, to the consternation of pagan-minded observers from the Roman Emperors to Edward Gibbon. Harmless as doves and prudent as serpents, indeed. A conspiracy might be benign, too.

    Much of the entertaining instruction in the book comes when Ferguson gets down to cases that illustrate network theory. Born in Scotland, he is one of those charming know-it-all show-offs in the Oscar Wilde line, albeit with fewer witticisms and more facts, as I suppose one must expect from a historian. Not surprisingly, one of his cases is the British Empire, and the way in which the British elite prospered by exercising a “relatively light touch” in ruling Britain’s colonies (American Revolution = lesson learned). By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Empire rested in large measure on local rulers and such “private networks” as steamship and telegraph companies, banks, and missionaries. To be sure, the elitists themselves doubled down on snobbery and old-school ties, but they also proved amenable to marrying vigorous and attractive outsiders—even the occasional American such as Jennie Churchill. They still hunted foxes, but condescended to write for newspapers and to sit with tradesmen on corporate boards.

    Networks can also fail catastrophically. Designed in 1814, under the Peace of Vienna, to prevent recurrence of anything like the Napoleonic Wars, the European geopolitical order solemnized under that pact held firm for three generations thanks to a well-founded aversion to death and destruction. By the time Otto von Bismarck had prodded the many Germanies into consolidating as one state (a state that could whip France), patchwork on that order was urgently needed.  With his Russian diplomatic counterpart Nikolay Girs, Bismarck then designed the Secret Reinsurance Treaty of 1887. Under its terms, “Germany and Russia each agreed to observe neutrality should the other be involved in a war with a third country, unless German attacked France or Russia attacked Austria-Hungary.” Russia was thus blocked from allying with France to contain Germany, but the benefit was Russia’s gaining a free hand over the Black Sea Straits. The arrangement dissolved after the preening, over-ambitious fool of a young Kaiser, Wilhelm II, got rid of the troublesome old Bismarck and failed to honor the 1887 treaty. After that, “the surprising thing” was not that “war happened in 1914, but that it did not happen sooner.”

    The Great War itself led to another German networking blunder: sending an obscure conspiratorial networker named V. I. Lenin from confinement in Germany, where he belonged, back to his native Russia, along with $12 million of walking-around money. “To an extent most accounts still underrate,” writes Ferguson, “the Bolshevik Revolution was a German-financed operation,” one that took Russia out of the Great War only to plunge it into decades of internecine, state-sponsored terror and to throw the rest of the world into a condition of decades-long tension. The Gulag, after all, was in one sense yet another network, as were the spy cells Josef Stalin established at Cambridge University, Washington, D. C., and indeed around the globe.

    This brings up an important difference between network theory and classical regime theory. Networks, studied as mathematicians like Euler and mathematizing social scientists study them, are ‘value-neutral,’ mere structures, whose causal importance outweighs the effects of the ideas and sentiments they convey. As suspicion nags, however: The medium may be the message, but so is the message. The various messages I receive come to me through the same medium, my computer, but some of the messages warrant serious attention (whether grateful or worried), others not.

    What is more, a message might shape a medium, as a visit to a Gothic cathedral will suggest. When Aristotle contemplates a network,, he does not rate the structure of the tree, or the city, above the way they live or the purposes they pursue (even if, in the case of the tree, the organism has no consciousness of its purpose, or at least none a human can do much more than imagine). As a latter-day Aristotelian once said, ideas have consequences, too—consequences that are to some degree independent of, even while entwined with, structures, persons, and customs.

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

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