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    Latini’s Treasure: What a Gentleman Should Know About Morality

    February 23, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book II. Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. New York: Garland Publishing, 1993.

     

    The non-theoretical “branches in the body of philosophy” are “the practical and the logical, which teach man what he must do and what he must not do, and why he must do some things and not others.” Because these branches “are so intertwined that they can hardly be separated,” Latini will “present [them] together” in both Book II and Book III. In Book II he addresses morality, “vices and virtues.” Consistent with his book’s title, the Treasure, he compares the four “active virtues” to “precious stones,” “each of which is valuable for the life of men, for beauty, for delight and for virtue” as a whole. Prudence is “represented by the ruby, which lights up the night and shines brighter than all other precious stones”; temperance is “represented by the sapphire, which is of a celestial color,” the stone “most filled with grace of all the precious stones of the world”; courage is “represented by the diamond, which is so strong that it breaks and pierces all stones and metals,” fearing nothing; justice is “represented by the emerald, which is the greenest and most beautiful thing human eyes can behold.”

    Although these are the virtues enumerated by Socrates in Plato’s Republic, Latini devotes the first fifty chapters of Book II to a summary of Aristotle’s more complex account of the virtues in his Nicomachean Ethics. Whether it is an art, an inquiry, an action, or a choice, “what all things seek is some good.” “Each art,” for example, has “a final goal,” a telos, which guides its works.” The master art is politics, “the art which teaches how to govern a city,” the “most important and the sovereign and the mistress of all arts, because under it re contained many honorable arts, such as rhetoric and military science and governing one’s household.” The art of politics “is noble because it gives order and direction to all those arts which are under it and which bring about its fulfilment, and its end is also the end and fulfillment of the others; therefore, the good produced by this science is man’s good, because it constrains him to do good and to avoid evil.” The sections on human history in Part I have already confirmed the necessity of such constraint. Latini does not, however, remark Aristotle’s argument that the political community produces a certain energeia or ‘being-at-work’ which brings out the humanness of the citizens. He does not follow Aristotle in calling man the political animal, perhaps because Christianity revises or qualifies that claim. 

    He does follow Aristotle in saying that “the science of protecting and governing a city is not for a child or for a man who follows his inclinations, because both are unfamiliar with the things of the world; for this art requires a wise man, and it does not require a man’s knowledge, but rather that he turn to goodness,” to have “a soul suitably attuned to this science,” having made “use of things which are just, good, and honest.” Making use of such things habituates the soul to them, and such activity teaches the soul to become virtuous by means of that rightly-directed activity. “He who does not know anything on his own and who cannot learn what he is taught is altogether unsuitable” for political life.

    If politics aims ultimately at all the goods aimed at by action, and if the sovereign good is eudaimonia or happiness—Latini calls it “beatitude”— what is happiness? The answer men give to that question lead them into one of three principal ways of life: the life of sensual pleasure, what Latini calls “concupiscence and covetousness,” an animal-like way; the “civic life” of common sense, prowess, and honor; or the life of contemplation. There are three powers of the soul: vegetative (seen in plants, animals, and human beings), sensitive (seen in animals and human beings), and reasonable (seen in human beings only). This distinctively human, “reasonable power is sometimes in deed and sometimes in potential, but beatitude is when it is in deed and not when it is potential alone, for if one does not do it, it is not good.” (As Aristotle puts it, the distinctively human energeia is the “life that puts into action that in us that has articulate speech,” speech involving reason, the power that enables us to ‘articulate,’ to make distinctions, to identify kinds or species of things [NE 1098a5].) The reasonable way of life is the genuinely human way, found in both the civic and the contemplative way; the way of sensual pleasure is the way of an animal, the “sensitive” or sensual way.

    Which way or ways achieve the good? There are three types of good: that of the soul, that of the body, that of things outside the body. “The beatitude which is on earth needs good things from the outside, for it is a difficult thing to perform good deeds if one does not partake of what befits a good life, abundance of wealth and friends and relatives and the blessings of fortune, and for this reason wisdom needs something which reveals its worth and its honors.” As a Christian, Latini adds God to Aristotle’s list of necessary goods outside of ourselves. “We must revere and magnify and glorify God above all things, and we must believe that in Him are all good things and all felicities, for He is the beginning and end of all good things.” This again, is why Latini does not emphasize the political character of the good life to the extent Aristotle does. Latini needs to leave room for the ‘city’ of God.

    Since “happiness is thing which comes from the virtue of the soul, not of the body,” Latini again enumerates the powers of the soul, but this time the powers of the human soul, only. The human soul possesses vegetative powers (we might call them ‘autonomic’ powers); it has the intellectual or reasoning power and also the “concuscible” power, whereby the body obeys the commands of the intellect. Rightly exercised, these powers generate two kinds of virtue: understanding, consisting of wisdom, knowledge, and common sense, and morality, exemplified by generosity, chastity, and the several other virtues ‘of the heart.’ “The virtue of understanding is born and increases in men through doctrine and instruction, and for this long experience is needed. The virtue of morality is born and increases by good and honest use, for it is not in us naturally, because a natural thing cannot be changed in its order by contrary usage.” So, for example, by nature fire burns upward; that is its nature. It cannot be taught or habituated to burn in that direction. As Aristotle puts it, “we are predisposed by nature, but we do not become good or bad by nature” (NE 1106b). What human beings do have by nature isn’t virtue but “the power to learn” it. That “is why I say that these virtues are not at all in us without nature and not at all according to nature, but the root and the beginning of receiving these virtues are in us by nature, and its perfection is in us by usage.” As Aristotle teaches, one ‘works’ to achieve virtue, which is why he says that “lawmakers make the citizens good by habituating them, and since this is the intention of every lawmaker, those that do not do it well are failures, and one regime differs from another in this respect as a good one from a worthless one” (NE 1103b). Deploying Christian language, Latini writes, “A man is good through doing good and evil through doing evil.” Considering the three things human beings desire—the profitable, the delightful, and the good—and given the fact that “delight is a part of us from the time we are born,” that it is a thing naturally ‘given’ and not by itself inclined toward “moderation or justice,” ethics concerns the government of delight, and “the whole purpose of the governor of cities is to bring delight to its citizens in the appropriate things and at any appropriate time and place.” How can this be done? After all, as Latini warns his young gentleman, “Good can only be done in one way, but man does evil in many ways; for this reason, it is a hard and painful thing to be good and an easy thing to be bad, and this is why it happens that more people are bad than good.” How can the knowledge of virtue be made consistent with the practice of it, that is, with virtue itself? If virtue is, as Latini calls it, a state of character, what is the character of that state?

    Here Aristotle introduces his celebrated definition of virtue as the middle or “mean” between two extremes. Latini cuts through Aristotle’s complex and subtle discussion of virtue as a mean with respect to a thing, the soul’s holding a position equally apart from either extreme of excess and deficiency, and a mean with respect to an individual, arising from the soul’s awareness of the fact that for Milo the wrestler, a few pounds of meat is not too much, and it might be too little. Nor does he trouble his young gentleman with Aristotle’s formal, philosophic definition of virtue as “an active condition that makes one apt at choosing, consisting in a mean condition in relation to us, which is determined by a proportion and by the means by which a person with practical judgement would determine it” (NE 1107a). Latini does follow Aristotle in saying that there are some actions and feelings that do not admit of the middling condition, such as adultery, stealing, and murder. They are wrong, simply. Generally, Latini for the most part ignores Aristotle’s emphasis on the importance of circumstance in making right choices, his insistence on considering who is acting, what the act is, what the is affected by the act, with hat the act is done, what it’s done for, and the manner in which it’s done. “No one could be ignorant of all these things without being insane” (NE 1111a), Aristotle insists, but Latini confines himself to a simplified version, distinguishing intentional acts from natural ones, and both from acts combining intention and natural necessity, such as obeying the command of a tyrant. He highlights moral responsibility: “If every man is responsible for his state of mind and for his imagination, there must necessarily be, and it does not have to be tested, a natural beginning and awareness of good and evil which makes him desire good and avoid evil.” This parallels Aristotle’s observation that “the targeting of the end [of an action] is not self-chosen; instead, one needs to be born having something like vision, by which to discern rightly and choose what is truly good” (NE 1114b). But for Aristotle, this is only true for a person who has “a fortunate nature,” one “born with” “such a condition.” And even then, aiming at the “mean” or middle between extremes, moral energeia, with mindfulness of circumstances, determines a right choice more than the natural blessings of character. That is, in Latini the Christian conscience to some degree anchors prudential reasoning or deliberation, aiding in the Aristotelian task of finding “the middle ground” in character and in actions. Whereas Aristotle calls the beautiful “the end that belongs to virtue” (NE 1115b), the mean only the apparent aim, Latini describes the “beautiful and good and deserving of merit” as a description of the mean, not as its purpose.

    Latini follows Aristotle closely in describing the virtues which arise in finding that ground between the extremes of deficiency and excess—courage being the mean between fear and rashness, temperance or moderation respecting pleasure and pain being the mean between insensibility and dissipation, generosity or liberality being the mean between stinginess and wastefulness, and so on. (He adds an occasional aperςu of his own, for example, “there are some men who are cowards in battle and bold in spending money.”) Unlike many Christians, Latini does not hesitate to classify magnanimity or greatness of soul with the virtues, giving as an example of it “serving our Sovereign Father” (he does not specify whether this means God or the pope), from which “great honor arises,” the kind of honor worthy of the magnanimous man. And again, now aligning Aristotle with Jesus’ central command: “Magnanimity is the crown and the beacon of all virtues, for it exists through virtue alone, and for this reason it is not an easy thing to be magnanimous, but rather it is a very difficult thing, for one has to be good for oneself and for one’s neighbor.” 

    Accordingly, Latini regards justice as “the noblest of virtues and the strongest.” Indeed, closely paraphrasing Aristotle, “justice is not just a part of virtue, rather it is all virtues, and wrongdoing is not a part of vice, rather it is all vices.” Both men consider justice as a preeminently political virtue, aiming at “someone else’s good” (NE 1130a), being “good to oneself and to one’s friends” (Latini). Both associate justice with equity, with equalizing things in terms of desert or merit, since the person who is rightly rewarded more money than another because he does better work is being rewarded ‘equally’ or proportionately, evaluated according to the same standard. (This is why “money was first invented, because it brought equality to unequal things; money is like justice without a soul, because it is a middle ground through which unequal things become unequal.”) In addition to such distributive justice, there is also corrective justice, in which the innocent and the guilty are treated differently because they are judged ‘equitably,’ i.e., by the same standard. Latini leaves no doubt that corrective justice may be harsh. Because “the lord of justice tries to bring equity to unequal things, it is therefore necessary to kill some, wound others, chase some into exile, until satisfaction is given to the one who has been wronged.” But whereas Aristotle notes that “not all people mean the same thing by merit but those who favor democracy mean freedom, those who favor oligarchy mean wealth, others mean being well born and those who favor aristocracy mean virtue” (1131a), Latini simply points to the Ruler of all: “True justice is not the one which is in the law; rather it is God our Lord, and it is given to man, and through justice man resembles God.” Whereas Aristotle calls the human judge as a person “meant to be a sort of ensouled justice,” the ruler who “evens things up” (1132a) when the letter of the law fails fully to deliver justice, Latini has recourse to the infallibly just and equitable Judge.  

    In Book VI of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle begins to turn from ethical to intellectual virtue, toward sophia instead of phronēsis. Later, he will introduce the theme of friendship, which registers several types of friendship, some of them consonant with the philosophic life, others to political life. Latini will treat the intellectual virtues differently than Aristotle does (again, his young gentleman is no potential philosopher), concentrating more of his attention on friendship and happiness. He does follow Aristotle in concluding with a transition from ethics to politics.

    Preparatory to his discussion of friendship, Aristotle revisits moderation or temperance and introduces the virtue of “standing firm” or constancy—both virtues without which true friendship would be impossible. Latini follows Aristotle on this. As Aristotle classifies self-restraint as the mean between unrestraint and insensibility Latini puts temperance between unrestraint and abstinence. Latini identifies constant man as one “who is steadfast in goodness but changeable with respect to evil”; this is the mean between stubbornness (exhibited by a man who is “steadfast and firm in all his opinions, whether they are true or false”) and inconstancy, “when there is no firmness or constancy” at all.

    Aristotle and Latini identify three kinds of friendship; friendship based on pleasure, characteristic of the young, who “live according to feeling” (NE 1156a), friendship based utility or profit, and friendship based on alikeness in virtue, goodness. The last sort of friendships “are likely to be rare,” observes, “for such people are few” (NE 1156b). Latini concurs, saying that “men who are well chosen and virtuous and who do good are few in number, but those who seek profit and pleasure are many in number.” Latini writes that “those who love one another for profit or pleasure do not love truly; rather, they love the things on which the friendship is based, that is, pleasure and profit, and for this reason their friendship lasts only as long as the pleasure and the profit do.” By contrast, “true friendship which is good and full exists between two good men who are similar in virtue and who love one another and care for one another because of the similarity of the virtues they possess.” Indeed, a certain equality must prevail for true friendship to exist, as friendship among husbands and wives, fathers and children, kings and subjects, gods and men, must differ from that among equals, even when the unequal persons are both virtuous.

    If one were to aim at adding to the number of true friendships, education is needed. “People educate the young by steering them by means of pleasure and pain”; “what is most conducive to virtue of character is to enjoy what one ought and hate what one ought” (NE 1172a). As Latini puts it, “delight is born and nourished with us from the moment we are born, and for this reason we should teach children to be pleased and angered appropriately,” as “this is the basis of moral virtue, and afterwards the increase in time increases the goodness of the child’s life, for each one takes what pleases him and avoids what saddens him.” Both Aristotle and Latini distinguish pleasure from happiness; we choose both pleasure and happiness for themselves, not as instruments to some other good, but “not every pleasure is choiceworthy” (NE 1174a), whereas happiness is always choiceworthy. Choiceworthy pleasure “brings the activities to completion and hence brings living to completion, which is what they [i.e., the activities] all strive for” (1175a), but, as readers have seen, some lives are more choiceworthy than others because they are more fully human. “The measure of each thing is virtue” (NE 1175b). And this leads to the consideration of happiness, “the end at which human things aim” (NE 1176a). 

    Aristotle defines happiness as “being-at-work [energeia] according to virtue,” the most power virtue being contemplation, “since the intellect is the most powerful of the things in us” (NE 1177a). Latini writes, “happiness is the firmness, and constancy of the works of virtues themselves, and we have been told”—by Aristotle—that “the rule of this power is continual, because the work of the intellect goes on continually.” Therefore, “the most perfect and most pleasurable work of all is happiness, but the very best pleasures are found in philosophy because of the quest for eternity and the subtleties of truth found in its works.” Among citizens, the happiness resulting in the exercise of “moral and civic virtues” is “more difficult” to achieve than happiness resulting from the intellectual virtues because the latter are self-sufficient, whereas “the great and liberal man must have wealth so that he can perform works of generosity.” As a Christian, however, Latini adds another telos to human life: “beatitude.” Agreeing with Aristotle that “the full and perfect work of speculative intellect is the goal of life,” he considers happiness “an example of the real beatitude,” seen in “God and his angels.” We have a portion of this “noblest work of all, that is, the life of the intellect,” because “we are similar to God and his angels” in exercising intellect. “Those who most resemble God,” the ones who most nearly live up to man’s creation in His image, “are the ones who have this beatific life most completely, God being truly beatific,” understanding “continually without any effort.” God’s “concern is greater for the man who strives to be similar to Him, and He bestows a better reward upon him, and delights in him as one friend does in another.” And in fact, Aristotle himself calls the one who lives the contemplative life as having “something divine present in him” (NE 1177b). “This is the life in accord with the intellect, if that most of all is a human being” (NE 1177b).

    For both, this is a way of life, not something to be acknowledged ‘in principle.’ “It is not sufficient to know about virtue, but one must tr to have it and use it, unless there is some other way that we become good” (NE 1178a). And Latini, more emphatically: “It is not enough for the one who wishes to be happy to know what is written in this book; he must practice all the things described above, because with respect to things which must be done through deeds it is not enough for a person tow know about them or tell about them, but rather he must perform them; in this way the goodness of man is fulfilled, that is through knowledge and through deeds. The knowledge of virtue guides a man, and that man performs virtuous deeds, I say, who is well-born and truly loves goodness.” He adds, as a matter of course, that “it is by the grace of God” that those who are “good by nature” are “truly blessed.” 

    Since most men are not born with such good natures, what Aristotle calls “rearing and exercising by laws” aiming at habituating such men to good behavior are necessary (NE 1179b). In Latini’s words, “one must not stop this training instruction once childhood is past.” “Some men can be governed by instruction with words, and there are others who are taught not with words but with threats and torments; but there are some men who cannot be instructed in either way, and such men must be expelled so that they do not dwell with the others.” This leads to “the government of the city,” wherein “a noble government…makes the citizens noble, and it makes them do good works and abide by the law and oppose those who do not.” In so saying, he omits Aristotle’s cautionary observation, “among human beings, those who oppose the people’s impulses are hated, even when they do rightly, but the law is not hated when it orders what is decent” (NE 1180a). Latini does, nonetheless, remark the importance of “the master of the law,” who understands “all human matters on the basis of philosophy” while “first of all call[ing] upon the sayings of the wise men of old,” the “good customs of the cities and how good ways uphold them.” By contrast, Aristotle relates the philosophic standard to the political standard, the regime, which then uses “laws and customs” (NE 1181b). 

    Calling upon the sayings of the wise men of old is of course exactly what Latini does in this compendium. Ending his tracing of the Nicomachean Ethics, he thus embarks on a more wide-ranging survey of moral wisdom, confirming and supplementing what he has presented from the Ethics with teachings from Scripture and the writings of other classical philosophers.

    Restating the distinctions between soul, body, and fortune, Latini further distinguishes the soul’s reason from its will, quoting Bernard of Clairvaux, who says, “virtue is the exercise of will, according to the judgment of reason,” which implies that “virtue proceeds from nature.” Nature proceeds from God and human nature has been marred by sin, which is why “Jesus Christ sent his disciples to suffer great perils after his passion, before the diminution of their virtue” could occur, as it would have done had they delayed their missions. Sin (Augustine remarks) enables “evil men to have all the beautiful things,” although they themselves are ugly; over time, this alone will tempt even a good man, well-instructed. Accordingly, “Jesus Christ came to show humility and charity,” and “because virtue had such a good instructor and because its fruits are profitable…all wise men say” that “the soul which is filled with [virtue] is completely in the joy of the earthly paradise,” having the means to resist “the desires of the flesh.” The human soul is “the house of God,” a place of brightness, illuminating the right path, and of happiness, “as Solomon says.

    Why are all wise men so confident that virtue can triumph in this life? For one thing, “the conscience of the evildoer is always in pain, because the works of virtue are moderate things, and nature itself takes comfort in moderation and becomes upset at excess and lack, just as sight takes comfort in the color green which is midway between white and black.” Indeed, “just as the good woman rejoices when she gives birth to a good-looking son and would be distressed if it were a cat or something else against nature, so too does the soul rejoice in the works of virtue, as if it were its own fruit, and is dismayed at the vices which are against it.”

    Regarding the reasoning part of the soul, “I say that the contemplative virtue prepares thee soul for the highest end, that is, the supreme good, but moral virtue prepares the heart for contemplative virtue”; it is “the material by means of which we reach the contemplative virtue.” Therefore, the cultivation of moral virtue precedes the cultivation of contemplative virtue in time if not in rank. “Each of us must choose the active life which is acquired by moral truth in order to govern oneself among corporeal things, for afterwards he is inclined and prepared to love God and to follow his divinity,” the being-at-work of Christian contemplation. The virtues of such contemplation are faith, hope, and charity, whereas the moral virtues consist primarily of prudence, temperance, courage, and justice, with prudence being “the foundation of all others.”

    According to Cicero, prudence is “knowledge of good and evil,” which suggests that the first sinful act of man also gave him the means of counteracting sin in the post-lapsarian world. As the prolific theologian Alain de Lille writes, “we need the knowledge of good to protect ourselves, for no one can know good except through the knowledge of evil, and each person avoids evil through knowledge of good.” Prudence enables us not only to distinguish between good and evil but to reason about the better course of action; “the nature of a wise man is to take thoughtful counsel before running after a false thing on a sudden whim.” Latini advises his young gentleman, “Do not give any judgment on things which are doubtful; withhold your judgment and do not take a firm decision, because all things which seem true are not true, and each thing which does not seem believable is not false.” To avoid deceiving others and being deceived yourself, don’t talk too much, confusing things with verbiage. “Let your opinions be like proverbial statements,” Latini writes, taking his own advice. “If you are a wise man, you must dispose your heart according to three times, as follows: organize those things which are present, prepare yourself for those things which are to come, and recall those which are past, for the one who does not think of things gone by and past loses his life, like an unwise person, and the one who does not prepare himself for future things fails in all things like an unwise person and like a man who is not on his guard.” When listening instead of speaking, follow the Scriptural advice to be no respecter of persons: “pay attention to what he has said, not to the one who is talking.” 

    The four components of prudence are preparation, caution, awareness, and instruction. Boethius writes that “prudence measures the outcome of things.” (The fact that he was executed demonstrates that this is hard to do.) To prepare for “all that can happen,” one first sees and considers present things, “guard[ing] himself against false words and flattery which deceive through gentleness, like the sweet sound of the flute which tricks the bird until it is caught.” Caution puts us “on guard against the contrary vices”—the opposing extremes of excess and deficiency—its “duty” being “to pursue moderation in all things.” This moderation includes moderation in preparation, as preparedness consists neither in ignorance nor in the vain desire to know everything.

    Before moving to the next components of prudence, Latini adds several chapters on preparation and caution in speech—which, as will become evident in Part III, he considers central to political life. Before speaking, he advises, consider six things: who you are; who you want to be; for whom you want to be it; how you will achieve that purpose; and at what time. So, “before you say a word, consider in your heart who you are who wish to speak, and be careful first of all to see if the thing pertains to you or to someone else”; in a word, mind your own business. “Solomon says: the person who gets involved with another’s conflicts is like the one who takes a dog by the ears.” As Latini himself puts it, “the person who does not know how to be quiet does not know how to speak,” as “no harm comes to a silent man, but bad things happen to one who talks a lot.” 

    When it comes to who you want to be, be a truth-teller. “If it is necessary for you to redeem the truth through a lie, do not lie, but rather withdraw when the proper occasion presents itself, for a good man does not conceal his secrets: he withholds what should not be said and says what is appropriate,” speaking truths, to be sure, but only such truths as are believable. Do not be a habitual critic or mocker; “Solomon says, the man who is accustomed to words of reproach will not get better in all the days of his life,” and “the Apostle says, let your speech always be seasoned with the salt of grace, so that you might know how you must reply to each person” with words (Latini adds) that are not “obscure, but rather understandable.” This consideration requires the third piece of advice to a speaker: knowing “to whom you are speaking.” “As long as you keep your secret, it is as if you kept it in prison, but when you reveal it, it keeps you in its prison, for in this world it is a safer thing to be silent than to ask another to be silent.” Never trust a former enemy, as his resentment is likely to be lasting, or a complainer, or a fool, or “a drunk man or a wicked woman.” The audience for the speech forms part of “the circumstances in which you speak”—the conditions under which the action you urge will be performed, the material with which the act will be performed, how it will be done, and the purpose for which it will be done. 

    As a speaker, how will you speak in order to convince? “You should shape and temper your voice and your spirit and all the movements of your body and tongue,” changing “all these things” as the circumstances warrant. Finally, be careful about the time to speak and how long you take. “The fool pays no attention to the time.” 

    Returning to the components of prudence, Latini next addresses awareness, knowledge. Call things by their right names in your own mind. “As Seneca says, vices enter under the guise of virtue,” “mad boldness…under the guise of courage,” evil under that of temperance, cowardice under that of wisdom. Recall that the Trojan Horse “fooled the people of Troy” because it was said to be a propitiatory offering to Athena, goddess of wisdom. This leads to the final component of prudence, teaching, which aims first to “give instruction to oneself,” only then “to the ignorant.” In so instructing yourself, “it causes you no harm to pass over knowledge which you do not need, and which does not bring you profit”—a ruling principle of the Treasure. As for teaching others, do it “without reproaching, in such a way that the person is pleased with your criticism.”

    Latini proceeds to review and restate Aristotle’s list of the virtues, with temperance preceding courage because “temperance gives strength to the heart for things which are with us, that is, the good things which help the body,” whereas “courage gives strength for contrary things”; moreover, “through temperance man governs himself, and through courage and justice he governs others, and it is better to govern oneself than others.” Temperance, “the control we have over luxuriousness and other evil inclinations,” has five dimensions, each governing the five senses, which produce pleasure. Of these, moderation is the overseer of all “our drives and all our affairs” respecting the body. For example, “one should reduce the amount of physical work for the old and increase the intellectual work, either by teaching or guiding or serving God.” (One may recall Aristotle’s recommendation that priesthood be reserved for the elderly.) Decency means honor in word and deed, avoiding “things which bring shame afterwards.” “Nature itself, when she created man, wanted to keep him honest” by making “his face clearly visible” and by “conceal[ing] the parts which are given to man for his needs, because they were ugly to behold.”

    Temperance narrowly defined “consists in overcoming the pleasures of the sense of touch by the restraints of reason”—touch, along with taste, being “more powerful in man than in any other animal,” even as our senses of seeing, hearing, and smelling are weaker. “A wise and strong man always remembers how much man’s nature surpasses that of beasts, for they love nothing except pleasure, and they direct all their energies to this; but a man’s heart aspires to something else, that is, to thinking or understanding.” “Luxuriousness and wine,” stimulants of touch and taste, “trouble man’s ability to reason and make him stray from the faith.” The pleasure lust aims at is the other “great danger to a good life if it is not practiced chastely,” by which Latini means that “the union should be of a man with a woman,” not “with a relative,” within a lawful marriage, intended to “produce children,” and “done according to human nature.” Lust or sexual desire gratified under these conditions “is pleasing to God and to men,” as the Bible teaches and because it benefits “the soul and the body” alike. 

    Sobriety governs “the pleasures of taste and of the mouth through the temperance of reason.” Nature “gave us a small mouth for such a large body” for a reason, namely, to “restrain the mad desire to eat.” Indeed, “it is a more honorable thing for you to complain of thirst than of drunkenness.” “Refrain therefore from going to taverns and from all great preparation in food, except for your wedding or for your friends or to increase your honor, according to the instructions of magnificence.” Finally, restraint “limit[s] the pleasures of the other three senses”—seeing, hearing, smelling—in “all areas of vice.”

    Latini is now ready to discuss courage. Twelve things “give us strength in virtue”: “the true faith in Jesus Christ,” in whom we know we shall be brought to salvation, not matter what happens to us in this life; “the admonishment of important people and our elders,” a point Latini evidently expects not to be lost on his young gentleman; “the memory of valiant men and their works,” which furnish our souls with noble examples; “inclination and usage,” as Latini has shown in his summary of the Nicomachean Ethics; reward; fear; hope; good company, especially friendship, again as taught by Aristotle; truth and justice; good sense; “the weakness of your enemy; and “the strength itself,” virtue meaning strength of soul. Fear of future or present harm and “a cowardly heart”—inborn timidity—are the “sources of cowardice.” Cowardice can be counteracted, even in “weak hearts,” by the “six parts” of courage: magnificence, trust, safety, magnanimity, patience, and constancy.

    Magnificence forms part of courage in the sense that it is “called courage,” although it is really a separate virtue and more, the crown of the virtues. The great-souled man scorns the petty; fear appeals to smallness of soul, and so earns his contempt. “Trust is a virtue which has to do with the hope of the heart, that it can carry to conclusion what it undertakes.” Self-assurance is the opposite side of the same coin, fearing neither “the harm which might come, or the result of actions undertaken.” “Fear says to man: you will die, and self-assurance says: this is human nature, not pain. I came into the world with this understanding, that I would leave it. The law orders that we repay what we have borrowed.” Being a “reasonable animal,” I know that I must die, and do not sorrow over the prospect, as death is “the end of evils.” “Fear says: you will die young; self-assurance says: death comes to a young man as it comes to an old one; it makes no distinction, but I can state with certainty that it is best to die when it is a pleasure to live, and very good to die before you desire death.” Fear also says, “you will be chased into exile,” but self-assurance replies, “the country is not forbidden to me, but rather the place, for everything under the sky is my country, “all lands ae his country to the good man, as the sea is for the fish.” “Fear says: you will be poor; self-assurance replies: vices are not in poverty but in poor people; he is poor because he believes he is. Fear says: I am not powerful; self-assurance replies; be happy; you will be.” You have lost your children? “God did not remove them, he received them.” In fact, even “God died,” after the agonizing night at Gethsemane and the ordeal of the Cross. Thus fear “never gave good counsel” but self-assurance, if guided by prudence, does.

    Magnificence contributes to courage, as well, this virtue “makes us accomplish difficult and noble things of great importance. In peace, it defends the interests of citizens rather than one’s own interest by providing necessities for the people and maintaining justice with a generous hand. In war, magnificence contributes to thorough preparation, preparation without false economies. In general, courage in war also entails beginning the war with the intention of achieving peace, making war without greed, “fearing weak cowardice more than death,” since “it is better to die than live in disgrace,” proceeding with diligence and justice, reinforcing weakened troops, sustaining wavering or fleeing troops, clemency in victory for “those who were not cruel enemies,” and, finally, establishing peace and maintaining it. Latini teaches “that peace and the affairs of the city are maintained by sense and by counsel of courage, but most people have done battle because of greed. But to tell the truth, armor is of little value outside when there is no sense inside,” and it is “more just to seek glory through intelligence than through force.”

    Constancy forms part of courage because the heart “holds firm in its resolution.” “How can I hold Proteus to anything when he is always changing expression?” Patience is “a virtue which makes our heart withstand the assaults of adversity and wrongdoing,” although only (again) if governed by prudence, as “some things are suffered willingly and others not, and suffering undertaken willingly is laudable and worthy of merit,” as supremely exemplified by Jesus Christ. 

    Justice is the virtue Latini considers after temperance and courage as governed by prudence. “Temperance and courage put man in the seat of justice, and they hold him so strongly that he does not become proud through prosperity, or fearful through adversity.” Justice is the virtue which “gives each person his due.” “Justice comes after all the other virtues, and indeed justice could do nothing if it ignored the other virtues,” considering that “at the beginning of the world,” when “the people lived according to the law of bests,” “without laws and without communities”—like the cyclops, as Aristotle puts it—they “would not have submitted their necks to the yoke of servitude if it were not for the fact that evil deeds multiplied dangerously and the evildoers went unpunished.” Only because “a few good sensible men”—men of temperance and courage—banded together and “ordered the people to live together and to keep human company” did justice become established, the virtue that “overcomes harsh things” to “protect and defend the communal life.” As Aristotle also remarks, even “thieves who steal together want justice among them, and likewise if their master does not divide up what they have stolen justly, their companions either kill them or abandon them.” This sense of justice, which shines however dimly even in darkened souls, manifests itself “because almost everything which pertains to justice is written in our hearts as if by nature.” It is even fundamental to nature itself, as “all other animals keep justice and love and pity among themselves.”

    Thus, “justice is joined to nature”; what later thinkers called the ‘state of nature’ isn’t natural for human beings, does not conduce to their flourishing. Justice “is not an arrangement of men,” even if men are its proximate arrangers; “rather it is the law of God and the bond of human company.” “If you truly want to follow justice, love and fear the Lord Our God so that you will be loved by him; and this is the way you can love him: do good to every person and harm to no one, and then they will call you just, and will follow you and revere you and honor you.” Latini’s young gentleman is thereby invited to suppose that God loves human beings in exchange for their love, and that human beings obey, revere, and honor other human beings in exchange justice. This is a rather ‘transactional’ version of the command to love God and neighbor. 

    Justice has two parts, rigor and clemency, which Latini understands as liberality in meting out justice.  Rigor is “a virtue which restrains wrongdoing by a suitable punishment.” Its three “precepts” are: do not harm others if you have not previously been wronged; you communal things in common, private things “as if” they are your own (“as if,” perhaps, because God is their real owner); and remove evil from the community of men, as “wounds for which no medicine can effect a cure should be cut out with iron, and likewise one should not forgive such men.” Although lawyers sometimes do not “follow the truth,” a rigorous judge always will. 

    Liberality is “a virtue which gives and creates benefits.” When in the will, it is kindness, exhibited by rulers in their clemency; when in fact and deed, it is generosity. Latini discusses seven parts of liberality: giving, rewarding, religiosity, pity, charity, reverence, and mercy. All of these parts of liberality show liberality as a part of justice because each “contributes what it owes,” gives what is due. With respect to giving, Latini advises his young gentleman to “be careful not to delay your gift, for you are mistaken if you think you will get a reward for something delayed and long awaited”; it is noteworthy that, here again, Latini encourages one to expect reward for reward, punishment for punishment, staying within the confines of justice even in areas where one might expect a statement of Christian grace. “Be careful not to be reproached about what you give, for you must forget it” but “it is the one who receives it who must remember.” When giving money, give it “temperately”: “there is no greater madness than to do so much that you cannot continue to do what you willingly do,” being forced thereby into a life of crime. Somewhat more, well, generously, Latini teaches, “In liberality we must follow the gods, who are lords of all things: they give to those who are not grateful, and they do not stop giving”; “the sun shines on excommunicated people,” too. And “virtue consists in giving without waiting for something in return; I would rather not receive than not give.” But lest one think Latini too otherworldly, he continues, when it comes to rewarding, “be careful not to forget the good things which somebody has done for you: all hate the one who forgets the good others have done for him, for this they think that he would also forget the good if they did it.” If you receive, you are obliged to give back, “will for will, and things for things, and words for words.” 

    Religiosity is “that virtue which makes us want to know God and render service to him; this virtue is called the faith of Jesus Christ, that is, the belief in God.” It has four requirements: to repent of all one’s misdeeds; to “give little value to the bad aspects of temporal things”; to “commit one’s life completely to God,” and to “keep truth and loyalty,” particularly in fulfilling promises. This might be termed Christian liberality, generosity with oneself or selflessness. It is related to pity, “a virtue which makes us love and serve diligently our relatives and our country, and this comes to us through nature, for first of all we are born for God and then for our parents and our country.” Latini’s Christianity thus leaves room for patriotism. Civil concord is “a virtue which links in one law and one dwelling place those who are in the same city and country,” and “does much good,” even as “war destroys” good.

    Latini now introduces an unlisted part of liberality, which is innocence—pureness of heart “which hates all wrongdoing.” It helps many, harms no one, and refrains from taking vengeance. It therefore goes a bit beyond justice, strictly defined. In this, it comports with the listed virtue of charity, which is more than a virtue but also “the goal of virtue,” encouraged by the Church, by nature (we are all of the same species), kinship (“we are all children of Adam and Eve”), kinship of spirit (sons of our “mother,” the Holy Church), born in the image of God. Charity also brings the profit that “comes out of live and companionship,” avoiding the injuries inflicted by war and hatred. Latini then returns to the topic of friendship, seen in the Nicomachean Ethics, and considers how Christian charity inflects it. “There are many things which help us to be loved,” to be befriended. These are moderation in speech, “virtue and goodness,” humility, loyalty, loving (“Seneca says: love if you want to be loved”), and “serving wisely, for wisdom is the mother of good love.” Quoting Seneca again, Latini writes, “the person who puts his faith only in his own services is dangerously deceived; there is no more perilous evil than for a person to think that people he does not love are his friends.” They may be taking unjust advantage of your liberality, a point that keeps Latini’s understanding of liberality, even of Christian liberality, within the bounds of justice. He elaborates on “true friendship,” which is animated through faith and true benevolence, “good will directed towards people for their own sake.” Such friends reprimand in private, praise in public; they don’t try to find out what their friends want to keep hidden; they do not waver from friendship in misfortune; they establish a community of possession; they “maintain equality”; they keep their friendship going; they do not reveal the secret of a friend; they “do what he asks quickly”; and they tell him “what will be of profit for him rather than what is pleasing” to him. In contrast, “the person who loves you for his profit is like the crow and the vulture which always follow carrion; he loves you as long as he can get something that belongs to you, and therefore he loves your belongings, not you.” As for the friend who is a companion in pleasures, he resembles “the tercel with his mate who, once he has satisfied his carnal desires, flies away as fast as he can and loves her no more.” Such persons, ruled by passion not prudence, receive a sort of rough justice when “they abandon themselves body and soul to the love of a woman; in this way they lose their sense, so that they become blind, as happened to Adam with his wife, for which reason the whole human race is in peril and always will be so.”

    By reverence, Latini means the honor given to noble persons, rulers, and elders. “The man who serves must indeed serve and obey willingly,” laudably obeying even “hard commandments.” “One must serve gladly,” as “God loves the one who gives gladly.” Reverence is liberality with respect to obedience, as when Peter “immediately left his nets and followed Jesus Christ.” 

    Latini concludes his account of liberality/clemency with the virtue of mercy. Through it, “the heart is moved by those who suffer and by the poverty of the tormented.” That is, mercy remains within the confines of justice because it responds to those in desperate condition by giving them their due, supplying their just needs, the things which they lack, whether goods or services.

    By contrast, wrongdoing or injustice consists of cruelty and/or negligence. “Hands which are dedicated to selling alone believe that justice lies where there is more money,” and their cruelty extends beyond the marketplace to the king’s court, “the mother and nurse of evil deeds” (writes the exile from the Florentine court), “for it receives men who are bad as well as just, and honest as well as dishonest.” There are two types of cruelty; “one is strength, the other is deception.” Taking up metaphors his fellow Florentine, Machiavelli, would ‘borrow’ in the act of breaking with classical and Christian virtue, Latini writes that “strength is like that of a lion; deception is like that of a fox.” While “each is a terrible and inhuman thing,” deception “should be hated more, for in all disloyalty there is no greater pestilence than that of those persons who seem good when they receive; no trap is as perilous as the one which is concealed under the guise of service.” Therefore, young gentleman, “beware of the smooth water, and go into the rapids with confidence.” 

    As for negligence, it consists either of “not preventing wrongdoing” (“there are some who do not want to suffer hatred or trouble or expense in defending”) or of excess busy-ness, or hatred towards those who deserve defense. “It is better to be negligent towards the rich than towards the poor and afflicted.” Insofar as justice can be understood as a mean between extremes, it is the middle ground between excessive kindness and cruelty.

    Summarizing his account of the virtues, Latini reminds his reader that prudence “must always go before the other works, and that the other three virtues are for doing the works.” This puts a limit on the best life, the contemplative way of life, the life devoted to philosophizing. “If someone is very desirous of knowing the nature of things, and he puts all his sense into this knowledge”—putting prudence at the service of contemplation—and if “another person comes to him and suddenly brings him news that his city and his country are in  peril if he does not help them, and that he has the power of helping, it is a more honest thing that he abandon his study and go defend his country.” 

    After prudence comes temperance; “it is better for a man to have control himself than over another,” for, as Seneca advises, “if you want to submit all things to yourself, submit yourself first of all to reason for if reason governs you, you will be governor of many, but nothing is good for a man if he is not first good.” Having fortified his prudence and temperance with courage, one has readied himself for doing justice, owing duty first to God, then to his country, then to his parents, and then to all others. 

    If the virtues are blessings of the soul, what are the blessings of the body and the blessings of fortune, things external to soul and body? The bodily blessings—beauty, nobility of bearing, agility, strength, stature, and health—find their limit in “the darkness of death,” which “shows what human bodies are like and how they are perishable.” The blessings of fortune—wealth, lordship, glory—must be understood as meted out unreasonably, as fortune’s course “is neither just nor reasonable,” even though controlled by God. Perhaps the arbitrary acts of fortune may be permitted by God to test the fidelity of human beings, even as evil exists as a necessary contrast to the good. As Latini himself writes, subsequently, “I would say as Augustine says, that God wishes it, so that the good things bad people have might not be too desired, and that the evils which happen to the good people not be too scorned.” And again, “for this reason God gives beauty to bad people, so that the good people will not believe that this is a great blessing.”

    Although we cannot govern fortune itself (as Machiavelli would later claim), we can govern ourselves in relation to its blessings. Wealth, for example, is a substantial blessing, but remember that the “black death attacks equally the small houses of poor people and the great towers of kings.” If you are wealthy, while you are, do not lord it over your servants. “You must live…with the one who is lower than you, as you would want a superior to live with you; every time that you remember how much power you have over your servant, remember that your lord has a similar power over you.” When it comes to wealth in money, remain mindful that covetousness “destroys virtue.” “If someone asked me what moderation in wealth is, I would say that the first thing is what necessity requires; the second is that you be satisfied with what is sufficient.” 

    Respecting lordship, the worthiest of this kind of blessing “is that of kings and of governing cities, and peoples,” the “worthiest profession there can be in the world.” Latini confines himself to “tell what is appropriate to lordship and the government of a city, according to what is required by the customs of the country and the law of Rome”—state and Church. As with wealth, “one must temper the desire for lordship,” as “great things fall of themselves, and it is the point up to which the gods allow happiness to increase; they give great things easily, but they hardly guarantee them.” Once again anticipating the temptation to be offered by Machiavelli, the desire for lordship “reveals pretense and hypocrisy.” The true “duty of lordship is to lead people to their profit,” broadly defined, and Latini sides with Cicero against Machiavelli in teaching that “there is nothing which is more appropriate to lordship than to be loved, and nothing more inappropriate than to be feared.” Machiavelli will say that the prince should take care to be feared more than to be loved, but not to be hated. Latini replies in advance, with Seneca, that “oppressed people hate those they fear, and people want the one they hate to perish.” Tyrants die young. “Alexander, when he wanted to sleep with his wife, first ordered servants to search her chests and her clothing to see if there was not a knife hidden there; this is a bad thing, to trust a servant more than he did his wife; and in spite of this he was not betrayed by is wife but by one of his servants,” not by one who loved him but by one who feared him.

    Finally, as to glory, a “good reputation, known in many lands, of men who have accomplished great things, or know their art well,” ranks as genuine glory. Glory based on appearance or fraud is as vain as lordship based on force aimed at inspiring fear. And “if you want to compare the blessings of fortune with one another, I say that glory is worth more than wealth”—a blessing to the honor-loving part of the soul, not to the appetites—that sanctity is also “better than wealth”—Latini is a son of the Church—that, among kinds of wealth, “income from cities is worth more than that which comes from fields”—Latini being a man of civil and commercial life, an urbane man—and that “wealth is worth more than strength of the body,” being the more wide-ranging form of strength. Against Machiavelli’s future valorization of men’s desire to acquire, Latini insists that “honesty is so profitable that nothing can be profitable if it is not honest,” as “nothing is profitable which does not harmonize with virtue.” “If someone asked me if some wise man is dying of hunger, should he not take the food of another who is worthless”—after all, he outranks him in virtue—I say “no, because life is not more worthwhile to me than my will, through which I refrain from doing harm to another for my profit.” “When a man loses his life, his body is corrupted by death; but if I forsook my will I would fall into vices of the heart,” which being “more serious than [vices] of the body,” would be far more damaging to lose. “Similarly, the good of the heart is better than that of the body, for virtue is worth more than life.” 

    How does Christianity affect the philosophic way of life, the life of contemplation? Whereas “the active life is in the innocence of good works,” the “contemplative life is in thinking of celestial things,” “taking delight in God alone.” The “saintly man” must “occasionally turn towards the active life because it is necessary to man,” in that sense the more important of the two. Indeed, “the two eyes of a man signify these two lives, and therefore, when God orders that the right eye which is causing scandal be removed and thrown out, he refers to the contemplative life, if it should be corrupted by error”; contrary to Scripture, Latini claims that a contemplatively blind man might “through his works achieve everlasting life, rather than go to the fire of hell because of error in the contemplative life.” There is of course no suggestion in Scripture that one can achieve salvation through works. If Latini had written that a faithful if the not contemplative Christian may achieve salvation, and that such a Christian would likely pursue good works, he would have guided the young gentleman better, and he begins to do so almost immediately. 

    Faith, hope, and charity, he writes, are the three contemplative virtues. “No man can reach beatitude except through faith,” as “God is praised and glorified when he is truly believed.” God knows when He is truly believed because he “looks at the faith within the heart.” Not wanting his reader to rest content with that, he adds that “faith is empty which is without works.” He refers to the second of Christ’s commandments, to love one’s neighbor as oneself, since even as faith without works is empty, so works without charity will bring no salvation to the worker, even if his works are good and his beliefs are correct. “The virtue of charity” is “mistress and queen of all virtues and the bond of perfection, for it binds the other virtues.” This corrects his earlier claim that salvation is available through works, inasmuch as two contemplative virtues are necessary to give good works merit in the eyes of God. As for hope, Latini is most concerned that one not misunderstand and therefore misuse it. True, a Christian “must have hope in God, so that he will forgive our sins, but we must take care that because of the assurance we have in God’s promise of forgiveness we do not persevere in sin.” 

    What in us receives Christ’s Great Commandment to love God and neighbor? “The commandment of God is not written in us with letters of ink; rather it is set in our hearts by the divine spirit,” as “the notion of what is good and evil comes into us in which a way that we know naturally that we have to do good and avoid evil.” Conscience serves as the judge of a man inside himself. We reinforce conscience when we “follow three tracks of the best people and do what they do, for just as the wax receives the form of the seal, so too the morality of men is formed by a model.” Ultimately, the best model is Christ, Latini may imply, but he has provided many lesser but still good models serviceable for one’s efforts at moral formation.

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Latini’s Treasure: What A Gentleman Should Know About Nature

    February 16, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Book I: “The Origin of All Things.” Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. New York: Garland Publishing, 1993.

     

    The Florentine diplomat Brunetto Latini spent his life entirely within the thirteenth century. A Guelph not a Ghibelline (Dante didn’t save a place for him in Paradise), he fled to Paris for seven years in the 1260s after his party was defeated, returning and eventually serving briefly as Chancellor of his city. He wrote The Book of the Treasure during those years of exile to provide a compendium of theoretical and practical wisdom for the edification of a young aspirant to political office in Florence. The Book was popular for decades, its authority eclipsed only by the ‘new science’ of the Renaissance. As an encyclopedia before the modern encyclopedias, it provides a look at what learned men knew before the criteria for useful knowledge were changed for the sake of ‘modernity.’ “I do not say that the book is based on my own wisdom which is indeed meager, but rather it is like a honeycomb collected from different flowers, for this book is compiled exclusively from, the marvelous sayings of the authors who before our time have dealt with philosophy, each one in accordance with his own particular knowledge, for no earthly man can know everything.”

    “This book is called the Treasure,” he begins, “for just as the lord who wishes to mass things of great value, not only for his own pleasure but to increase his power and elevate his social status in war and in peace puts into his treasure the most precious jewels he can gather together according to his intention, in a similar manner the body of this book is compiled out of wisdom, like the one which is extracted from all branches of philosophy in a brief summary.” He divides it into the three parts of philosophy, addressing theory, and the two practical topics of ethics and logic respectively. He compares theory to “cash money; no mind without it can invest in practical wisdom or rational thought.” He compares ethical wisdom to “precious stones” that give “delight and worth” to a man by showing him “the things one should do and not do,” along with “the reasons why” one should or should not do those things. He compares logic to “fine gold,” a metal that “surpasses all metals.” The science of logic includes both rhetoric or “the science of speaking well” and politics or the science of “governing a people more noble than any other in the world”—namely, the Florentines. That is, Latini’s advice is not only regime-specific but city-specific; he does not ignore other regimes and other cities, introducing them for purposes of illustration, but he has his own city and his own immediate reader in mind. “I give it to you, handsome gentle friend, for you are indeed worthy of it in my judgment.” Anticipating the movement away from books written in Latin to books written in the vernacular, he writes in French; “even though we are Italian,” French is “more pleasant and has more in common with all other languages.” Not incidentally, it was also the language of diplomacy. He writes to give his reader something might actually read and use, not to impress scholars.

    “Philosophy is the root from which grows all of the knowledge man man can have.” It is “the true inquiry into things, natural, divine, and human, insofar as man is capable of understanding.” Theory, knowledge of “the nature of all things celestial and terrestrial,” ranges from “things without corporeal existence and unrelated to corporeal things” (the topic of theology) to things with corporeal existence as they relate relate to other corporeal things (the topic of physics), and finally to incorporeal things and their relations with corporeal things (the topic of mathematics, which includes arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy). 

    Ethics, the second branch of philosophy and the first of the two practical branches, consists of three parts: self-government, household governance or economics, and politics (“govern[ing] peoples or kingdoms or a city, in war or in peace”). Politics is “the highest wisdom and most noble profession there is among men,” requiring knowledge of grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric (“that noble science which teaches us to compose and organize and say good and beautiful words, full of meaning, in keeping with the nature of the utterance,” as seen first and foremost in Holy Scripture and as taught best by Cicero). Here, Latini reclassifies politics under ethics.

    Logic, the third branch of philosophy and the second of the two practical branches, means the discipline “which teaches how to prove and demonstrate why one should do some things and not others.” It does so in three ways: by dialectic, by demonstration, and by sophistry. Dialectic teaches “how to debate and contend and dispute” with other people; demonstration teaches how “to prove that the words we have said are true and that the thing is as we say, with good reasons and true arguments”; sophistry teaches to prove what we say is true “through bad tricks and false reasons and  by sophisms, that is, by arguments which have the appearance and outward cover of truth but contain only falsehood.” An honest man will need to know those techniques, not to use them but to recognize and counteract them.

    The First Book addresses theory and begins at the Beginning, with what “sages say”: that God “made and created the world and all other things” in four ways. First, He imagined the “World Archetype” or “semblance of the world”; then, “out of nothing,” he made a “great mass of matter,” the “hyle,” with “no figure and no shape”; he then made the particular things themselves, also out of nothing, “heaven and earth and water, day and light and angels,” separating the light from darkness. Human souls were made out of nothing, as well. Finally, he “ordained the nature of all things individually, and gave the way in which they should be born and die, and the strength and characteristics and nature of each one.” Although “each thing is subject to its nature,” nature is subject to God, who “can adjust and change the course” of the nature of each thing “by divine miracle.” He does so, when he so chooses, over time, ‘providentially,’ but since God “knows all things past and present and future,” “everything he has made is to him as if present.” Time concerns those creatures below heaven, not those above it: “Before the beginning of the world there was no time.” God’s creation was “in his mind eternally,” His will being “eternal and changeless.” Evil arose from beings which diverted from His will, as “there is nothing bad by nature,” only things (including ourselves) which are badly used. 

    God “allows bad things to happen…so that the goodness of good nature should be known by its opposite, for two opposite things, when they are together side by side, show up better.” Men do evil either in thought (iniquity) or in deed (sin). Evil in thought has three types: temptation, pleasure, and consent. Evil in deed also has three types: in words, in deeds, or in perseverance. Latini at first maintains that Lucifer’s evil met with no divine forgiveness because, in his pride, he never repented, whereas Adam was forgiven because he did repent, “recogniz[ing] that he was the subject of God.” But Latini immediately revises this account. “I say to you that Man was forgiven because the weakness of sin in him is in his body, which is made of mud and wet earth, and the angels sinned, and they were not afflicted with any carnal malady.” This is a Platonizing claim, not a Biblical teaching; Latini occasionally places such contradictions in his book, perhaps as a test of his reader’s mind. Thus “the soul has many fine qualities by nature, but these are obscured by the union with the body, which is corruptible.”

    As for the nature of Man, he was made in the image of God whereas Woman was made in the image of Man, which accounts for the fact that “Women are subject to men by law of nature.” Among all the things under heaven, only “Man was made for himself,” Woman “made to help him.” Insofar as he sins, contradicting the nature God gave him, Man “was turned over to the Devil,” who, in the form of the serpent, was commanded to “eat the earth, that is to say, bad men.” Although made in God’s image, Man’s soul “is not made of divine substance or of divine nature.” God is not immanent in Man, whose soul is “created at the very moment when it enters the body.” Reason or “accurate judgment” is the quality of the soul that distinguishes human beings from animals, but the soul “has many roles”—giving life to the human body, desiring things (the will), inspiring (spirit), sensing (sensitivity), and having knowledge (understanding). “Understanding is the highest quality of the soul, through which we receive reason and knowledge, and because of which man is called the image of God, and reason is a movement of the soul which heightens the awareness of understanding and separates truth from falsehood.” At this point, Latini leaves “understanding” undefined, although it may be what Plato calls noēsis. In terms of the body, the head is “the dwelling place of the soul” and it has three “cells”—one in the front of the head for learning, one in the middle of the head for recognizing, the third in the back of the head for remembering. If future, present, and past are united in God, they are separate but related in the soul of Man; further, futurity in Man’s soul comes into being through learning, but God is all-knowing. Memory, registering the past, is “the treasure chest of all things and guardian of everything that one discovers through ingenuity or learns through others.” This treasure-book, then, consists primarily of things remembered, set down, however, for learning and recognizing. Beasts remember, too, but they do not reason, “follow[ing] only their will, without any regard for reason.”

    Given Man’s departure from nature into sin, divine and human law needed to be established. Initially, only the Hebrews had divine law; all other sets of laws were invented by human lawgivers, although Mercury, who gave laws to the Egyptians, was called divine. “Divine law is by nature,” by which Latini probably means that nature is its conduit, through human beings. God’s law as delivered by Moses differs from God’s law delivered by Jesus Christ and His disciples because “God in his great foresight gave to each era what was appropriate,” fitting His law to prevailing human circumstances in both instances. The law delivered by Christ is stricter than the law delivered by Moses because Christ Himself, the embodiment of the truth, delivered it, showing men the truth in His Person and thus giving them fewer excuses not to know the truth. This notwithstanding, kings and lords were established and maintained because “commanding or establishing law is of little value among men unless there is someone who can make them obey the law, in order to promote justice and punish wrong.” Rulers enforce the divine law, seen in human nature insofar as it is not misused for iniquity or for sin. 

    This begins a lengthy digression on the course of human events, whereby the nature of Man and his evil thoughts and deeds played out in a succession of rulers, eventually mitigated by the Catholic empire. The first two kingdoms on earth “which in rank and lordship and power and nobility surpassed all the others” were those of the Assyrians and the Romans, one from the east and the other from the west. “Both ruled the entire world” in their time. Alongside this succession of monarchic empires there have been six “ages of the world” in Biblical terms: from Adam to Noah, culminating in God’s destruction of the surface of the world; from Noah to Abraham, culminating in the founding of the Israelite nation; from Abraham to David, the apex of Israel; from David to “the time of the Pharaohs, when God destroyed Jerusalem and held the Jews captive” in Babylon; from the Babylonian Captivity to the birth of Jesus Christ; and finally the current age, which will last from the birth of Christ to the end of the world. Drawing from the Old Testament, Latini summarizes the principal events of each age. The greatest Assyrian king, Ninus, “was the first man to assemble an army for war,” becoming the “head of the first kings,” ruling “all of Asia except India.” The worst of all the kings in the Assyrian empire (Babylonia “is included in the Egyptian and Assyrian” kingdoms, according to Latini) was Nebuchadnezzar, who destroyed Jerusalem, seized the Israelites, and “committed many other perverse actions in his time.” 

    The Roman empire began in the time of King David, when Aeneas, fleeing ruined Troy, entered Italy with his people and met King Latinus, at first cordially but eventually in battle. Romulus and Remus were his progeny, born of the daughter of Latinus’ daughter, Lavinia. Latini disparages the story that the brothers were abandoned and raised by a she-wolf. They were indeed thrown into a river, but they were discovered by a prostitute; “such women are called lues in Latin,” which Latini, in his rather imaginative etymology, associates with lupus, the Latin word for wolf. Be this as it may, “Romulus was very proud and of great courage,” gathering a cohort around him, warring with local tribal chiefs, and founding Rome 313 years after the destruction of Troy. Jesus was born in the Roman Empire, when it was at its apex; the name of his mother, Mary, means star of the sea “and lady, and brightness, and light”—all very much in contrast with the she-wolf stepmother of the founder of Rome. The empire of war thus began to be replaced by the empire of the Prince of Peace. His designated the apostle Peter as “his vicar, on the earth in his place, and he gave him the power to bind and to unbind on earth all people”—that is, to bring them into Jesus’ Assembly or Church and to expel them from it. Peter preached “the New Law of Jesus Christ” in Rome, “and there he was master and bishop of all the Christians for 25 years and seven months and eight days, until the time of Nero, who was then emperor in Rome, and who was their most cruel and evil lord ever, of all who came before or after him,” the tyrant who had Peter crucified and Paul decapitated. From time to time, after that, the emperors of old Rome occasionally made their peace with the new Rome, one of them “aveng[ing] the death of Our Lord,” which had been urged by Jewish priests, 42 years after Jesus’ death, by destroying Jerusalem and “caus[ing] great harm to the Jews.”

    After the Emperor Constantine’s conversion to Christianity, he ended persecution of Christians, “endowed Holy Church and gave it all the imperial dignity you see.” Nonetheless, schisms within the Roman Church caused “many an emperor and many a king of Lombardy” to be “corrupted by wrong belief.” Two centuries elapsed before the emperor Justinian, “a very wise and astute man,” in collaboration with Pope Agapetus, consolidated imperial law in a way in which “the Christian law was confirmed and the false belief of the heretics condemned.” “Thenceforward, the strength of the Holy Church grew near and far, on this side of the [Mediterranean] sea and the other,” as the new Rome acquired a spiritual and political empire similar to the empire of the old Rome. The eastern part of the new Roman Empire was ruined by the forces of “the evil preacher Mohammed,” who led its inhabitants “away from the good faith and into error.” 

    In the west, the new Rome was threatened by the Emperor Leo. Pope Stephen’s excommunication of Leo didn’t diminish his military power, however, and when the pope “saw that he could not withstand” Leo and his ally, the king of the Lombards, “he went to France to Pepin the good,” consecrating him and his sons “to always be kings of France.” With that alliance in hand, he defeated Lombardy, ensuring the safety of the Church, but the new Lombard King and the son of Leo revived their fortunes, threatened the Church again, prompting the new pope, Hadrian, to enlist the aid of Pepin’s son, Charlemagne, whose military prowess made him master of both enemies of the Church. Entering Rome “in great triumph,” he was “crowned Emperor of the Romans, and he held the dignity of the empire for his whole life,” additionally subjecting Germany and Spain to his rule and defeating many other enemies of the Church, including Muslim forces before his death in 814. After that, the French kings became weaker, eventually returning “the dignity of the empire” to the Italians. As a result, the western empire split in two, one in Italy, the other in Germany. 

    The Italians called upon the German king, Otto of Saxony, to defeat an old enemy, now renewed in power. The Lombards, ruled by Berengar (“an evil tyrant and cruel to God and to the world”) and his son Albert [a.k.a. Adelbert] (“who did all the evil that he could”) collaborated with Albert’s brother John, the pope, to become “masters and lords of both Holy Church and the world,” causing “an increase of evil upon evil and cruelty upon cruelty.” Otto eventually defeated the Lombards and was crowned king and emperor of Rome in 955. What became known as the Holy Roman Empire was subsequently ruled by a succession of German kings elected by German princes and archbishops. [1]

    These included Frederick II, who “had a heart greater than all other men’s,” a “wise and articulate man,” “very learned,” especially in languages. “His heart’s only desire was to be lord of the world,” and his imperial rule began in 1220. He took full advantage of it: “Even though he had several wives and children in lawful marriage, nevertheless he took delight in the noble women of his kingdom, with the result that he had sons and daughters in abundance.” He expected to continue his rule with the assistance of his sons, “but we think one thing, and God thinks a completely different thing, for when he wants to trouble someone, he takes away his vision first of all, that is, his sense and his good foresight.” Pope Gregory IX excommunicated Frederick for failing to carry out a promised crusade in the Holy Land. Frederick didn’t take that well, “turn[ing] against Holy Church and against the right,” causing “great harm and persecution to the pope and to all his clerics,” laying siege to Rome. The pope’s speech to the people of Rome turned them against Frederick, who withdrew his army to a more secure location but effectively making the pope a prisoner within the Vatican, where he died, years later. A later pope, Innocent IV, escaped and fled to Lyon, “a location where he did not fear the emperor or his power,” from which vantage “he assembled all the general council” of the Church “and proclaimed a perpetual sentence” against the emperor and his men, “deposing him from the empire and all his high possessions” in spirit if not in flesh. “What more could I say? No one could find words to say or put down in writing the evils and the wars which lasted for a long time between the emperor and Holy Church, between him and the Lombards who defended the Holy Church.” 

    After one of Frederick’s sons, Manfred, suffocated him and poisoned a rival son, Manfred himself died in battle with the papal forces. Eventually, the whole line of Fredrick II was exterminated. “But now the narrative will cease telling of this, and it will return to its subject matter, from which it has gone astray.”

    Indeed, why has Latini inserted this digression of human history? It follows from his account of the way in which men corrupt their good nature by iniquity and sin. He needs to show the young gentleman not only what nature is, but what corruption is, lest the youth remain naïve, on the one extreme, or disillusioned on the other. If God allows evil to exist in order to highlight the goodness of the good, beginning with Himself and His creation, Latini illustrates this lesson by first describing the goodness of nature and then showing the consequences of its corruption in the hearts and hands of men. He shows that both emperors and popes can sink into evil or rise to good works, that they can choose either way but frequently choose the wrong way.

    Having described the purposes of God working through nature and sometimes overriding it, Latini turns to analysis of the parts of nature, its material causes. He names the four elements—fire, water, air, earth—and their corresponding “complexions”—hot and dry, cold and wet, hot and moist, cold and dry—seasons—summer, winter, spring, autumn—and blood types—choler, phlegm, “good nature” or sanguine, melancholy. It is noteworthy that good nature corresponds to air, the closest material element to the spirit, hot and moist, the climate of Italy, and spring, the season of rebirth. There are also four corresponding “forces” that sustain animal life: appetite (fire), expulsive (water), digestive (air), and retentive (earth).”It is the function of nature to harmonize discordant matters and make unequal things equal in such a way that all diversity returns to unity, and it adjusts them and assembles them in one body and substance or into something else which is continually reborn in the world,” either by seeds or by birth. “Nature is to God as a hammer is to a blacksmith, who at one time forms a spear, at another a helmet, or a nail, or a needle, or one thing or another according to what the blacksmith wishes.” The behavior of God’s creatures, owing to their lightness or heaviness, quickness or slowness, depends “upon the mixture of the elements in them.”

    All of these elements change, coming into being and passing away. There is a fifth element, “distinct from the others,” one “so noble that it cannot be changed or corrupted.” This is “ether” and it comprises “a round heaven which surrounds and encloses within itself all the other elements and the other things which do not partake of divinity; and it is to the world as the shell is to the egg.” If the bodies and the elements ether protects were themselves made of ether, they would need no such protection; Aristotle teaches that “if nature had formed his body of this element…he would be guaranteed against death.” The world, then, is round, the shape most “suited for movement,” as seen in the perpetual cycling of “heaven and firmament.” “If it happened that the world had a long or square shape, it could not be completely full”; there would be corners or pockets where no substance would collect or, perhaps, where too much substance would collect, congeal, and close off that space from motion. Within the world as a whole, the earth is also round. Not knowing about gravity, Latini follows Aristotelian physics in locating the earth in the middle of the universe, contending that its greater density makes it heavier; being made of earth, the heaviest element, the earth “draw[s] itself to the middle and the center of the surrounding ones, that is, to a place from which it can neither go up nor down, nor move from side to side.” This is also why the second-heaviest element, water, clings to the surface of the earth. The lightest element, fire, composes “a very beautiful and radiant sky of he color of crystal,” which exists above the firmament. “It is from this place that the bad angels fell.” Above it, “there is still another sky,” colored purple—the empyrean, which is “of such great light and such great splendor that human understanding is incapable of knowing even the smallest thing about it, and in this heaven is the highest glorious majesty of God,” along with “His angels and His secrets,” which Latini discreetly leaves to “masters in divinity and to the lords of Holy Church” to describe. That is, philosophic noēsis takes one only so far. The rest is left to divine revelation, the province of theologians and priests.

    In the firmament, one sees the planets and stars, whose movements can be measured and predicted mathematically because they move in the “pure air”—air devoid of dust and water—the element nearest to the pure abstraction mathematics describes. There are seven planets and 1,200 stars in the firmament. Each planet exerts a moral influence on human beings: Saturn “is cruel and evil and of a cold nature”; Jupiter “mild and merciful and filled with goodness”; Mars warlike; centrally, the Sun reigns as king of all planets thanks to its “great light” and “the good it does”; Venus is “beautiful and kind”; Mercury is small and easily influenced by whatever planet orbits nearest to it; and the Moon is changeable. In its daily revolutions around the earth, the Sun balances light and darkness on the Earth; it is the planet that maintains balance on Earth. The Moon, much smaller than the Sun but closer, “affects the things which are here below more clearly than the others,” decreasing “all things” on Earth when it wanes, increasing them when it waxes. Similarly, the stars exert their influence from their positions among the twelve regions of the Zodiac. Both planets and stars “have such great power over terrestrial things that they have to come and go according to their course”; “to tell the truth, if the firmament did not always turn around the earth as it does, there is no creature in the world which could move for anything in the world,” and “if the firmament ceased turning one instant, all thing would be destroyed and annihilated.” “For this reason we must love and fear Our Lord God, who is Lord of all this, without whom no good and no power can exist,” as “nature is that through which all things move or rest by themselves” and God not only created nature but wields the power to bring it to an end. 

    Turning his attention to the nature of Earth itself, Latini describes it as “girded and surrounded by the sea,” with three parts (Asia, Africa, Europe). Latini of course knows nothing of the Americas, and regarding Asia he knows about India but not China. He leaves philosophic room for such discoveries, however, although always within certain limits. “You should know, good people, that Our Lord God created many marvels on land and sea that we cannot know clearly because he reserved them for Himself.” The pope rightly “teaches us in this way to understand what he says: do not try to know more than you need to know, but rather strive to know soberly, which is neither too much nor too little”—far from foolish advice for a young gentleman, and even for a young philosopher in the sense that “those who said that the world had a soul did not learn sobriety, but they went beyond it, which is excess.” Indeed, “the wise men of old said many beautiful things about the world and truth, and they said many things which do not show the truth because they were incapable of knowing it, for it remained in our Lord, and it always remains in Him.” It is easy to go “astray through misunderstanding the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and his apostles, in whom we must firmly believe, more than all the other wise men who live or who will ever live.” While leaving room for the increase of human knowledge, Latini carefully limits it to the things which do not contradict Scripture.

    Staying within those capacious limits, then, Latini discusses how to choose land for cultivation (avoid excesses of heat and cold, dampness and dryness) and how to build a house on the land (first of all taking care “to know the nature of the water” you will use, then positioning each room in the house facing or facing away from the sun, depending on the room’s intended use). Houses should be built not only in accordance with surrounding nature but in accordance with the way of life of the political regime and the state that prevails in the country. Since the Italians “often quarrel among themselves,” they prudently “take pleasure in making towers and other stone houses,” whereas the more peaceful French “build large and luxurious houses, painted, with large rooms to give pleasure and delight without war and without disturbance.” Wealth counts, too: “The lord should have a large mastiff for the protection of his house, and hunting dogs and hounds and birds for hunting when he wants to enjoy himself by doing these things.” The head of the household must manage it, in his oikonomia seeing to it that “those who work in the household be well instructed and directed as to what they have to do, such that each one has his duties inside and out, in such a way that the lord is sovereign and master of all.” 

    Having once again digressed into human things, albeit human things as prudently governed within nature, Latini next devotes 69 sections to the description of animals, moving from water creatures to those that crawl on the earth, to those that fly in the air, and finally to those which walk on the earth, which are closest in this aspect of their nature to Man. In this compendium of bookish knowledge, Latini here depends heavily on the recorded observations and claims of other writers. He begins with the fish, which, following Pliny, he classifies as any of the 164 kinds of creatures which live primarily in water, including whales and dolphins. He rules out one purported species of fish as fake. The sirens described by Homer were only “three prostitutes who tricked all passers-by and brought them to ruin,” associated with water “because lust is made of moisture.” They are figments of the imagination of waterlogged sailors.

    He does accept the existence of a number of other dubious creatures, however, including a white serpent called a siren, an animal so poisonous that “if it bites a man, he will die before feeling the pain.” Regarding land animals, he is convinced of the existence of basilisks (“the king of the serpents,” whose mere gaze will kill, according to chroniclers of conquering Alexander), dragons (the largest serpent of all,” a denizen of India and Ethiopia, where the summer lasts forever”), and unicorns (“a fierce animal” with a body resembling a horse, feet like an element and the tail of a deer, whose “voice is tremendously scary,” an animal “so tough and so wild that no one can overtake it or capture it with any snare in the world”).

    Animals that move in the air include the eagle, the peacock, and the vulture. “The eagle sees better than any bird in the world, and it flies so high that it is lot to the sight of man, but it sees so clearly that it distinguishes even the smallest creatures on earth and the fish in the water, and it takes them a it swoops down.” Despite its acuity of vision, it can look “at the rays of the sun, and its eyes do not flinch”; so much so that it tests its hatchlings by holding them up to the sun, discarding those which look away in the “just judgment” that they cannot be eagles. He repeats the legend (“many say”) that the eagle renews its own life by flying so close to the sun “that its feathers burn, along with the darkness in its eyes, and then it lets itself fall into a spring of water and bathes itself three times, and right away it recovers the youth it had previously.” The peacock, ” a simple bird of great beauty, with a serpentine head and a devil’s voice,” “takes delight in its tail because it is so beautiful.” “But nature has given it an ugly thing to do, for when it sees men admiring its beauty, it raises its tail up to have people’s praise and reveals its ugly backside, and shows it to them in vile fashion.” If the eagle is a creature that sees, the peacock one to be seen—the one teaching a lesson in justice, the other a lesson in the way beauty can mix with vileness— the vulture is the bird that smells. It “can smell things from further away than any animal in the world; even from across the sea it can smell carrion.” It therefore “follows men’s armies where there will be an abundance of carrion, and thus they can predict that in that army there will be much killing of men or animals.” Although they feed off the dead, they themselves live long, usually not “less than 100 years or more.” 

    Among the creatures that fly, honeybees exhibit not only industry but good government. Although Latini in one respect confuses them with flies, claiming that they are “born from the decaying carcass of a cow,” he admires their production of honey and the “extreme ingeniousness” with which they build their “houses,” with “different levels, where each one has its proper place to which it returns every day.” Their regime is a monarchy; their “king” is elected, “not randomly” (that is, by what Aristotle calls the most democratic method, a lottery), “in which there enters more luck than good judgement,” but by selecting “the one to whom nature has given a sign of nobility, who is larger and better looking and of better life.” This notwithstanding, the king bee is no tyrant but rather “more humble and of greater pity” than the others, whom he leaves “free and independent.” For their part, his subjects remain “amiable and obedient toward their lord, so that none leaves the hive before the king does and takes the lead in flying where he pleases.” Honeybees “love their king very much, and they have such faith and courage that they throw themselves into the period of death to protect their king and to rescue him.” And “even though each one strives to do its best to the limit of its abilities, nevertheless there is no envy among them and no hatred,” although they readily “get vengeance on those who cause them harm.” In sum, honeybees provide men a model of the best regime. The one flaw in their regime is the king’s vulnerability. “When he dies or is lost, they lose their faith and judgment in such a way that they lose and destroy their honey, and destroy their hives.”

    The ostrich, the lion, and the horse provide the best lessons among the creatures that move on the earth. The ostrich combines laziness, stupidity, and cruelty. “Its disposition is so sluggish that it makes it so terribly forgetful that it cannot remember things,” especially its own eggs, which it covers with sand, “goes off on its business and forgets,” leaving the sun to keep them warm until they hatch. “When the parent find the chicks, instead of feeding and instructing them as they should, they torment them and do s many cruel things as they can to them.” The lion, by contrast, deservedly bears the title, “king of beasts.” He is, as a monarch, more tyrant than king, however; “when he roars, all animals flee as if pursued by death, and where he draws a circle with his tail no animal dares cross it.” At the same time, the lion “fears the white rooster,” “the tumult of wheels,” and fire. God, “who did not allow anything to exist without its opposites decided that the lion, who is prouder and stronger than all other creatures, and through his great fierceness pursues prey always, should have impediments to his cruelty against which he is incapable of defending himself.” The horse may be the most intelligent of the land creatures, “an animal of great knowledge, for since it always goes to live with men, this gives it some sense, so that it knows its master and it often changes customs and habits when it changes masters,” readily and as it were prudently adapting to a new regime. Horses are also fit human companions in war, “happy when they are victorious and sad when they lose, and one can easily observe when the battle will be won or not by whether the horse’s appearance is one of joy or sadness.” Above all, they are loyal. “It is a proven fact about many horses that they weep and shed tears because of the death of their lord, and there is no other animal that does this.”

    The moralism of Latini’s bestiary bespeaks the transition from the Treasure‘s first part to the second, which leaves “the theoretical branch of knowledge,” the “first science of the body of philosophy,” in order to enter the second part, which in which he addresses “the practical” branch of knowledge, ethics. 

     

     

     

     

    Note

    1. Latini has given his young gentleman an understandably simplified but also somewhat garbled account. Pope John XII had no blood relationship to Adelbert; he was his “brother” only in being comrades in arms against Otto I and also fellow evildoers, as John was notorious for his debauchery and cruelty.  

     

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    The “New Atlantis”; Utopia or Dystopia?

    February 9, 2022 by Will Morrisey

    Francis Bacon: The New Atlantis.

    Kimberly Hurd Hale: Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis in the Foundation of Modern Political Thought. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2013.

     

    Francis Bacon follows in the wake of Machiavelli’s repurposing of political philosophy and of politics at the service of the mastery of Fortune animated by the desire for acquisition of rule. Bacon adds the indispensable ‘modern’ nuance: That this mastery must be achieved by means of the conquest of nature, which underlies the verdicts of Fortune. Men can effect the conquest of nature “for the relief of man’s estate,” as Bacon famously put it, by means of empirical experimental science, with which he would replace what he regards as the brilliantly misdirected efforts of Scholasticism, in its efforts to reconcile the speculative philosophy of Aristotle with the teachings of Scripture. Bacon rejects Aristotelian natural science and the spiritual content of Christianity while, as Hurd puts it, “co-opting” one element of Christianity, its “compulsion toward universal charity” as “essential for the acceptance of modern science by the public.” Bacon’s final book, The New Atlantis, sketches the portrait of a new regime dedicated to that (as moderns came to say) project.

    In the body of his written works, Bacon wanted The New Atlantis to be placed immediately after his Sylva Sylvarum, a work on natural history. Uniquely among his writings, The New Atlantis is a fiction. It takes the natural science of the Sylva Sylvarum and ‘projects’ it into an imagined regime that deploys such science as both the purpose and the method of political rule.

    The narrator describes a sea voyage from Peru, its intended destinations China and Japan. But the ship and its crew sailed at the mercy of the wind, of nature. Driven off course, they ran out of food; they prayed, and their prayers seemed to have been answered when they sighted land—a “good haven” occupied by “a fair city,” “not great indeed, but well built.” The inhabitants initially refused to permit them to land, instead sending a party of eight out to the ship. After interviewing them briefly, they permitted the crew to come ashore for sixteen days to resupply themselves with water and food and to obtain materials for repairing their vessel. It transpired that the city residents knew the classical languages and used Christian symbols on their official documents, a seeming combination of classical and Christian motifs that suggest the Scholastic intellectual horizon the European sailors knew, however dimly, from church in their native Spain. Acting in a spirit of reciprocity, the ship officers offered pistols as a sign of friendship, but the city man “took them not, and would scarcely look at them.” It will transpire that they possessed more impressive weapons of their own, and quite likely regarded the gesture as a bit like offering beads to ‘savages.’

    Three hours later, another delegation arrived, asking the crew, “Are you Christians?” After having the shipmates swear they were not pirates, the city representative granted them permission to land. The eminent man in the boarding party expressed concern about any diseases the men may have and was reassured that any diseases they suffered were not infectious. He provided them with a fruit that evidently had medicinal properties. The same man refused the pistols the shipmates again offered, explaining that he already had a salary and did not want to be “paid twice.” Another man might say ‘bribed,’ but even the word seemed not to exist in the citizen’s usage. They were taken to the Strangers’ House, receiving a civil welcome from the townspeople who gathered along their route. Of the 150 sailors, seventeen were ill. During their three-day quarantine, they were fell fed; the sick men were given more of the medicinal fruits and a course of medication. During this initial period, the narrator, the captain of the ship, delivered a speech to his men, telling them to be on their best behavior, to “reform [their] own ways”—presumably, to restrain themselves from acting like sailors on shore. They “promised me to live soberly and civilly.”

    The Strangers’ House has a governor, a Christian priest, who brought word that they had permission to stay six weeks, with the possibility of an extension of their stay. He told them that they were the first residents of the House in 37 years. In still another gesture of hospitality, the government would defray all their costs. He set down one prohibition: Do not go more than a mile and a half beyond the walls of the city without permission. The sailors wondered at “this gracious and parentlike usage.” “It seemed to us that we had before us a picture of our salvation in heaven, for we that were awhile since in the jaws of death were now brought into a place where we found nothing but consolations.” The men thought “we were come into a land of angels.” The city residents seemed both benevolent and superhuman to them, and they found themselves (it is implied) happily in the status of children under the welcome authority of wise, even godlike fathers. That is, instead of the usual adventurers’ tale of civilized men encountering savages, the narrative begins to look like the reversal of such, an instance of primitive Europeans ‘discovering’ a superior people

    Hence the name of the city, Bensalem. Traditionally held to mean “possession of peace,” Jerusalem combines the Hebrew shalem, completeness, with jeru, ‘they will see the awe.’ Combined, then ‘Jerusalem’ means ‘they will see the completeness in awe.’ Zechariah 8:3 describes Jerusalem as the City of Truth, God’s dwelling-place on earth. ‘Bensalem’ combines completeness with the Hebrew word for ‘son,’ and so, ‘Son of Completeness.”  Jesus of Nazareth is surely the Son of Completeness, and the sailors asked the priest/governor of Strangers’ House who their apostle was—who brought Christianity to this isolated island—he was pleased to tell the story. In 20 A.D., the islanders saw a “pillar of light” one mile offshore. One of “the wise men of the society of Salomon’s House” saw that this was the “Finger” of God, a miracle. He saw the Completeness in awe. God left the islanders an ark with both the Old and New Testaments in it; the New Testament hadn’t yet been written down for the churches in the West. There was also a letter from Bartholomew, a servant of Jesus Christ, promising “salvation and peace and good will from the Father and the Lord Jesus.” Each one of the diverse collection of islanders—they included Hebrew, Persians, and Indians—could read these documents “as if they had been written in his own language.” “And thus this land was saved from infidelity,” the governor concluded.

    The sailors assured the governor that they thought of this “rather as angelical than magical,” godly not satanic. And they wondered how it is that the islanders know about Europe but Europeans know nothing of Bensalem. He explained that “three thousand years ago,” approximately 1,400 BC, ocean-going travel was much more extensive than it is today. Many nations visited the island, which may account for the origin of its ethnic diversity. At that time, Atlantis existed, as described in Plato’s Timaeus and Crito. Atlantis was located in what is now called America on a hill that could be ascended like a “ladder to heaven”; it had a temple and a palace. Its King, Altabin, was “a wise man and a great warrior.” The city perished in a deluge, which explains why the natives of North America today are “a thousand years at least from the rest of the world” in their civilization. Since Atlantis was the island’s chief trading partner, the islanders lost much of their commerce with the outside world while navigation declined in the other parts of the world, perhaps because they were ruined by wars or because they declined in “a natural revolution of time.” 

    In the ensuing centuries, the islanders maintained their navigational capabilities and resumed their shipping. But they preferred to “sit at home.” This policy was instituted by the wise King Solamona, who ruled about 1,900 years ago, approximately 300 B.C. Solamona was the lawgiver of Bensalem, “a divine instrument thought a mortal man.” That is, Bensalem’s laws were framed by a man named after Jerusalem’s proverbially wise king. In China, the prohibition against foreign travel has been “a poor thing and hath made them a curious, ignorant, fearful, foolish nation.” But Solamona’s policy has had a different effect because he ordained that any foreign visitors be treated so well that they would not want to return to their native countries. Only thirteen—the symbolic number of atheism—have done so, and “whatsoever they have said could be taken where they came but for a dream.”

    Solamona also ordained the establishment of Salomon’s House, which contains a natural history that the original Hebrew Solomon wrote, lost to other nations. If this New Jerusalem is also the New Atlantis, it combines Christian wisdom with the wisdom of natural science, ascribed not to the Greeks but to a wise Hebrew. Salomona then founded the College of the Six Days Works,” dedicated to “the finding out of the true nature of all things”—advancing natural science beyond the bookishness that might have restricted it, had the new Solomon, Salomona, rested satisfied with merely conserving the knowledge of his namesake. [1] Nor was Salomona content to ignore any scientific discoveries in other parts of the world. He set a policy of sending missionary expeditions to be carried out by Fellows or Brethren of Salomon House. At any given time, three such persons will be voyaging abroad, gathering knowledge of “affairs and state” in other countries, with special interest in the sciences and the arts, particularly manufactures and inventions—what we now call the applied sciences or technology, a word that combines ‘art’ and ‘reason’ or knowledge. “Thus, you see,” the governor told them, invoking the ‘seeing’ of Jerusalem as it relates to ‘Solomonic’ natural science, “we maintain a trade, not for gold, silver, or jewels, nor for silks, nor for spices, nor any other commodity of matter but only for God’s first creature, which was Light, to have light (I say) of the growth of all parts of the world.” Light is the first principle of nature. Understand the first principles of science as seen in scientific discoveries found everywhere (is nature not universal?) and you will maintain the advantages you received from possessing the only surviving account of Old Testament natural science and from the first available written version of the New Testament. Writing permits the Bensalemites to preserve what they have learned, while forging ahead with new research. Light also recalls the Pillar of Light, the supposedly miraculous Giver of the three sacred (but also natural) books, a miracle carefully interpreted by the Brethren of Solomon’s House.

    “We were all astonished to hear so strange things so probably told,” the narrator recalls. “We took ourselves now for free men” (although in fact they were well restrained); we “lived most joyfully,” meeting with men of “such humanity and such a freedom and desire to take strangers, as it were, into their bosom as was enough to make us forget all that was dear to us in our own countries,” for “if there be a mirror in the world worthy to hold men’s eyes, it is that country.” That is, the Bensalemites’ policy of hospitality toward strangers—a seductive hospitality that makes strangers forget their homelands and to want to stay—alters the Platonic-Socratic notion of learning as ‘remembrance,’ learning described as a recollection of the ‘forms’ or ‘ideas,’ which men, sunk in their bodies and in the customs of their cities, have ‘forgotten’ and can only recover through a dialectical ascent from the ‘cave’ in which they can only see the shadows of physical idols on the walls, far from the natural light of truth. The forward-looking natural science of Bensalem proceeds by a forgetting of the political caves of the diverse sailors by the sailors. But would the sailors ascend to the light of truth sought by the Brethren of Solomon’s House? Or would they merely luxuriate in the benefits of the technologies discovered by the Brethren?

    The Brethren culled two of the voyagers from the rest, inviting them to a ceremony called the Feast of the Family, “a most natural, pious, and reverend custom” which shows the nation of Bensalem “to be compounded of all goodness,” the narrator exclaims. All goodness consists, as he had already learned, of a reconciliation of natural science and religion, of the Solomon met in the Old Testament with the Solomon revealed in his lost book. A Feast of the Family, paid for “by the state,” is “granted to any man that shall live to see thirty persons descended of his body alive together, and all above three years old.” That is, the Feast rewards generativity, longevity, and healthy offspring—natural vigor. The Father of the Family, called the Tirsan, is attended by all family members. During the attendant ceremonies he serves as a judge, settling “any discord or suits between any of the family,” in keeping with shalem or completeness, a term reminiscent of shalom or peace. The governor of the city executes “by his public authority the decrees and orders of the Tirsan,” although these are seldom disobeyed, “such reverence and obedience” do the Bensalemites “give to the order of nature.” That is, the Bensalem regime’s combination of Biblical piety and natural science tends to make piety reinforce science. What Bensalemites ‘see in awe’ is the completeness of an island at peace, thanks to the wise application of scientific knowledge. 

    The Tirsan also designates one of his sons to live with him in the Tirsan’s house; the son’s title is “Son of the Vine.” That is, the practice of conventional aristocracies, primogeniture, inheritance of the father’s estate by the firstborn son, is replaced by the rational or quintessentially natural principal of choosing the son worthiest in his father’s judgment. The Son of the Vine is the son of nature, a natural version of a biblical Son of God. Perhaps nature replaces God in Bensalem? The Feast features a ceremonial hymn praising Adam and Noah, who peopled the world, and Abraham, Father of the Faithful; here, the Faithful duly celebrate natural generativity, and indeed the Bensalemites “say that the King is debtor to no man but for propagation of his subjects.” They add thanksgiving for our Savior. The Tirsan blesses his descendants, one by one, in the name of “the everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace, and the Holy Dove,” thereby combining natural, familial piety with Christianity, understood first of all as the rule of peace, of shalom.

    After this, the narrator next met with Joabin, a Jewish merchant. It is noteworthy that the audiences granted to the voyagers moves from many to few to one. Jews, we learn, are left “to their own religion” in Bensalem. The Christianity of the city tolerates them, and why not? Solomon himself was a scientist, according to the book held at Salomon’s House. The graciousness is reciprocal. Unlike Jews elsewhere, Bensalemite Jews “give to our Savior many high attributes, and love the nation of Bensalem extremely.” That is, the Jews of Bensalem are Bensalem’s Jews, patriotic Bensalemites and admirers, if not worshippers, of Jesus. The narrator praised the Feast of the Family to Joabin, saying, “I had never heard of a solemnity wherein nature did so much preside.” This insight shows that the rulers of Bensalem have chosen well the man they’ve singled out for unique treatment. He understands the regime, at least on the simplest level.

    For his part, Joabin praised Bensalem as the most chaste nation in the world in body and in mind. Here, as the narrator has witnessed, the natural family is indeed respected and fostered in the manner commanded by God. He criticized European brothels and marriage customs. In Bensalem, he said, there are no brothels, no homosexuality, and no polygamy. Joabin promised an opportunity to see not only a natural father but a Father of Salomon’s House, who was returning from a twelve-year voyage as one of the scientific (not proselytizing and religious) missionaries to foreign countries. The Brethren were evidently also Fathers—Brethren amongst themselves, ruling Fathers of the people? There is the nature of the body and the nature of the mind. Ordinary fathers are fathers of the body, generating offspring under the grateful eye of the King, ruling by choice, by reason, insofar as they judge intrafamily disputes and select their successor. The Brethren who are Fathers of the mind may have a far more comprehensive, complete, ‘shalem-ic’ status.

    The returning Father did indeed invite the narrator to a private audience, after courteously meeting, then politely dismissing, the other foreigners. He began with a benediction and a promise: “God bless thee, my son; I will give thee the greatest jewel I have. For I will impart unto thee, for the love of God and men, a relation of the true state of Salomon’s House.” He outlined what he would say, “to make you know the true state of Salomon’s House,” repeating the last phrase for heuristic emphasis. God and love of God, love not merely of neighbor but of men, men everywhere, issue in knowledge, not so much knowledge of God or neighbors but (as will soon become known) of nature. Like Aristotle, the Father considered knowledge of a thing to entail knowledge of four causes: the ‘final’ cause or purpose of the thing (“the end of our foundation”); the ‘efficient’ or first cause (“the preparations and instruments we have for our works”); the ‘formal’ cause (“the ordinances and rites which we observe”). But in place of the ‘material’ cause—for example, the elements comprised in a compound—the Father substituted what might be called a ‘locomotive’ cause, the energy seen in the thing. For Salomon’s House, this consists of “the several employments and functions whereto our fellows are assigned.” The reason for this substitution can be seen in the purpose of Salomon’s House: “the knowledge of Causes and secret motions of things, and the enlarging of the bounds of Human Empire, to the effecting of all things possible.” The Fellows of Salomon House intend to overcome material causes with human functions founded upon the human knowledge that can be acquired through intelligently directed human action. To use language Bacon uses elsewhere, they will experiment on nature, torture her to force her to reveal her secrets, conquer nature for the relief of man’s estate. 

    The locomotive causes of Salomon’s House are extensive. In deep caves (not natural but dug by men), “remote alike from the sun and heaven’s beams and from the open air,” they coagulate, indurate, refrigerate, and conserve bodies, produce new artificial metals, and even to cure some diseases, prolonging the lives of “some hermits who choose to live there.” They also experiment with soils and compound cements in the caves,” as “the Chineses do their porcelain,” although we have them in greater variety, and some of them more fine.” 

    Opposite this, the “Lower Region,” the Bensalemites had built the “Upper Region,” with its high towers, some set on mountains so that the highest extend three miles into the sky. These might recall the Tower of Babel, but unlike the systems of philosophy and perhaps of religion that center human intelligence on words, these towers also serve as sites of action, experiments in isolation, refrigeration, conservation, astronomical bodies and meteorological forces. The towers also have their resident hermits, “whom we visit sometimes, and instruct what to observe.” 

    Finally, there is the “Middle Region” of this man-made universe, not so much geocentric as anthropocentric. On it we have “great lakes both salt and fresh, whereof we have use for the fish and fowl” and for experimenting with the effects of earth, air, and water on “natural bodies.” We have desalinization and resalinization pools (surely of interest to the English, living on their island in the ocean). We also experiment with what much later generations would call ‘alternative’ energy: water power, wind power. They do experiments on chemicals—producing, among other things, the “Water of Paradise,” an elixir “very sovereign for health and prolongation of life,” along with medicines. Bacon’s mentor, Thomas Hobbes, identified the ruling passion of human beings as the fear of violent death. Salomon’s House aims at curing human bodies and, to the extent proven possible by experimentation rather than by prophecy or speculation, ‘curing’ or at least warding off death itself.

    The Fellows also use the Middle Region agricultural experiments—for grafting and inoculating plants to cause them “to come up earlier or later than their seasons, and to come up and bear more speedily than by their natural course they do.” We also make them bigger, their fruits more appealing than they are naturally. “We have also have means to make divers plants rise by mixtures of earths without seeds, and likewise to make divers new plants differing from the vulgar, and to make one tree or plant turn into another.” That is, the Fellows of Salomon’s House have conquered the natural ‘kinds’ God ordains in the Garden, mastering the limits of nature. As for the animals, we keep them in “parks and enclosures…not only for view or rareness but likewise for dissections and trials, that thereby we may take light what may be wrought upon the body of man.” Godlike, we can resuscitate “some that seem dead in appearance.” We can kill, too, using the animals to test poisons “and other medicines.” Animals are useful to learn more about the techniques of surgery. As with plants, we can make them bigger or smaller, more fruitful or less, and we can produce new “kinds” of them, too. “Neither do we this by chance, but we know beforehand of what matter and commixture what kind of those creatures will arise.” Those saltwater and freshwater pools stocked with fish enable us to perform similar experiments on them. 

    The Fellows have learned to manipulate all the bodily senses. We stimulate taste with new drinks, breads, meats; we stimulate sight by altering light and learning about precious stones, fossils, and minerals. We can alter sound with several technologies, including hearing aids. We can appeal to the sense of smell with manufactured perfumes. Regarding the body as a whole, we conduct experiments on furnaces and other heating technologies and use engine houses for the development of submarines and flying machines. Nor do we restrict our experiments to mineral, vegetable, animal, and human matter. We address the mind in the mathematics house within the Salomon House complex and we also debunk the “deceits of the senses”—conjurors’ tricks and optical illusions. The Father hints that these are the real bases of so-called miracles. We could perform such illusions ourselves, but “we do hate all impostures and lies,” and have “severely forbidden” such activities to “all our Fellows, under pain of ignominy and fines.”

    They don’t entirely reject impostures and lies, or at least concealments, when it comes to their foreign policy. Twelve Fellows are selected to voyage to foreign countries, in ships flying false colors to avoid identification of their origin. These men bring back books, abstracts, and plans of experiments from these places. “These we call the Merchants of Light”—perhaps in truth more like pirates, since there is no mention of any fair exchange for the materials gleaned, although I may be a reader of too suspicious a cast. This, at any rate, is Bensalem’s approach to commerce, which aims exclusively at what the Fellows of Salomon’s House consider the true riches, the riches of the human mind.

    Meanwhile, back in Salomon’s House itself, there are those more ominously named “Depradators,” who collect records of the experiments culled from foreigners. The “Mystery Men” gather “all the experiments of all mechanical arts, and also of practices which are not brought into arts.” The “Pioneers or Miners” actually try these new experiments and the “Compilers” organize the data from the experiments, “to give better light for the drawing of observations and axioms out of them.” The “Dowry Men” or “Benefactors” consider these experiments, “cast[ing] about how to draw out of them things of use and practice for man’s life, and knowledge as well for works as for plain demonstration of causes, means of natural divinations, and the easy and clear discovery of the virtues and parts of bodies.” “Then, after divers meetings and consults of our whole number to consider to consider of the former labors and collections, we have three that take care, out of them, to direct new experiments of a higher light, more penetrating into nature than the former. These we call Lamps.” The “Inoculators” conduct the experiments so ordained. The Fellows avoid sinking into an exclusively ‘applied’ science by designating three of their number to “raise the former discoveries by experiments into greater observations, axioms, and aphorisms.” These ‘theoretical physicists,’ as it were, are the “Interpreters of Nature.” 

    Salomon’s House thus has its carefully ordered regime. This includes not only the Fellows but also “novices and apprentices” who insure that “the succession of the former employed men do not fail.” That is, this regime has its own form of royal succession or aristocratic primogeniture, evidently based not on bloodlines but capability. There are many “servants and attendants, men and women.” All “take an oath of secrecy for the concealing of those which we think fit to keep secret, though some of those we do reveal sometimes to the state and some not.” If, someday, they were to learn how to split the atom and weaponize the energy released, the discoverers and inventors themselves would decide whether to share this knowledge with the day-to-day rulers of Bensalem. In this important sense, then, the Fellows of Salomon’s House rule Bensalem, constituting a sort of ‘deep state’ of natural philosophers or scientists. 

    The fourth, ‘formal’ cause of Salomon’s House, its ordinances and rites, consists of two exhibition galleries. In the first we exhibit “patterns and samples of all the more rare and excellent inventions”; in the second we exhibit statues of “all principal inventors” and discoverers, including “your Columbus,” who sailed from the narrator’s native Spain. In the Politics, Aristotle deprecates the practice of rewarding reformers of the laws and institutions of the polis. In The New Atlantis, the Father lauded not so much political reformers but ‘reformers’ of human knowledge. Since advances in human knowledge might lead to political reform or even revolution, the Fellows evidently take some care in selecting the knowledge they release to the ‘civilians.’ They visit Bensalem’s major cities, revealing “such new profitable inventions as we think good” and also declaring “natural divinations of diseases, plagues, swarms of hurtful creatures, scarcity, tempests, earthquakes, great inundations, comets, temperature of the year, and divers other things,” adding “counsel thereupon what the people shall do for the prevention and remedy of them.” Natural-philosophic revelation replaces divine revelation; natural prophecy replaces divine prophecy; natural providence replaces divine providence.

    Not to seem to neglect piety, the Father mentioned “certain hymns and services” observed by the Fellows in which they praise and thank God “for his marvelous works,” asking also for “his aid and blessing for the illumination of our labors and the turning of them into good and holy uses.” One of those holy uses, the Father announced, concerned the narrator. “God bless thee, my son”—the narrator has been adopted—and “God bless this relation [i.e., this narrative] which I have made. I give thee leave to publish it for the good of other nations, for we here are in God’s bosom, a land unknown.” This marks an apparent change in Salomon House’s foreign policy. The Father thus deputized his new ‘son’ not as a merchant of light but a messenger of light, the light that emanates from the methods of experimental natural philosophy, with its reconception of both nature and of man’s place in it. There is no record that he gave the narrator a navigational chart whereby voyagers from other nations might come to visit Bensalem. And, given the careful policy of disseminating scientific knowledge firmly in place, the Father may not have worried much about other nations attacking or eventually dominating the greatest empire of knowledge in the modern world.

    As Kimberly Hurd Hale remarks, in his attempt to coordinate theory and practice, natural philosophy and what we would call applied science, including technology, Bacon failed in the short term but succeeded (in many ways spectacularly) in the long term. As an experimental scientist, he didn’t amount to much, and although his “tenure as Lord Chancellor is perhaps the closest the world has come to witnessing a philosopher king,” he “attempt to guide the political development of England failed,” his reputation tarred by accusations of corruption. Nonetheless, “his political and philosophical influence resonate through the centuries,” far beyond the borders of England. Machiavellian politicians, builders of the modern state, aspirers to the mastery of Fortuna, found ready use for Baconian scientists, aspirers to the conquest of nature. In their turn, the scientists have found in the modern state protection for and support of their research. The symbiosis makes sense, as Bacon was a careful student of Machiavelli, (even as Hobbes was a careful student of Bacon, and Locke of Hobbes); in the spirit of modernity, no philosopher in this line left his predecessor’s work unrevised, and indeed Machiavelli himself was a careful student, and reviser, of ‘the ancients,’ whose “wisdom” Bacon himself extolled, with some irony.

    Hale’s own innovation in scholarship is to claim that the New Atlantis, which “initially reads as a utopian tale,” actually serves as a warning against the possible excesses of “scientific rule,” a regime quite “removed from the type of society he advocates elsewhere.” The book, his only work of fiction, “expresses both his great hope and his deep reservations” about his own ‘project.’ 

    Like Machiavelli, Bacon knows “that Christianity and Christian charity have irreversibly changed the world. Science offers a way to channel the charitable compulsions of Christian Europe into a less destructive path,” the path of religious warfare, which Europeans would continue to trod for several generations after Bacon’s death. If the mythical Atlantis described by the ancients ended in telluric catastrophe, the New Atlantis might not, if the natural forces which wiped out its forebear could be tamed, and if the religious forces that threatened to inundate could be made to subside. Hale contends that Bacon also thinks “that modern science could easily sink modern society beneath the seas,” that the modern solution to the theologico-political crisis of modernity might itself ignite an equal or worse crisis, which could only be managed by attending to the wisdom of the ancients, judiciously revised. As she puts it, “Bacon recognized that modern science would irreversibly change political society; the New Atlantis shows us what that society could become without a strong commitment to liberal principles,” including political liberalism or republicanism, “and philosophical questioning,” now primarily in the form of scientific experimentation.

    Hale first looks as the old Atlantis, as sketched by Critias in Plato’s dialogues, the Timaeus and the Critias. In the Timaeus, Socrates meets at night with Timaeus, Critias, and Hermocrates, along with an unnamed fourth person. Critias begins a speech about Atlantis, defeated long ago in a war with Athens. He “pauses for Timaeus to give a speech about the origin and nature of the cosmos” before resuming his speech in the dialogue named after him. “His speech concerns the structure and regime of the city of Atlantis”; Critias never gets around to narrating the war. Since Hermocrates never offers a speech, and since he played a role in the impending, disastrous war Athens waged against Hermocrates’ “native Sicily,” Hale suggests that the now imperial Athens military defeat, narrated by Thucydides, parallels the defeat of imperial Persia by the old Athens, the history narrated by Herodotus. Hermocrates’ ‘missing’ speech would be spoken by Thucydides, who “argues that stasis is impossible in politics,” even as it permeates nature, according to Timaeus’ speech. In his dialogues, Plato himself frequently “chang[es] the horizon and show[s] philosophy how to adapt to political reality in a way that allows it to shape political reality.” 

    Timaeus is no “true philosopher” but a knower, lacking “the erotic yearning toward truth” that animates the philosopher’s soul. He is at home in the polis, unlike Socrates, the persistent questioner. Timaeus is a lecturer, and Socrates here a listener, a learner who wants to hear speeches describing how the regime he outlined in his dialogue the Republic will look if it were realized in practice, and thus subjected to motion. If it must change, what will it change into? In the end, according to what we learn in the dialogues, it will turn into the regime described in the Laws, a regime less just but more “robust” than the regime of the Republic, which can be sustained only so long as it remains a ‘city in speech.’ The real, imperial Athens is about to endure a great motion—the greatest the world has ever seen, according to Thucydides—and it will not end as well as the regime of the Laws, with its more modest and realistic adjustments to the city in speech.

    Critias, chronicler of the old Atlantis, is no Thucydides. He is a poet telling a traditional tale “passed down through his family from Solon,” the founder of Athens, not a philosophic historian narrating the events of a real war. “Critias embodies the love of one’s own,” the handed-down traditions of his own family and city, “that makes the Republic‘s city impossible,” as it identifies wisdom “with the memory of one’s own past, rather than philosophical striving,” identifying “the good with the old.” This is not simply to denigrate poetry. In telling the story of Atlantis, Solon tells a myth, the stuff of poetry; as a “consummate statesman,” Solon “does not disparage poetry” any more than Plato does, not only in packing his dialogues with such stories but in portraying the life of philosophical striving in dialogues, in dramas, not in treatises. “Poetry is extremely powerful, especially when woven with reason and truth,” as Bacon evidently understands in his own turn to storytelling about the new Atlantis.

    Critias tells the story of Solon’s meeting with Egyptian priests. Although Solon initially “tries to impress the learned priests by reciting the events and genealogy of human beings after a devastating flood,” the priests deprecate this effort as childish because such natural disasters “erase vestiges of ancient ways.” The Greeks know how to rebuild, how to innovate, but they “need myths to teach them piety and prudence”; they “lack ancient wisdom,” which Egypt has retained—Egypt, the land of the changing, flooding Nile, but also of the prudent use of the Nile and its rhythms for agriculture. Plato takes the priests’ point. Not only Greeks, but most men everywhere need civic myths because they, like children, do not have “fully developed reason.” Therefore, “political philosophers,” as distinguished from the childlike natural philosophers who preceded Socrates, “must employ myths if they are to educate the city.” In this, however, he surpasses the Egyptian priests in prudence. The priests believe that their myths are historically true, that their “wisdom is knowledge of the historical past and truth is pure facts.” They describe the myth of Phaethon as symbolic of “the movement of heavenly bodies and the periodic outbreak of wildfires, while completely missing the lesson of the myth: those who seek to rule to prove their wisdom and excellence will cause the destruction of themselves and their societies.” Plato suggests that the priests’ “scientific analysis of myth” because “it ignores the larger truth conveyed by the myth and because scientific-philosophical discourse is devoted to discovering truth, and thus should not be used in the service of interpreting myths.” Natural philosophers or scientists are literal-minded, all too literal-minded, as “the literal truth or falsity of a myth is irrelevant” to the more important question of “whether or not the myth is helpful or harmful to the young” in years and the young in mind.

    The natural philosophers of Salomon’s House diverge from both of these courses. Uninterested in educating their citizens in science, they “use their scientific understanding to create myths and miracles.” “There is no possibility of philosophic education in Bensalem,” Hale contends, although it would be more accurate to say that there is no possibility of a general philosophic education there, since someone has educated the Fathers of Salomon’s House. The Fathers are “both scientists and priests” who “do not merely regulate religion,” as the philosophers in Plato’s city in speech do, but “actively create it.” 

    Critias describes Atlantis as “an alliance of kings who rule over a wide-spread empire.” The Athens that defeats it is a self-governing polis whose statesmen make alliances with other Greek city-states on an as-needed basis—the foreign policy of the philosopher-kings of Plato’s city in speech. Athens defeated imperial Atlantis (even as the real Athens defeated imperial Persia), but both succumb to the overwhelming natural disaster, the flood. Critias, an aristocrat “who helped overthrow Athenian democracy,” hopes to “legitimize Socrates best regime by showing that not only could it exist, but a form of it has existed in the past,” in old Athens. Plato and his Socrates doubt it. Critias’ poetizing unrealism becomes obvious when he claims that the topic of war is more difficult to discuss than the origin of the cosmos, Timaeus’ topic. In upholding the love of his own, familial piety, he sharply departs from the Guardians in the city of speech, who don’t know their own children, hold their wives in common, unrealistically (because unnaturally) placing “civic virtue above love of one’s own.” He understands neither natural science nor Plato’s ironic political philosophy; he is unrealistic about nature as a whole and unrealistic in his interpretation of Platonic political philosophy, which produces a regime that Critias’ beloved Athens cannot embody, as Critias hopes, because no polis can ever embody it. Critias is no more a philosopher than Timaeus. He serves Plato’s purposes in showing “how a man inclined to politics and open to philosophy can become a tyrant,” a man who will overturn the democratic regime of contemporary Athens. 

    Critias’ Atlantis is a hereditary monarchy, prosperous, and dedicated to technological progress, which “ensured that they were twice as prosperous as if they had relied on the gods and nature alone.” Hale pauses to observe that too many harvests will deplete the soil, although she does not observe that the Bensalemite scientists have remedies for such hazards. She also observes that the Atlantean monarchs, “relentlessly progressive,” did “not seek stasis, unlike Bacon’s Solamona.” But does Bensalem’s founder really seek stasis, or rather controlled progress? At any rate, Critias holds that “human nature is not oriented to virtue, it is oriented to luxury,” and he worries that the slow inundation of virtue by the flood of naturally luxury-loving human beings must finally ruin a city. But he “fails to address the possibility of a regime that can cultivate virtue in the people.” “He seeks virtue, but he does not understand how virtue is achieved in political society.” 

    Hale suggests that Bacon sees and accepts Plato’s ironic teachings about utopias dreamed up by natural philosophers and politicians who get both nature and politics wrong. Unlike Aristotle, “Plato does not argue that men are political animals; men form political associations because nature does not fulfill all their needs. Anti-Aristotelian, but Platonic Bacon’s attempt to overcome nature in the service of human progress is merely an extension of this idea.” But is it? Would Plato, or Plato’s Socrates, or Plato’s Athenian Stranger, regard the project of overcoming nature scientifically, with a new form of natural philosophy, as any more plausible than the attempt to overcome, as distinguished from moderating, nature in the city in speech’s quest to fully instantiate the idea of justice? Granted, that “the ideal city of the Republic will always be misunderstood and corrupted by political men seeking to glorify themselves or their cities”; granted, that “philosophers are always in danger of aiding tyrants”; granted, that “a political philosophy that understands these dangers can be found” in Plato’s account of Atlantis. The question Hurd wants to answer in the affirmative, that such a political philosophy can also be found in Bacon’s account of the old and especially the new Atlantis, is the one to which she now turns.

    “Bacon does not disparage the Christian virtue of charity; he rather reinterprets it to support a much more robust, self-interested Christianity,” one fully consistent with the conquest of nature for the relief of man’s estate. Like Machiavelli and the Tudor dynasty of his own time, Bacon “approves of a Christianity that is molded to serve the best interests of the political state.” He will ‘nationalize’ Christianity, divide and conquer it, while at the same time replacing Christian Aristotelianism with the “new learning.” (“He vehemently opposes the Schoolmen.”) In this, “his project is far more comprehensive, more ambitious, than that of Machiavelli,” the “scope of his imperial ambitions” far wider. Machiavelli would master Fortuna; Bacon would master nature. Also unlike Machiavelli, Bacon would not attempt to wipe out the regimes of ‘the few’ in favor of regimes of the one or the many. He wants “a highly structured class society, one where philosophers serve as the educators and advisors of princes.” He will replace the old aristocracies of Catholic priests and feudal grandees with a new aristocracy of natural philosophers. Although at times Hurd describes Bacon as a republican, he is no James Madison, no democratic republican. He wants aristocratic republics, ruled by a new aristocracy. Bacon understands that “science, a wholly undemocratic enterprise, is forever beholden to the public for support and resources. Public opinion matters in scientific research; therefore, it is essential that scientists study the public,” develop a new political science, lest they suffer the fate of Socrates. 

    Bacon therefore regarded dissimulation as “the mark of a wise statesman.” A philosopher-statesman might then turn to poetry, “a product of imagination,” as the mode “best suited to make the harsh truths of political life palatable to society.” As Bacon teaches in his Advancement of Learning, some things are secret because they’re hard to know, others because “they are not fit to utter.” “Wisdom without rhetorical skill is useless for those engaged in public life”; the existence of a public requires publicity—in any regime, no matter how many or how few rule it. In this, he resembles the God of the Bible and His Solomon, who wisely work invisibly, but also Plato. Even while making his “break from the ancients” he uses “tools he learned from Plato,” very much including the practice of poeticizing harsh philosophic lessons. Further, with his experimental science he proposed a sort of neo-Socratism, confessing knowledge of his ignorance while insisting that the experimental “torture” of nature, making her reveal her secrets, will advance knowledge far more effectively that Socratic dialectic, which shares the ‘verbalism’ of the Scholastics even as it rejects their claim to encyclopedic knowledge, “replacing dialectic with induction.” Experimentation goes beyond induction, however, by torturing nature to compel her to reveal her secrets. This isn’t far removed from mastering Fortuna by beating her down, one might add. Bacon proposes to combine Socratic inquiry with a decidedly Machiavellian ’empiricism’ and ambition. This nonverbal core of reality will be coated with soothing and even inspiring words. In this way he can rival religious teachings by the same appeal to the imagination the Bible and Christendom’s many great poets deploy. “Poetry, when grounded in solid reason and utilized by careful philosophers, can be a powerful aid to science.” 

    “Providence” may be “man’s ability to mimic God’s power and manipulate natural law to the point of altering human nature.” In doing so, “Bacon collapses the ancient distinction between techne and wisdom.” In his Wisdom of the Ancients, Bacon re-tells the story of Daedalus, suggesting that “envy can be neither controlled nor exploited in the service of progress.” This evidently contradicts the teaching of the New Atlantis, which has the fellows of Salomon’s House treating one another as colleagues in both their research and their ruling of the general population through the putative rulers. This indicates “that a society such as Salomon’s House is simply not feasible. Scientists are human, and possess a human nature.” One might wonder, however, for how long they will possess such a nature. Might they not experiment upon themselves? Make themselves more like the God whose providence they intend to usurp? Hurd insists that “Bacon’s plan, unlike that of the Bensalemites, does not require the forcible or involuntary alteration of ordinary citizens,” much less alteration of the scientists themselves. Rather Hurd considers the science of Salomon’s House to be “a deliberately unrealistic portrait of scientific achievement,” one that, “unfortunately, many of Bacon’s intellectual heirs failed to recognize” as “impossible” to realize. “Bacon cannot be responsible for our own failure to appreciate his warning.” 

    “The uncertainty of all knowledge, including scientific knowledge,” which is in principle perennially revisable, “helps explain the necessity of liberalism for Bacon’s project.” “Liberalism prevents tyranny enacted in the name of ‘truth.'” It also sets scientists free to pursue the truth wherever their experiments lead them. Hence, Hurd argues, Bacon’s approval of Joabin. As a merchant, Joabin participates in international trade and its attendant “dissemination of information.” Hurd holds such trade inconsistent with the Salomon House Fathers’ careful control of information. Bacon thus “shows us…that modernity must be constantly vigilant; science can be tempered by liberty, but a tendency toward despotism may be unavoidable.” To counter this, “an adjustment of Bacon’s project is the only hope for political philosophy,” which must “reclaim our contemplative philosophy by engaging in contemplative philosophy.” Yet Joabin poses no threat to the Bensalemite regime in the eyes of that regime. He says and does nothing to undermine it. “Bacon’s revolution may have humanitarian aims, but it is not humanitarian at its core.” If not, then why is his picture of Bensalem a warning from Bacon? Granted, it may serve as a warning to those who do not share his philosophic purposes.

    Hale therefore proceeds to a consideration of the text itself, in an attempt to show that Bacon imbeds such a warning in it. She begins by examining “the structure and working of the ruling institution” in Bensalem, Salomon’s House. “If I am correct in surmising that Bacon wishes to indicate Bensalem as a false utopia rather than a model society, then the evidence must be present in the life of Bensalem’s citizens.” “How well [do] the scientists understand political rule and how capable” are they “of shaping a robust regime”?

    If most visiting sailors in Bensalem, including these, remain there, forgetting their homes and families like the Lotus eaters of the Odyssey, does that mean Bensalem is bad (as Homer evidently thinks of the Lotus eaters’ condition) or good? Hale says it is bad, claiming also that Bacon thinks so, too. “If the Bensalemites are living in a state of oblivion, their society will be stable but it will also be devoid of any individual liberty or classical virtue,” at least among the ‘civilians.’ “Political scientists” typically regard “the best society” as a balanced combination of “stability, power, and individual liberty.” “If Bacon is to be taken seriously as a political thinker, one must assume that his perfect society would strive toward this elusive balance,” as Bensalem surely does not. This is a humane and reasonable judgment, but why must we assume that Bacon concurs? Does Bacon want to be taken seriously as a political thinker by us on any other terms but what seem to be his own?

    Hale accurately recounts the history of Bensalem, cut off from the rest of the world initially not be its own choice but by telluric catastrophe. Under those new conditions, Bensalem chose isolation from the rest of the world. “Bensalem chose political stasis,” a choice made “by their most celebrated king, Solamona.” Solamona did decreed change, changes wrought by the natural philosophers of Salomon’s House. These would be carefully introduced to the lower orders of Bensalemite society in accordance with the judgment of those philosophers. Hale expects that political science, controlled by the philosophers, might also change the regime, over time. So it might, but again that will be determined by the philosophers; they are, after all, scientists, who insist on rigorously controlled experimentation. If so, Hale observes, “the people [will] not have become more philosophically enlightened.” Indeed not, but does that trouble Bacon? “The attempt to force a static politics and conquering science to coexist is a powerful indication that Bensalem’s project will fail” because he inserts “an independent, obscure government” into the regime. But how independent is it? It seems to be under the thumb of the philosophers. Will they “independent” governor or governors eventually rebel against the philosophers, as the Guardians might someday do in the regime of Plato’s Republic? Perhaps so, but does Bacon want them to? And, if Baconian natural philosophy, undergirding Baconian political science, is as effective in merging theory and practice as Bacon evidently wants it to be, will Bensalem not continue to look more like a much more efficient form of contemporary communist China than like contemporary England? And if, as Hale argues, Bacon indicates elsewhere a sympathy for republicanism, what kind of republicanism does he want? Commercial republicanism, to be sure, but democratic? Or ‘aristocratic’/scientific? Or even a ‘mixed-regime’ republic, with the few enjoying substantially more authority per person than the many? To put it another way, as much as Bacon may prefer Plato to Aristotle, Plato no more understands philosophy in terms of experimental science than Aristotle does.

    Hale excellently brings out the religious side of Bensalem, with its revisions of Christianity. The sailors ran out of food in six months, having provisioned themselves for a year—a result of poor planning, lack of self-control, or perhaps their inability to control nature, if they were becalmed or thrown off course. They offer prayers to God, who, as Hale notes, “showeth his wonders in the deep,” in the oceans, according to Psalm 107. “If man is to imitate God, as the scientists of Salomon’s House intend, he must have similar power.” As far as the sailors are concerned, Bensalem comes close enough, rescuing them from death. “The Christianity of Bensalem is a practical Christianity,” and the sailors are ready converts to it. The narrator of the story evidently numbers among them, and the Fathers of Salomon’s House think so, too, designating him as the one who did not escape to tell thee, dear reader, but who was released to tell thee. 

    Practical Christianity, Hale acutely observes, may be seen in the garments worn by the governor of the Strangers’ House, where the sailors first stay. “Dressed in blue, with a white turban bearing a red cross,” he would have been immediately recognizable by Bacon’s readers as wearing the colors of “the flag of St. George, worn by English Crusaders” in their mission “to spread Christianity and European hegemony throughout the world.” “The governor is no mere state official, however. He is by office the governor and by vocation a Christian priest. This mixture of political authority and religious importance brings to mind Thomas More, whose Utopia serves as a foil for Bacon’s New Atlantis.” Under Bacon, as under the Machiavellian Tudors, the modern state will institute an established church independent of More’s Catholic Church; that church will become part of a new ‘church militant,’ the ‘church’ of modern science. The new religion preaches “brotherly love and the good of the sailors’ souls and bodies,” aiming to “alleviate suffering and poverty, which will enable ordinary people to better serve their church and king.” As Hale puts it, with a touch of irony, “If science can provide physical comfort to the public then the public will see science as a tool of God”; under such circumstances, “the idea of ‘doing God’s work’ takes on a slightly different meaning.” Indeed so.

    And so, as Hale rightly says, the Feast of the Family rewards procreation not virtue, materialism not spirituality. “There is no apparent harmony between the intellectual scientists and the constantly breeding populace.” None, apparently, but then perhaps there is, from the standpoint of the natural scientists. After all, who built those immense caverns and towers, those wide pools, those grand implements of scientific experimentation? If “the state sets the rules for the Feast, funds the Feast, and lends its authority to the enforcement of the father’s wishes,” then “the whole idea of the Feast is a mockery of the natural order of the family” and the “happiness” that serves as both “a justification and a moral grounding for the boundary-pushing science conducted by Salomon’s House” departs substantially from Christian joy or happiness as understood by Aristotle. Machiavelli is more than willing to depart, to set sail for other shores. Is Bacon?

    Hale finds in the name of the friendly merchant Joabin an allusion to Joab, King David’s nephew “and an important captain of David’s army.” Joab turns away from vengeance against David’s rivals in the house of Saul, “relinquishing his claim to revenge” and thereby “enabl[ing] David to unite Israel. That is, under the Bensalem regime, Jews have reunited with Christians under the auspices of the new ‘Christianity.’ Although “Joabin’s status as a merchant” may or may not “mark him as a member of the ruling class of scientists,” as Hale argues, he, and the commerce he practices, are aligned with the regime of the scientists, claiming that it was Moses, “by a secret cabala,” who “ordained the current laws of Bensalem,” despite the overarching story that Bensalem’s lawgiver was Salomona. Such, perhaps, are the ways of reconcilers.

    Joabin’s teaching on marriage and chastity conforms to the regime of the new Jerusalem in which the teachings of Moses and Jesus have been redirected to new purposes. “The foundation of Bensalem’s chastity depends on self-regard,” not on regard for God. Bensalemites regard chastity as “a vice in relation to its consequences,” not “the body is a work of God and must be treated as a temple,” as “borrowed property.” “Bensalem has taken the morality of Christianity to heart, while dispensing with the cosmological motivations behind the moral code,” to say nothing of the spiritual motivations. Bensalemite chastity requires the improvement of human nature by scientific methods, not by the work of the Holy Spirit. Hale thinks that the need for rearing children puts a limit on such ‘improvement.’ “Bacon’s acknowledgement of the insurmountable bonds between parent and child,” seen in the Feast of the Family, “is an admission that all of nature cannot be conquered.” But need it be, if the core of Bacon’s project, including a new regime to go with the new philosophy and the new religion, is to be instituted? “It seems clear that a people consumed solely with the production of children at the expense of the state will not be capable of self-government.” Unquestionably so, but does Bacon’s republic, as distinguished from Madison’s republic, entail self-government among any but the few? It is indeed the case that “Salomon’s House is the defining feature of Bensalem’s society,” its ruling body par excellence.

    How does it rule? Primarily by satisfying the differing desires of the few and the many. “Either the threat of coercion and memory of past coercion are enough to keep the citizens of Bensalem orderly, or the scientists of Salomon’s House have managed to alter human nature”—purging it of “pride, jealousy, ruthlessness or simple stubbornness,” promoting peaceful order but also eradicating the “dynamic competition that lies at the heart of political life” and, Hale maintains, “incapable of defending itself culturally and militarily against a society guided by intelligent self-interest and civic virtue.” For the latter task, “Salomon’s House needs a political scientist in its midst” (“I believe that person to be Joabin”) but this will not bring Bensalem to resemble “the enlightened, rational, secular society envisioned by the founders of the modern scientific project.” This is undoubtedly correct. Bacon is no democratic republican and therefore no ‘Enlightenment’ man in the sense propounded by European intellectuals in the next century. Will it be able to defend itself against such societies? Hale doubts it, although at present “Salomon’s House is a stronger military force than Europe, and will not tolerate European aggression.” The issue would depend upon the maintenance of decisive technological superiority over any rival or set of rivals. Such superiority might be military, but it might also be seductive, Lotus-eating appeals to visiting envoys.

    A Father of Salomon’s House enters the part of the city where the narrator and the other sailors are staying, either returning from abroad or simply coming down from Salomon’s House. He enters on horseback, reaffirming his superiority to all who see him. Dressed in garments and carrying implements denoting religious authority, he is followed by the officers of the trade guilds; “Salomon’s House incorporates both religion and trade into its scientific endeavors.” Hale charges that the presence of such oligarchs, who “organize complaints against the government and establish common pricing and standards,” amounts to “an acknowledgment that economic injustice, or at least economic conflict, is present in Bensalem’s economy.” Their presence, and the general orderliness of Bensalem society, also suggests that these complaints are resolved. Hale asks, “the people are well-fed, but are they happy?” Even if “happiness for many people could very well be comprised of physical comfort and relaxed sexual mores,” but there evidently remains nothing of “the longing for the rare, the beautiful, and the great,” at least among those who are not natural scientists. “Bacon’s tale shows what unregulated science can accomplish, and it also hints at what is lost in such a world.” This begs the question, does Bacon mind? If ordinary people are satisfied, and the extraordinary among them rise to fellowship in Salomon’s House, is Bacon content with that regime?

    The Father’s speech to the narrator begins with a promise to reveal “the true state of Salomon’s House,” its regime. The purpose of the regime is not to glorify God, as the Governor of the Strangers’ House had claimed, but to know the causes and secret motions of things in order to “enlarg[e] the bounds of Human Empire to the effecting of all things possible.” While “Plato expresses wonder at an incomprehensible whole,” Bacon “rejects the idea of incomprehensibility altogether,” collapsing “Aristotle’s distinction between theoretical and practical knowledge.” Given this task, especially given the experimentalism it entails, and given the fact that “Bacon could not know where modern technology might lead,” either the Father “has too much assurance in his ability to control science” or “his absolute political control makes science less dangerous.” Since “science in a republic is a very different creature than science in a monarchy,” and “capitalism likewise drastically changes the way technology will be used,” Hale doubts that such control will be possible. Again, this depends upon the nature of the republic—specifically, upon how democratic it is. There is no indication that it is anything but aristocratic. As Hale later states, Salomon’s House resembles a modern scientific version of the Nocturnal Council described in Plato’s Laws.

    Salomon House’s substantial control over nature enables the natural philosophers to attempt to replace God by empowering them to prolong life indefinitely, thereby increasing their authority over the many, less inclined to risk death in rebellion if human rulers are the sources of their hope for perpetual life. The natural philosophers, like God, can rule minds as well as bodies, “choos[ing] to share what to share with the public and with the government” and are “very effective in deceiving human senses.” The natural philosophers can even “create life out of nothing, the ultimate challenge to God’s authority.” Indeed, they can simulate life, including human life, having designed robots, a point that leads Hale to “wonder about the strangely affected behavior of the people of Bensalem.” Is Bensalem animated not by a noble lie but an ignoble lie? Can the natural scientists “guard against the lie in their own hearts”? “The evidence suggests that the scientists of Salomon’s House think man can be God’s equal, practically speaking.” Hale does grant Bacon superiority over many of his successors. “Truth is not an unmitigated good and technology cannot be allowed to proliferate without guidance. This is the essential point of Bacon’s thought that is missed by modern science.”

    Having learned all this, “the narrator kneels before the Father,” who adjures him to spread the good news of modern natural philosophy to the world. The narrator, if not Hale, is a convert. But why would a modern natural philosopher want to exercise such charity toward his subjects, let alone foreigners? “Perhaps it is as simple as the compulsion to put knowledge into practice.” After all, “the pursuit of scientific knowledge and the knowledge of their power,” taken together, “are the sources of their pleasure.” This, Hale says, obscures the “future tyranny inherent in modern science.” She considers the Bensalem regime and the fate of its people “tragic,” its tragedy potentially “the tragedy of England if thinkers like Bacon do not rise to the occasion” and warn of the dangers of such a regime, and if “the terrible potential of technology and charity cannot be controlled” despite the “best efforts” of such thinkers. She doesn’t believe it can be controlled, once Bensalem “is exposed to the outside world” and the natural philosophers can no longer “control the flood of information to the people.” “Bacon’s tale demonstrates how carefully English scientists must foster liberty, while still seeking to persuade the public about the virtues of science. His plan only works if two conditions are met. First, science must be virtuous. Second, the people must be able to recognize virtue when they see it.” Warrants for pessimism, indeed, whether Bacon actually advocates or expects the advent of a democratic form of republicanism as the consequence of modern natural philosophy. 

    Accordingly, Hale devotes a chapter to sketching the effects of Bacon’s philosophy on “his closest successors.” The young Thomas Hobbes knew Bacon, sharing his intention “to use modern science to improve the comfort and security of man.” Hobbes does much more to describe the political institutions of a modern, centralized state, his “mighty Leviathan”—a “liberal” or commercial monarchy, not a republic, liberal in its political economy if not in its political form. Founded in 1660, England’s Royal Society resembles a Salomon’s House but without the political ambitions. Although ‘the moderns’ have adopted Baconian science, “modern political society did not follow the course hoped for by Bacon.” This was especially the case in France, as “few movements in modern political history express the great hope and great danger of the Enlightenment more clearly than the French Revolution,” preceded by the philosophic thought of the marquis de Condorcet (to say nothing of the marquis de Sade) who eventually fell victim to the Jacobin Terror. The Jacobins were too impatient, lacking the patience of the true scientists’ experimentalism. “Condorcet and his fellows could into control the beast they created,” having divorced Baconian science from what Hale takes to be Baconian philosophy in its ‘politic’ dimension. One might add, more specifically, that the philosophes were egalitarian to a degree Bacon would not admit and, very much to her credit, Hale does acknowledge this: “While Bacon hinted at science’s compatibility with republicanism, Condorcet attempts to make science democratic,” its progress “eventually lead[ing] to total enlightenment and the perfection of human nature.” She then takes that back, remarking that “Condorcet acknowledges that science cannot be democratic, especially in a large society.” Perhaps she means that the natural philosophers will undemocratically lead the way to democracy, rather as Marx holds out proletarian dictatorship as the means to the future abolition of all socioeconomic classes. This would be consistent with another of Condorcet’s proposals, familiar to our own contemporaries: “an international association…formed to pursue things like a universal language” and similar ‘good works’—a Salomon’s House writ large. Hale has her doubts.  As she politely remarks, “Even among allies, the idea that sovereign nations would forgo the economic and military benefits stemming from such research clearly indicates that Condorcet is working from a conception of human nature unfamiliar to any previous thinker.”

    What prevails today? “Natural science is now almost wholly based in experimentation, while political philosophy has so lost sight of the question of the nature of the whole that its students can barely understand the actions and consequences of science. Philosophers cannot effectively guide the political regulation of scientists, because philosophers have either accepted science’s primacy or refuse to accept science’s intractability.” Bacon’s successors have “failed to grasp how comprehensive and careful the reform of philosophy and politics had to be.” “Condorcet and his contemporaries attempted to overthrow the old society in the name of science; they dismissed Bacon’s warnings about the dangers of unmooring society from tradition,” of despising the religious rites and symbols the Fathers of Salomon’s House take such care to preserve. “Bacon’s successors could not keep his project anchored in tradition and the lessons of Plato’s philosophy, too seduced by the promise of modern technology to heed his warnings,” too unready to use Bacon’s “decidedly unscientific tool, namely poetry,” humanely to conceal the harshness of modern science even as it is deployed to alleviate human suffering. “Affecting political policy without compromising genuine philosophical questioning,” including self-questioning and self-rule, “requires extraordinary rhetorical skill.” “Bacon possessed such skill,” but do we?  

     

     

    Note

    1. For an example of a learned man in an almost exclusively ‘bookish’ university, see Brunetto Latini: The Book of the Treasure. Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin translation. New York: Garland Publishing, 1993.

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

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