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    The Life of the Mind as a Way of Life

    April 26, 2023 by Will Morrisey

    Philip Gilbert Hamerton: The Intellectual Life.  Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1877.

     

    It isn’t always easy, Socrates might conclude. The Englishman Hamerton concurs, even as he “propose[s] to consider the possibilities of a satisfactory intellectual life under various conditions of ordinary human existence,” “favorable and unfavorable,” but none so dire as those prevailing in ancient Athens, much less Sparta.  Indeed, even “if a man were so placed and endowed in every way that all his work should be made as easy as the ignorant imagine it to be, that man would find in that very facility itself a condition most unfavorable”—a paradox to which he shall return.

    Difficulties notwithstanding, “all who are born with considerable intellectual faculties are urged toward the intellectual life by irresistible instinct, as waterfowl are urged to an aquatic life.” Unlike a duck, whose “life is in perfect accordance with its instincts,” the human intellect is not. It is easily distracted, “hampered by vexatious impediments of the most various and complicated kinds.” That is, the very fact of human intelligence both endows and interferes with the life of the intellect. This requires more than instinct, more than intelligence or even knowledge; it requires virtue. “It is not erudition that makes the intellectual man, but a sort of virtue which delights in vigorous and beautiful thinking, just as moral virtue delights in vigorous and beautiful conduct,” intellectual life being “not so much an accomplishment but a state or condition of mind in which it seeks earnestly for the highest and purest truth,” an “aspiration” to come “a little nearer to the Supreme Intellect whose effulgence draws us whilst it dazzles.” The intellectual quest reveals “a little more, and yet a little more, of the eternal order of the Universe, establishing us so firmly in what is known, that we acquire an unshakable confidence in the laws which govern what is not, and never can be, known.”

    Hamerton divides his book into twelve parts, each in the form of a letter, suggesting that the intimate character of advice concerning one’s way of life comports best with the most intimate literary genre. Each letter is to a real (if unidentified) person, although many of them were not sent. Beginning with “the physical basis” of the intellectual life, he moves through personal morality, education or intellectual discipline, the use of time, economics (“the influences of money”), civil society (“custom and tradition”), family (“women and marriage”), politics (“aristocracy and democracy”), with concluding letters on the need for and the dangers of solitude, the importance of “intellectual hygienics,” the lure of trades and professions, and, simply but in some ways comprehensively, “surroundings.”

    The life of the mind first requires bodily health, as “all intellectual labor proceeds upon a physical basis”—a “close connection…exists between intellectual production and the state of the body and the brain”—and “the excessive exercise of the mental powers is injurious to bodily health.” Exercise stands as “the best tranquilizer of the nervous system which has yet to be discovered,” the best means of “avoiding the bad effects of an entirely sedentary life.” “Literary work act simply as a strong stimulant, “innocent” and even “decidedly beneficial” in “moderate quantities, but “act[ing] like poison on the nervous system” if overindulged. While the sedentary life inclines to bad digestion, the intellectual life requires plenty of food. Exercise answers the dilemma.

    Hamerton holds up the example of Immanuel Kant, who became famous among his neighbors for his daily walks and other regular habits, enabling him to maintain his health throughout a long life. “What a happy man he was to possess that first of blessings, and what a sensible man to know the value of it,” having seen that he had in some ways earned his life rather than resting in “the mere consciousness of possessing one of the unearned gifts of nature.” Kant “walked alone, but ate in company” for “good physiological reasons”—walking, he could keep his own pace—and “good intellectual reasons also”—dining, conversation brings dialectic with it. Hamerton demurs only when he considers the “excessive regularity” of Kant’s habits—rising at exactly the same minute every day, to give one example. Only a man who always stays at home, rejecting the intellectual benefits of travel, only an unmarried man “without a disturbance that would have been intolerable to him,” could have pulled it off. “Few lives can be so minutely regulated without risk of future inconvenience. ” 

    Kant viewed beer with horror, but Hamerton comes to the defense of “that honest northern drink.”. While wine is good, “the pure juice of the grape sustain[ing] the force and activity of the brain,” beer “gives rest and calm” to the nervous system; “no other drink can procure [that] so safely.” Admittedly, beer drinkers are said to be slow, “a little stupid,” with an ox-like placidity not quite favorable to any brilliant intellectual display,” “but there are times when this placidity is what the laboring brain most needs.” “After the agitations of too active thinking there is safety in a tankard of ale. The wine drinkers are agile, but they are excitable; the beer drinkers are heavy, but in their heaviness there is peace.” Man being a social and political animal, it must be said that beer has salutary social and political effects, as well. “In that clear golden drink which England has brewed for more than a thousand Octobers, and will brew for a thousand more, we may find perhaps some explanation of that absence of irritability which is the safeguard of the national character which makes it faithful in its affections, easy to govern, not easy to excite to violence.” The English are the sort of people likely to leave livers of the life of the intellect in peace. 

    Whatever one’s choice of libation, “not the nectar of the gods themselves were worth the dash of a wave upon the beach, and the pure cool air of the morning.” The best thing is moderate, steady exercise, not sudden exertion. Walking, for example: “nothing in the habits of Wordsworth, that model of excellent habits, can be better as an example to men of letters than his love of pedestrian excursions.” Get outdoors. “The fatal flaw of the studious temper is, that in exercise itself it must find some intellectual charm, so that we quit our books in the library only to go and read the infinite book of nature.” That infinite book very much includes bad weather, and Hamerton commends “daily exposure to the health-giving inclemencies of the weather,” of which his native British Isles have never been ungenerous. Altogether, “the physical activity of men eminent in literature has added abundance to their material and energy to their style,” “the activity of scientific men has led them to innumerable discoveries,” “the more sensitive and contemplative study of the fine arts has been carried to a higher perfection by artists who painted action in which they had had their part or natural beauty which they had traveled far to see,” and “even philosophy itself owes much to mere physical courage and endurance,” as “much that in noblest in ancient thinking may be due to the hardy health of Socrates.”

    While “young men are careless of longevity,” they shouldn’t be. “How precious are added years to the fullness of the intellectual life!” “I compare the life of the intellectual to a long wedge of gold—the thin end of it begins at birth, and the depth and value of it go on indefinitely increases till at last comes Death (a personage for whom Nathaniel Hawthorne had a peculiar dislike for his unmannerly habit of interruption), who stops the auriferous processes.” Happy the “fortunate old men whose thoughts went deeper and deeper like a wall that runs out into the sea!”

    Even as he celebrates vigorous good health, Hamerton warns that “the pets of Nature, who do not know what suffering is, and cannot realize it, have always a certain rawness, like foolish landsmen who laugh at the terrors of the ocean, because they have neither experience enough to know what those terrors are, nor brains enough to imagine them.” Absent the worst pain or prostration, illness may prove a portal “to regions of disinterested thought, where all personal anxieties are forgotten.” Mind and body do not “invariably fail together,” and “minds of great spiritual energy possess the wonderful faculty of indefinitely improving themselves whist the body steadily deteriorates.” The dying man of intellect may consider that “the mind of every intellectual human being is part and parcel of the great permanent mind of humanity; and even if its influence soon ceases to be traceable—if the spoken words are forgotten—if the written volume is not reprinted or even quoted, it has not worked in vain.”

    Turning from the physical to the moral basis of intellectual life, Hamerton admits the claim of some moralists, that “intellectual living” gratifies “the love of pleasure.” But so does the moral life. “The two most powerful mental stimulants—since they overcome the fear of death—are unquestionably religion and patriotism.” These enable men “to bear much, to perform much which would be beyond their natural force if it were not sustained” by such stimulants. And so it is with the intellectual life. Because its labors are so severe, its pleasures are glorious. Those labors that require patience, courage, and self-discipline, all with “only the most meager and precarious pecuniary reward.” This is why “the Creator of intellectual man” has made the labor itself “intensely attractive and interesting to the few who were fitted for it by their constitution.” “A divine drunkenness was given to them for their encouragement, surpassing the gift of the grape.”

    All work involves drudgery, which requires “moral courage” to face and to endure.  You can “be sure that there has been great moral strength in all who have come to intellectual greatness,” which of course is not to claim that all who have achieved intellectual greatness have been moral exemplars in every respect. “All great artists, without exception, have been distinguished for their firm faith in steady well-directed labor”; the fine arts are a ‘school of patience” and of humility,” a school Hamerton himself knew quite well. As for philosophy, Giordano Bruno’s “noble passion” for it enabled him “to endure labor and pain and exile.” The virtue at first most needed, “intellectual discipline,” finds its support in “the great pleasures of intellectual life,” “not its negation.” “The origin of discipline is the desire to do not merely our best with the degree of power and knowledge which at the time we do actually happen to possess, but with that which we might possess if we submitted to the necessary training.” The discipline itself consists in the establishment of “a strong central authority in the mind” to regulate the mind’s powers; in establishing that power, in curbing the unintellectual passions, a soul can achieve “the most essential virtue” of the intellectual life, its culminating virtue, disinterestedness. All other virtues have been practiced by men “opposed to intellectual liberty,” as “the habits of advocacy…debar them from all elevated speculation.” “Every partisan” falls into that. Thus, a doctor will “never trust” his own judgment when he feels “the approaches of disease” and even the finest lawyer isn’t allowed to be the judge in his own case. The disinterested man will “not look upon an opponent as an enemy to be repelled, but as a torch-bearer to be welcomed for any light that he may bring.” By emphasizing the importance of disinterestedness rather than wisdom, the possession of the “light” itself, Hamerton exercises the caution inculcated by the virtue of humility he has already praised. 

    Such disinterestedness may even inflect erotic longings of the less intellectual sort. “A most distinguished foreign writer, of the female sex”—he is almost surely thinking of Georges Sand—has “made a succession of domestic arrangements which, if generally imitated by others, would be subversive of any conceivable system of morality; and yet it is clear in this case that the temptation was chiefly, if not entirely, intellectual,” as “the successive companions of this remarkable woman were all of them men of exceptional intellectual power, and her motive for changing them was an unbridled intellectual curiosity,” along with the unbuttoned physical one. Hamerton soberly reiterates that such conduct, while understandable, would endanger “the well-being of a community,” destroying “the sense of security on which the idea of the family is founded.” One suspects so.

    As to education, Hamerton compares it to cooking: it’s not quantity but proportion that counts. With their taste for the well-measured, aristocrats are the ones who best understand that “there is a sort of intellectual chemistry which is quite as marvelous as material chemistry, and a thousand times more difficult to observe.” One must therefore avoid too much exposure to writers who write copiously but with little measure (it is of course possible to do both). He had in mind a friend who wrote with “ease and charm,” and likely would have gone on doing so, had he not “determined to study Locke’s philosophical compositions.” As a result, “my friend’s style suddenly lost its grace”; “having been in too close communication with a writer who was not a literary artist, his own art had deteriorated in consequence.” In fairness to Locke, it must be said that he was a master of the style that suited his intention of deliberate obscurity in some controversial matters; his gracelessness has a grace of its own. The point is nonetheless well taken.

    One should educate oneself rather like another Hamertonian acquaintance, an old-fashioned country gentleman who “accumulated his learning as quietly as a stout lady accumulates her fat, by the daily satisfaction of his appetite.” Since “no one can retain knowledge without using it,” and life is short even if art is long, whittle down that appetite. “If you have fifteen different pursuits, ten of them, at any given time, will be lying by neglected.” “It seems like a sort of polygamy to have different pursuits. It is natural to think of them as jealous wives tormenting some Mormon prophet.” Better to learn those things for which you have an “inward want” to know; intellectual eros provides a natural discipline. Don’t waste time on hills too steep for the strength of your legs; “in vain you urge me to go in quest of sciences for which I have no natural aptitude.”

    That is, listen first of all to yourself. “Whatever you study, someone will consider that particular study a foolish waste of time.” To such critics there is “one reply”: “We work for culture.” Not for fame or fortune. “More than all other men have authors reason to appreciate the indirect utilities of knowledge that is apparently irrelevant. Who can tell what knowledge will be of most use to them?” Indeed, “it seems to me, in looking back over the last thirty years, that the only time really wasted has been that spent in laborious obedience to some external authority.”

    Extraneous pursuits are unfortunately encouraged by the French custom of government prizes for some of them. One should never learn or work at something one doesn’t “really care for.” This in no way precludes “miscellaneous reading”—dipping into things not immediately useful. You never know when they might become so, and, let’s face it, “if the essence of dilettantism is to be contented with imperfect attainment, I fear that all educated people must be considered dilettantes.” The same goes for learning languages. No one really knows more than three modern languages, and it takes five years’ residence in a foreign country to attain mastery.” [1] Generally, “a good literary or artistic memory is not like a post-office that takes in everything, but like a well-edited periodical which prints nothing that does not harmonize with its intellectual life.” Scholarly writing, in contrast, requires you to take notes, too. “The rational art of memory is that used in natural science. We remember anatomy and botany because, although the facts they teach are infinitely numerous, they are arranged to the constructive order of nature.”

    Constructive order proves needful in the exercise of “time-thrift.” “Nothing is so favorable to sound culture as the definite fixing of limits” to time spent in study. One pursuit, “with several auxiliaries,” so long as they really are auxiliary, “is the true principle of arrangement.” “The most illusory of all the work that we propose to ourselves is reading,” an activity in which our eyes very much tend to be bigger than our stomachs. Do not underestimate the benefits of idleness. “A year of downright loitering” can be “a desirable element in a liberal education” because you will be observing people and things, not only reading books. “What the Philistines call”—he’s read his Matthew Arnold—wasted time “is often rich in the most various experience to the intelligent,” whose minds remain active even when their bodies are not. Your main enemy isn’t idleness but interruption, “the pottering details of business.” Attention isn’t an electric current, which can be turned on and off.

    Attention is a thing to be concentrated. “There is great danger in apparently unlimited opportunities, and a splendid compensation for those who are confined by circumstances to a narrow but fruitful field.” Montaigne, with his five shelves of books constantly in front of him, wrote better essays than we do. And in the ancient world, when books were rare, writers were surely no less perspicuous than today. Those were the books Montaigne had, and “to supply our need, within the narrow limits of the few and transient hours that we can call our own, is enough for the wise everywhere, as it was for Montaigne in his tower.”

    Money matters do matter, but wealth can be an impediment to the intellectual life, especially for the English, who so often feel compelled to manage it. Given the distracting social obligations they are expected to shoulder, the wealthy best assist culture as patrons. As for young men, they “get on better for not being too comfortably well off.” “All intellectual lives, however much they may differ in the variety of their purposes, have at least this purpose in common, that they are mainly devoted to self-education of one kind or another.” That being so, if you provide a young man “to earn more money than that which comes to him without especial care about it, you interrupt his schooling.” Kepler had “to waste his time over horoscopes in order to make money,” and the same might be said for those who pore over stock market quotes.

    “The art is to use money so that it shall be the protector and not the scatterer of our time, the body-guard of the sovereign Intellect and Will.” If you are poor, concentrate your attention on one subject, a few authors. Consider yourself fortunate not to need to “satisfy public opinion,” as prosperous businessmen have done, and must do. Never envy the rich. They are likely to be distracted by the many objects “that are presented to their attention.” “But when I open a noble volume, I say to myself, ‘Now the only Croesus I envy is he who is reading a better book than this.'”

    Public opinion is shaped by custom and tradition, by which Hamerton means, primarily, religion. He who essays the intellectual life had better recognize that “the penalties imposed by society for the infraction of very trifling details of custom are often, as it seems out of all proportion to the offense; but so are the penalties of nature,” as those who exercise and ‘eat healthy’ on occasion learn. Like nature, “Society will be obeyed: if you refuse obedience, you must take the consequences”; the consequence in a modern liberal society is exclusion. While “in the life of every intellectual man there comes a time when he questions custom at all points,” and while “without you, Western Europe would have been a second China,” your salutary questioning should not extend to customs regarding vice and hypocrisy. Nor should one make petty rebellion against harmless customs—against wearing a dark jacket at a formal dinner. “What is the use of wasting this beneficial power of rebellion on matters too trivial to be worth attention? Does it hurt your conscience to appear in a dress-coat?” If you will “let society arrange your dress for you (it will save you infinite trouble)” you can concentrate on resisting its attempts “to stifle the expression of your thought.”

    The authority of tradition has declined. Scientific discoveries and a sort of faith in ‘the future’ have largely replaced it. “There is a break between the existence of our forefathers and that of our posterity, and it is we who have the misfortune to be situated exactly where the break occurs.” The “modern mind” looks forward, not back at tradition. And that mind is ‘democratic,’ in Tocqueville’s sense. It takes its guidance from around itself, not from above itself; “in our day the real regulator of morality is not the church but public opinion.” And finally, the modern mind orients itself by the experimental “scientific spirit,” which Hamerton takes to have been “conducive to moral health generally”—a judgement the experiences of subsequent centuries would call into question. 

    Tradition includes religious beliefs. Religion is not philosophy, although there is an “intellectual morality,” and “philosophy is the religion of the intellectual” in that sense. More precisely, “the intellect gives morality, philosophy, precious things indeed, but not religion.” Athens is not Jerusalem. “The difficulty of the intellectual life is, that whilst it can never assume a position of hostility to religion”—he surely means ‘should’—which “it must always recognize as the greatest natural force for the amelioration of mankind, it is nevertheless compelled to enunciate truths which may happen to be in contradiction with dogmas received at this or that particular time.” To attempt to reconcile such truths with such dogmas endangers “intellectual integrity.” “The religious life is based upon authority, the intellectual life is based upon personal investigation,” which requires “intellectual fearlessness which accepts a proved fact without reference to its personal or its social consequences.” Hamerton does not pause to consider whether the modern faith in a future undergirded by experimental science placed at the service of the conquest of nature might deserve such fearless questioning, too. And he does not anticipate (in the 1870s it would have been difficult) the political consequences of that faith under some regimes in the next century, and beyond. When he observes that “the freedom of the intellectual life can never be secured except by treating as if they were doubtful several affirmations which large masses of mankind hold to be certainties as indisputable as the facts of science,” he has in mind the doctrines of Papal and of Scriptural infallibility. “The intellect does not recognize authority in any one,” since “our work is simply to ascertain truth by our own independent methods, alike without hostility to any persons claiming authority, and without any deference to them.”

    Custom, especially religious custom, includes marriage, a topic “of which men know less than they know of any other subject of universal interest.” “People are almost always wrong in their estimates of the marriages of others, and the best proof how little we know the real tastes and needs of those with whom we are most intimate, is our unfailing surprise at the marriages they make.” (As André Maurois would put it, much more elegantly, in literature, as in love, we are astonished by what others choose.) 

    A man walking the intellectual way of life has “only two courses.” He can marry an unintellectual, loving, and practical woman happy to run the household, tend to children, and “love him in a truthful spirit without jealousy of his occupations,” or marry a woman “willing to become his companion in the arduous paths of intellectual labor.” The practical sort of wife is better for the artist, the companionable sort better for writer. Above all, one must avoid some mixture of the two. A friend of Hamerton’s lamented, “She knew nothing when I married her. I tried to teach her something; it made her angry, and I gave it up.” “It is not by adding to our knowledge, but by understanding us, that women are our helpers,” Hamerton suggests; their “divine sympathy” assuages the “fearfully solitary” intellectual life.

    As for Hamerton himself (both writer and artist, and so in bit of a pickle), we know from their joint autobiography-biography that his wife, Eugénie Gindriez, annoyed him somewhat as a critic of his etchings (she was right) while proving an excellent intellectual companion, wife, and mother. “The intellectual ideal seems to be that of a conversation on all the subjects you must care about, which should never lose its interest.” That they had. Social customs themselves had served them well, in this instance, as the intellectual separation of the sexes had declined since the beginning of the century: “Happily we are coming back to the old rational notion of culture independent of the question of sex.” This is fortunate, since “women are by nature more subservient to custom than we are, more than we can easily conceive,” worrying more about what the neighbors will think and, worse, say. “A woman will either take your side against the customs of the little world around, or she will take the side of custom against you.” Women are simply more ‘social’ than men, with “natural sympathy with all the observances of custom” that you, sir, incline to neglect. “Unless you win her wholly to your side, she may undertake the enterprise of curing your eccentricities and adapting you to the ideal of her taste,” that is, to the tastes of those around her. As a result of this ineluctable tension, “conversation between the sexes will always be partially insincere,” as “consideration for the feelings of women gives an agreeable tone to society, but it is fatal to the severity of truth.” Still, “as culture” distinguished from custom “becomes more general women will hear truth more frequently,” he optimistically expects. But for now, “men disguise their thoughts for women as if to venture into the feminine world were a dangerous as traveling in Arabia.”

    The problem is even more acute when it comes to mothers. Hamerton writes to a “well educated” young man who found it difficult “to live agreeably with his mother, a person of somewhat authoritative disposition, but uneducated”—not unlike Hamerton’s beloved aunt, who had raised him and hoped that he would join the clergy. Your mother, Hamerton explains, expects deference from her son; deference comports ill with contradiction, which at best can be attempted with discretion; you, however, listen to her heartily asserted opinions, “irresistibly urged to set her right.” “Even before specialists your mother has an independence of opinion, and a degree of faith in her own conclusions, which would be admirable if they were founded upon right reason and a careful study of the subject.” She is, and will remain, “convinced that she knows more about disease than the physician, and more about legal business than an old attorney.” And as for theology, well, “in theology no parson can approach her; but here a woman may consider herself on her own ground, as theology is the specialty of women.” For her son to disagree, he must become didactic, that is, annoying, spoiling her temper without improving her mind. Why so? Because “she does not think simply, ‘Is that true of such a thing?’ but she thinks, ‘Does he love me or respect me?'” And there you have it. Roll with it.

    Beyond the family and the customs governing it, fundamentally religious customs and teachings, there are the social classes. In Hamerton’s Victorian England and Third-Republic France, social class mattered more than it does today (which is not to say that it no longer matters). “The love and pursuit of culture lead each of us out of his class” since “class-views of any kind, whether of the aristocracy, or of the middle class, or of the people, inevitably narrow the mind and hinder it from receiving pure truth.” Intellectual love and pursuit yield something like a Platonic ascent from the Cave. The “largest and best minds” may prudently “continue to conform” to the customs of whichever class in which they were raised, but they “always emancipate themselves from it intellectually, and arrive at a sort of neutral region, where the light is colorless, and clear, and equal, like plain daylight out of doors.” Forgetting ourselves, we “become absorbed in our pursuits for their own sakes,” as “the feeling of caste drops from us.” Viewing the most eminent English writers of his century, Hamerton judges Dickens and Burns too democratic (the poet went so far as to rhyme “asses” with “Parnassus”), Trollope and Tennyson too aristocratic, too disdainful of shopkeepers (“the intensity of the prejudices of caste prevents them from seeing any possibility of true gentlemanhood in a draper or a grocer”). And “the consciousness of our contempt embitters the feeling of men of other cates, and prevents them from accepting our guidance when it might be of the greatest practical utility to them.” [2]

    That is, aristocrats as customarily defined may be liberal or illiberal. The illiberal spirit “cares nothing for culture, nothing for excellence, nothing for the superiorities that make men truly great; all it cares for is to have reserved seats in the great assemblage of the world.” Hamerton prefers the Aristotelian definition, the gentleman as spoudaios, as the serious man, the man in full. “I maintain that it is right and wise in a nation to set before itself the highest attainable ideal of human life as the existence of the complete gentleman.” Amidst the ever-increasing democracy of his time, Hamerton censures enviousness, that characteristic passion of egalitarians. “Instead of rendering a service to itself,” democracy “does exactly the contrary when it cannot endure and will not tolerate the presence of high-spirited gentlemen in the state.” The “class-spirit” or prejudice “is odious in the narrow-minded, pompous, selfish, pitiless aristocrat who thinks that the sons of the people were made by Almighty God to be his lackeys and their daughters to be his mistresses; it is odious also, to the full as odious, in the narrow-minded, envious democrat who cannot bear to see any elegance of living, or grace of manner, or culture of mind above the range of his own capacity or his own purse.”

    On balance, Hamerton has stronger hopes for aristocratic liberality than for democratic magnanimity. “The personages most popular in democratic countries are often remarkably deficient in dignity, and liked the better for it.” While “democratic feeling raises the lower classes and increases their self-respect, which is indeed one of the greatest imaginable benefits to a nation, it has a tendency to fix one uniform type of behavior and of thought s the sole type in conformity with what is accepted for ‘common sense.'” This leveling spirit is democracy’s worst feature. “An aristocracy can be very narrow and intolerant, but it can only exclude from its own pale, whereas when a democracy is intolerant it excludes from all human intercourse,” “driv[ing] men of culture into solitude” in the manner of France’s “noxious swarm of Communards.” “Since the year 1870 we do not speculate about the democratic temper in its intensest expression: we have seen it at work, and we know it,” having seen that “every beautiful building, every precious manuscript and treasure, has to be protected” against burning and rioting levelers. “The ultra-democratic spirit is hostile to culture, from its hatred of all delicate and romantic sentiment, form its scorn of the tenderer and finer feelings of our nature, and especially from its brutish incapacity to comprehend the needs of the higher life.” While “the intellectual spirit studies the past critically, and does not accept history as a legend as accepted by the credulous, still the intellectual spirit has deep respect for all that is noble in the past, and would preserve the record of it forever.”

    For all that, “our best hopes for the liberal culture of the intellect are centered in the democratic idea” because aristocrats “think too much of persons and positions.” They lack the disinterestedness of the intellect. “From the intellectual point of view, it is a necessary virtue to forget your station to forget yourself entirely, and to think of the subject only, in a manner perfectly disinterested.” The “theoretic equality” of democracy lends itself to such disinterestedness, although it must be said, from the vantage point of a century-and-a-half of further experience of the egalitarian temper, that democrats do not hesitate to engage in character assassination any more than aristocrats do, when democrats go beyond rebellion and assume positions of rule.

    What about solitude, then? Intellectual friendships are often useful and temporary, contradicting “the boyish belief in the permanence of human relations,” of ‘friends forever.’ The young often form the best sort of these friendships with the older scholars and artists, incurring a debt they cannot repay, except indirectly, by befriending the next generation. It is living in “fashionable society” that damages intellectual pursuits in the young, “the mind of a fashionable person” being “a gilded mind,” one presenting the appearance of knowledge at the expense of the real thing. “Fashion is nothing more than the temporary custom of rich and idle people who make it their principal business to study the external elegance of life.” Fashionable people attend to change but the intellectual life seeks natural, the laws of which endure. The fashionable life “appears the perfect type of that preoccupation about appearance which blinds the genteel vulgar to the true nobility of life.” Hamerton cheerfully concedes, however, that this gilded or “external deference which Society yields to culture is practically of great service” to culture, providing an audience for paintings, books, and concerts even as it flits or dozes through them. “The sort of good effect is in the intellectual sphere what the good effect of a general religious profession in the moral sphere.” True, “fashionable religion differs from the religion of Peter and Paul as fashionable science differs from that of Humboldt an Arago,” but just as “the profession is useful to Society as some restraint, at least during one day out of seven,” so too fashionable culture not only funds writers and artists but occasionally thinks about what they are writing and painting. As for the intellectual himself, he has given up “the varying spectacle of wealth, and splendor, and pleasure” of the wealthy in exchange for “but one satisfaction,” the satisfaction of “coming into contact with some great reality,” and for being recognized for having done so “by other knowers and doers.” “You will live with the realities of knowledge as one who has quitted the painted scenery of the theater to listen by the eternal ocean or gaze at the granite hills.”

    As to the path of eschewing polite and impolite society altogether, “nothing can replace the conversation of living men and women; not even the richest literature can replace it.” Admittedly, “the general conversations of English society are dull; it is a national characteristic.” And the English have their reason for this, as they attempt to avoid the bitterness lively conversations may induce. All the more reason to seek “a single interested listener.” More, if such intellectual men withdraw from society, “the national intellect” deteriorates. “The low Philistinism of many a provincial town is due mainly to the shy reserve of the one or two superior men who fancy that they cannot amalgamate with the common intellect of the place.” That goes for intellectual women, too, whom Hamerton suggests might discreetly elevate conversations by introducing a change of the topic.

    “Woe unto him that is alone!” and “Woe unto him that is never alone and cannot be to be alone!” “Society is to the individual what travel and commerce are to a nation,” whereas “solitude represents the home life of the nation, during which it develops its especial originality and genius.” It is “only in solitude “that “we learn our inmost nature and its needs.”  “The perfect life is like that of a ship of war which has its own place in the fleet and can share in its strength and discipline, but can also go forth alone in the solitude of the infinite sea.” 

    Well-married Hamerton knew such a solitary man, his days “long and unbroken,” unostentatious, calm in his leisure. “He wore nothing but old clothes, read only a few old books, without the least regard to the opinions of the learned, and did not take in a newspaper.” He still cherished a few friendships but “felt imprisoned and impeded in his thinking” when he ventured into a town and its crowds. “He had a strong sense of the transitoriness of what is transitory, and a passionate preference for all that the human mind conceives to be relatively or absolutely permanent.” Greater minds than his benefited from such habits: Newton, Comte, Milton, Bunyan, all found themselves most productive when alone.

    Do not, then, “encourage in young people the love of noble culture in the hope that it may lead them more into what is called good society. High culture always isolates, always drives men out of their class and makes it more difficult for them to share naturally and easily the common class-life around them. They seek the few companions who can understand them, and when these are not to be had within any traversable distance, they sit and work alone.” If such a man thinks thoughts at odds with those held firmly by those around him, “then he must either disguise them, which is always highly distasteful to a man of honor, or else submit to be treated as an enemy to human welfare.” [3]

    Understand this: “However much pains you take to keep your culture well in the background, it always makes you rather an object of suspicion to people who have no culture.” What is the meaning of this man’s reserve? What is he thinking? Is it a threat to us decent folk? And “something of your higher philosophy will escape in an unguarded moment, and give offense because it will seem foolish or incomprehensible to your audience.” Even a mis-chosen word will raise doubts or give offense. “Unless you are gifted with a truly extraordinary power of conciliating goodwill,” you will find safety only “in a timely withdrawal.” Find “a society that is prepared to understand you,” since the solitude which is really injurious is the severance from all who are capable of understanding us.” That society, a society within the larger society, may itself need members’ discretion to guard it.

    During those prudently timed periods of withdrawal, strict “intellectual hygienics” must be maintained. Be patient with yourself; don’t publish your work too soon. Melancholy being a frequent accompaniment of intellectual labor, undertake hard study at intervals, doing non-intellectual things, too, thereby “brac[ing] the fighting power of the intellect.” The obscurity of intellectual labor can be “rather trying to the moral fiber,” so take the time to share suggestions of it with your neighbors—lending articles, talking about your travels, offering public lectures (what Hamerton calls “adult education”). In these “intellectual charities, let us accustom ourselves to feel satisfied with humble results and small successes.” You won’t ‘change the world,’ much, because the world doesn’t much want to be changed. Hamerton would have demurred, had he listened to young persons with the stated ambition to become ‘public intellectuals.’ 

    Do not fail to cultivate “the art of resting.” “Harness is good for an hour or two at a time, but the finest intellects have never lived in harness.” You are, after all, living an intellectual life. To a friend who never rested, Hamerton protested, “You are living a great deal too much like a star,” always shifting position in the sky, “and not enough like a human being.” Or too much like an army that’s always on campaign, suffering attrition because of that. “Rest is necessary to recruit your intellectual forces.”

    Hamerton and his readers had no ‘Internet’ to distract them, but they did have newspapers, which could be bad enough. “The greatest evil of newspapers, in their effect on the intellectual life, is the enormous importance which they are obliged to attach to mere novelty.” Truth isn’t necessarily, or even often, a matter of newness. Still, one should read newspapers; by “their rough commons sense” and “direct observation” of current events, they guard intellectuals from a sort of “mysticism,” including the scientistic mysticism of one such as Auguste Comte, who invented “a religion far surpassing in unreasonableness the least rational of the creeds of tradition,’ his ‘Religion of Humanity.’ [4] Also, one should read good contemporary authors, not only the ‘greats,’ past and present (if one or two of them exist, in your generation). 

    Speaking of rough common sense, if you wish to combine the intellectual life with a profession, which one should you choose? “The happiest life is that which constantly exercises and educates what is best in us.” How do the several professions contribute to that, and how do they interfere with it? Generally, “the great instruments of the world’s intellectual culture ought not be, in the ordinary sense, professions,” but some professions conduce more to such culture than others.

    “The life of a clergyman is favorable to culture in many ways,” but “not wholly.” Because a clergyman knows that his profession is the one which “most decidedly and mot constantly affects the judgment of persons and opinions,” the intellectual virtue of disinterestedness may go uncultivated. “Accept[ing] truth just as it may happen to present itself, without passionately desiring that one doctrine may turn out to be strong in evidence and another unsupported” often proves difficult. We find clergy “disposed to use their intellects for the triumph of principles that are decided upon beforehand,” with an eye to the good of the flock.

    The life of the lawyer, too, seldom aims at “the revelation of pure truth” but in winning the case for a client. And it is an unusually busy life, unconducive to the leisure necessary for sustained intellectual work. Still, “I think that lawyers are often superior to philosophers in their sense of what is relatively important in human affairs with reference to limited spaces of time, such as half a century. They especially know the enormous importance of custom, which the speculative mind very readily forget, and they have in the highest degree that peculiar sense which fits men for dealing with others in the affairs of ordinary life.” This also puts them ahead of clergymen, artists, and men of science. Plato, after all, wrote the Laws, an exercise in political philosophy.

    Hamerton judges medicine to be the profession best suited to the intellectual life. Science, the laws of nature: these provide “a solid basis in the ascertainable,” hence good preparation for philosophy. Maimonides and Locke would likely concur. The fine arts are also favorable to that life, as one can listen and think while you paint, which is itself a thoughtful activity. A military life? No: too busy. 

    What about writing as a profession? Any professional turns (or attempts to turn) knowledge and talent into “pecuniary profit.” But “the best work is not done as a regular part of professional duty.” With writing, particularly, “it does not pay to do your best“—at least, if your best is any good. Indeed, “one of the greatest privileges which an author can aspire to is to be allowed to write little, and that is a privilege which the professional writer does not enjoy.” Oddly, the one profession Hamerton does not discuss is the profession of teaching, in university or elsewhere. Teachers are not permitted many things, but not-writing isn’t one of them, except at the beginning of a university career, where academic tenure often depends upon publication. 

    As to the non-intellectual professions, the most noteworthy new one, for Hamerton, is that of the industrialist. “The chief of industry and the man of letters stand today in the same relation to each other and to mankind as the baron and bishop of the Middle Ages.” Both types of man are “held to be somewhat intrusive by the representatives of a former order of things, and there is or was until very lately, a certain disposition to deny what we consider our natural rights.” No problem: “We know that our powers are not to be resisted, and we have the inward assurance that the forces of nature are with us.” However, each of these ‘new men’ tends to look down on the other. The intellectual man often dismisses the industrialist as a Philistine. Yet where does the wealth of nations, the wherewithal of modern life that pays for books, paintings, statues, universities, symphony orchestras, buildings, and scientific experiments come from? Doesn’t the cotton manufacturer reduce the cost of the paper the writer writes on?

    As for the industrialists’ contempt for the intellectual class, “we are not always quite so impractical as you think we are,” as the leisure to make discoveries, which commercial people seldom do, for want of time, makes your coveted technological advances possible.  From the industrialist, the intellectual man can simply pray, “Grant us…the liberty not to make much money, and this being granted, try to look upon our intellectual superiority as a simple natural fact, just as we look upon your pecuniary superiority.” Do not charge me with impertinence in praying so impiously, for “in saying in this plain way that we are intellectually superior to you and your class, I am guilty of no more pride and vanity than you when you affirm or display your wealth.” A lot of work went into my acculturation, “just as you have great factories and estates which are the reward of your life’s patient and intelligent endeavor.” More, “not only are the natural philosophers, the writers of contemporary and past history, the discoverers in science, necessary in the strict sense to the life of such a community as the modern English community, but even the poets, the novelists, the artists are necessary to the perfection of its life.”

    And finally, the man walking the intellectual way of life should recognize that “every locality is like a dyer’s vat.” You will absorb the color of what you soak in. “All sights and sounds have their influence on our temper and on our thoughts, and our inmost being is not the same in one place as in another.” True, it’s possible to abstract oneself from unfavorable surroundings, temporarily; Archimedes could think while his city was under siege. But only temporarily. Goethe prospered from the tranquility of Weimar, well away from the hurry of Berlin. And so, “for literary men there is nothing so valuable as a window with a cheerful and beautiful prospect.”

    Hamerton had lived in both the Scottish Highlands and, as he wrote this book, in Rome. The Highlands offer nature at its most beautiful, but it is nature without many people. He prefers Rome. “She bears on her walls and edifices the record of sixty generations. Temple, and arch, and pyramid, all these bear witness still, and so do her ancient bulwarks, and many a stately tower. High above all, the cathedral tower is drawn dark in the morning mist, and often in the clear summer evenings it comes brightly in slanting sunshine against the step woods behind. Then the old city arrays herself in the warmest and mellowest tones, and glows as the shadows fall. She reigns over the whole width of her valley in the folds of the far blue hills. Even so ought our life be surrounded by the loveliness of nature—surrounded but not subdued.” Rome stands for the beauty of civil and religious life within nature, in balance with it. Rightly so considered, the city is the true home of intellect.

    Now better known, the French Catholic writer A. G. Sertillanges also has a book titled The Intellectual Life. [5]. Praiseworthy though it is, it focuses readers’ attention on the way one ought to prepare oneself to ‘intellect’ things—organizing one’s materials, equipping one’s writing desk. It is a decidedly ‘French’ book, at once a specimen of Cartesian abstraction from most physical things and attentive to general principles. Hamerton gives those inclined to abstraction and attention to general principles a much more ‘English’ splash of cold water—concrete, specific, ‘down to earth.’ The sort of things an ‘intellectual’ type really needs.

     

    Notes

    1. Hamerton is fully a ‘modern’ man, no lover of the ‘ancients’ or commender of learning their languages. He endorses the Baconian view that we are the true ancients, having more experience than they who lived closer to the birth of the world. He compliments the principal of a French college for endorsing his government’s removal of the requirement to learn Greek from the public schools, judging it a waste of time because the students seldom learn it well enough actually to read Geek. But more, “the modern mind prefers to occupy itself with its own anxieties and its own speculations.” 
    2. A century later, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher would be deprecated as the daughter of a greengrocer—oddly, most often by socialists. In the letter here quoted, addressed “to a young English nobleman,” Hamerton contrasts “the bewilderment of multiplicity” experienced by an aristocrat, for whom the whole world seems spread out before him, with the perspective of an equally intelligent young man of the working class, thereby ‘introducing’ the aristocrat to a person to whom he would never be introduced formally. Like Tocqueville, Hamerton works for inter-class understanding rather than class conflict.
    3. See Arthur Melzer: The Lost Art of Esoteric Writing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014.
    4. See Daniel J. Mahoney: The Idol of Our Age: How the Religion of Humanity Subverts Christianity. New York: Encounter Books, 2019.
    5. A. G. Sertillanges: The Intellectual Life: Its Spirit, conditions, Methods.  Mary Ryan translation. Washington: Catholic University of American Press, 1987.

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Perpetual Peace

    April 20, 2023 by Will Morrisey

    Immanuel Kant: Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch. In H. M. Reis, editor: Kant: The Political Writings. H. B. Nisbet translation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

     

    While cheerfully admitting that the only really perpetual peace is the peace of the grave, Kant nevertheless soldiers on, proposing an institutional structure for achieving perpetual peace among states. To what degree, if any, does his proposal require the doctrine of natural-evolutionary progress enunciated in his writings on history to make it plausible?

    Kant propounds six “preliminary articles” to any such international agreement. First, “no conclusion of peace shall be considered valid as such if it was made with a secret reservation of the material for a future war.” Peace is not a mere truce. A genuine peace treaty “nullifies all existing reasons for a future war,” doing so with no “mental reservation.” This distinction may be seen in Islamic thought, which distinguishes the dar-es-Islam, the realm of peace, not only from the dar-es-harb, the realm of war, but from the dar-es-sulh, the realm of truce. “If, in accordance with ‘enlightened’ notions of political expediency”—prominently advocated by Machiavelli and his followers—we “believe that the true glory of a state consists of the constant increase of its power by any means whatsoever, the above judgment will certainly appear academic and pedantic.” Be that as it may, it is indispensable to the perpetuation of peace.

    Second, “no independently existing state, whether it be large or small, may be acquired by another state by inheritance, exchange, purchase or gift.” This was common practice in Europe, where monarchs and aristocrats acquired or shed territories without the consent of those they ruled. Kant demurs. A state is “not a possession,” a patrimony, but “a society of men, which no one other than itself can command or dispose of.” In other words, it is not a commodity but “a moral personality,” established by an “original contract” among its members; without that contract, “the rights of a people are unthinkable,” in real-world practice if not in theory. The same goes for the use of mercenaries, “troops of one state” hired by another “to fight an enemy who is not common to both.” Such mercenaries are being “used and misused as objects to be manipulated at will,” not as persons. Machiavelli deprecated the use of mercenaries as injurious to civic virtù. Kant deprecates their use for the injury it does to virtue, to life conducted in accordance with the categorical imperative.

    Third, “standing armies (miles perpetuus) will gradually abolished altogether.” The existence of standing armies “spur on the states to outdo one another in arming unlimited numbers of soldiers. “Such armies must be paid; although they are not mercenaries hired by a foreign state, they are mercenaries hired by their own state to be used as “mere machines and instruments in the hands of someone else (the state),” in obvious violation of Kant’s ‘categorical imperative’ always to treat men as ends, not as means. Kant does not deny the need for militias, whereby “citizens undertake voluntary military training from time to time in order to secure themselves and their fatherland against attacks from outsiders.” But mercenaries fight for money, and money changes everything, since “the power of money” is “probably the most reliable instrument of war.” 

    Regarding money, “no national debt shall be contracted in connection with the eternal affairs of the state.” Not only is debt itself bad for debtor and creditor alike, but “a credit system, if used by the powers as an instrument of aggression against one another, shows the power of money in its most dangerous form,” making it easy to wage war. “Coupled with the warlike inclination of those in power (which seems to be an integral feature of human nature),” war debt presents “a great obstacle in the way of perpetual peace.” Indeed, “other states are thus justified in allying themselves against such a state and its pretensions.” Writing in 1795, Kant has Great Britain specifically in mind. With its well-organized banking system, its centerpiece being financial credit, Great Britain poses a threat to the peace of continental Europe.

    Fifth, “no state shall forcibly interfere in the constitution and government of another state,” “for what could justify such interference?” “A bad example is no injury.” This article integrates the principle of the Peace of Westphalia, by then a century and a half old, into Kant’s proposal. He stipulates an exception to this principle: an alliance with one faction in a foreign state after a civil war that has resulted in the dissolution of that state into two or more sovereign states. Such an alliance during the civil war itself is forbidden, however. This article follows from the principle that states should be independent, ‘autonomous’—giving laws to themselves and to themselves only. This again comports with Kant’s categorical imperative, amounting to a political application of that moral law.

    Finally, “no state at war with another shall permit such acts of hostility as would make mutual confidence impossible during a future time of peace.” Examples include assassination, breach of agreements, and “the instigation of treason within the enemy state.” War is war, but without some modicum of trust between the warring parties their war will become “a war of extermination.” Such a war would indeed result in the peace of the grave, a “perpetual peace only on the vast graveyard of the human race.” As a ” regrettable expedient for asserting one’s rights within a state of nature, where no court of justice is available to judge with legal authority” the merits of the grievances on either side, a declaration of war cannot be a matter of punishment, since “no relationship of superior to inferior,” of judge to accused, pertains among them. Acts of hostility that might well be “carried over into peacetime” contradict peace itself, make any treaty into a truce.

    Kant distinguishes the preliminary articles that must be followed immediately from those that can be acknowledged as eventual. The article prohibiting interference in a foreign regime and the two articles that maintain the distinction between peace and truce must be observed strictly and immediately. The article denying the right to exchange territories ‘above the heads’ of the people can be fulfilled more gradually, as can the prohibition of standing armies and war debts. Although these “are not exceptions to the rule of justice,” they do “allow some subjective latitude according to the circumstances in which they are applied.” Categorical imperative or not, Kant does admit the need for prudence in politics.

    Kant concurs with Hobbes’s claim that “a state of peace of men living together is not the same as the state of nature, which is rather a state of war.” As with men in the state of nature coming together to form a social contract with one another, which eliminates the state of war insofar as they conform to that contract in the future, so with states in the state of nature that now exists among them. A “state of peace must be formally instituted” amongst them, too. In both cases, “a mere state of nature robs me of any such security” that I seek for my person or property, “injur[ing] me by virtue of this very state in which [another person] coexists with me.” This being so, “I can require him either to enter into a common lawful state with me or to move away from my vicinity” as a moral duty respecting my natural rights. Legal constitutions come in three types: civil constitutions, “based on the civil right of individuals within a nation”; international constitutions, “based on the international right of states in their relationships with one another”—the ius gentium of writers on the law of nations; and “a constitution based on cosmopolitan right, in so far as individuals and states, coexisting in an external relationship of mutual influences, may be regarded as citizens of a universal state of mankind.” This latter constitution, which Kant calls the ius cosmopoliticum, would entail a ‘global’ system of institutions and laws—that is, a real system, not simply the agglomeration of international treaties and practices which compose the ius gentium.  The cosmopolitan constitution would more nearly resemble the social-contract regimes established in civil societies. 

    Such a constitution will require three “definitive” (as distinguished from “preliminary”) articles. The first stipulates that “the civil constitution of every State shall be republican, guaranteeing freedom for all members as men, that is, as human beings, dependence of every member upon one set of laws, as subjects, and legal equality for all, as citizens. “Rightful” or “external” freedom “cannot, as is usually thought, be defined as a warrant to do whatever one wishes unless it means doing injustice to others,” a definition Kant considers tautological—perhaps more precisely, the definition leaves justice and injustice undefined. Rightful freedom rightly understood is “a warrant to obey no external laws except those to which I have been able to give my own consent.” Similarly, rightful legal equality means that “no one can put anyone else under a legal obligation without submitting simultaneously to a law which requires that he can himself be put under the same kind of obligation by the other persons.” Both of these are “innate and inalienable rights, the necessary property of mankind.” As such, they exist regardless of what may be said about divine laws. “I am not under any obligation even to divine laws (which I can recognize by reason alone), except in so far as I have been able to give my own consent to them; for I can form a conception of the divine will only in terms of the law of freedom of my own reason.” That law can only be, for Kant, his categorical imperative. This stricture does not apply to the principle of equality, however since the relationship of man to God is radically unequal: “God is the only being for whom the concept of duty ceases to be valid,” having no superior to which He needs to report. Politically, the republican regime follows from these principles of right. Kant regards republicanism as the only constitution which can flow from an original social contract, the only one that “springs from the pure concept of right.”

    Here as everywhere in his writings, Kant redefines natural right, which in the modern philosophers included equality as much as freedom, strictly in terms of reason, which (he claims) issues in the categorical imperative. The problem is that the categorical imperative itself is self-contradictory, not rational, as Hegel was soon to demonstrate. The categorical imperative claims that no moral choice can be valid unless the principle or maxim animating it can be universalizable. ‘Thou shalt not steal,’ for example, is a universalizable maxim. Unfortunately, ‘Thou shalt steal’ is also a universalizable maxim—one instantiated, for example, by cadets at West Point who act under an imperative to steal one another’s caps. Two contradictory maxims are equally universalizable, unless one smuggles in a prior right to property. The same goes for ‘Thou shalt not kill’ and all similar moral laws; their universalizability depends upon the divine law or right, the natural law or right, or a historical law or right—the latter being Hegel’s choice and the choice of ‘historicists’ generally. The categorical imperative is an unstable halfway house between natural and historical right. Perhaps for rhetorical purposes, Kant often maintains the term, ‘natural rights,’ even as he has altered its meaning. 

    Kant argues that republican regimes are likely to be peaceful because few among the sovereign people will call down upon themselves the miseries of war. He knows that ancient democracies were decidedly warlike, but republicanism isn’t democracy. Although republics are democratic with respect to sovereignty, with the many or all ruling, not the one or the few, republics separate executive from legislative power. In despotisms, the executive and legislative powers combine, “reflect[ing] the will of the people only in so far as the ruler treats the will of the people as his own private will.” In democracies, the people are the despots because they both vote for the laws and policies of the state and then carry them out. But “one and the same person cannot at the same time be both the legislator and the executor of his own will.” Therefore, “if the mode of government is to accord with the concept of right, it must be based on the representative system,” without which “despotism and violence will result, no matter what kind of constitution is in force.” That is why the ancient democracies “inevitably ended in despotism.”

    In this, Kant departs from Montesquieu, the philosopher who originated the claim that republics do not make war upon each other, although they may very well make war against other regimes, which are often inclined to attack them. Montesquieu made this argument concerning not republics simply but commercial republics, which add the incentive to avoid disruptions in trade to the popular aversion to risking one’s own life. This is in keeping with Kant’s preference for pure motives in morals and consequently in politics. While recognizing that impure motives usually prevail, he will not admit them in principle. Montesquieu, less firmly opposed to a sort of tamed Machiavellianism, does not go so far. [1]

    Kant’s second definitive article states that “the right of nations shall be based on the federation of free States.” Given the dangerous state of nature in which all sovereign states now live in relation to one another, a condition of “standing offense to one another by the very fact that they are neighbors,” “each nation, for the sake of its own security, can and ought to demand of the others that they should enter along with it into a constitution, similar to the civil one, within which the rights of each could be secured,” a “federation of peoples.” Kant hastens to write that this “would not be the same thing as an international state.” An international state contradicts the right of nations because “every state involves a relationship between a superior (the legislator) and an inferior (the people obeying the laws), whereas a number of nations forming one state would constitute a single nation.” 

    Today, Kant declares, the European states are worse than the barbarians of America who practice cannibalism. Modern European states use the peoples they defeat in war, violating the categorical imperative to treat all human beings as ends, not means, and “thereby augmenting their stock of instruments for conducting even more extensive wars” instead of merely eating their victims. This notwithstanding, European states do give verbal homage to international right, indicating that such right does exist, even if “dormant.” Natural right cannot extend the right of civil peace from individuals to states because states already have “a lawful internal constitution” whereas no such constitution prevails among states, which are not natural entities, in their external relations. Reason, however, “as the highest legislative moral,” as distinguished from natural, “power, absolutely condemns war as a test of rights and sets up peace as an immediate duty.” The federation Kant envisions “would seek to end all wars for good.”

    It can do so because it aims not to acquire statelike power, instead aiming “to preserve the freedom of each state in itself, along with that of the other confederated states.” This is the Peace of Westphalia plus a republican regime within each federation member. A worldwide federation of republican states “is practicable and has objective reality” because “if by good fortune one powerful and enlightened nation can form a republic (which is by its nature inclined to seek perpetual peace), this will provide a focal point for federal association among other states.” This “free federation” of states would thus serve as a “substitute for the union of civil society.” In 1795, the United States was lacked the power needed to function this way, but a century later, Woodrow Wilson would be attending. [2]

    Kant again rejects the notion of world government as utopian, at least now. He has no objection to one in principle. Indeed, “the only rational way in which states coexisting with other states can emerge from the lawless condition of pure warfare” is to act like “individual men” in the state of nature, “renounce their savage and lawless freedom, adapt themselves to public coercive laws, and thus form an international state which would necessarily continue to grow until it embraced all the peoples of the earth.” But “this is not the will of the nations, according to their present conception of international right,” and so the worldwide federation will remain the only practicable solution to the problem of war.

    Turning to the third and final definitive principle based upon “cosmopolitan” right,” this right “shall be limited to conditions of universal hospitality,” that is, the right of a foreigner “not to be treated with hostility when he arrives on someone else’s territory.” “No one originally has any greater right than anyone else to occupy any particular portion of the earth,” a condition of equality that changes only with the institution of civil society. European states now claim the right to invade one another while denying the right of foreign citizens merely to visit; they further claim the right to imperial conquest of “America, the negro countries, the Spice Islands, the Cape,” places “looked upon at the time of their discovery as ownerless territories “because Europeans “counted as nothing” their “native inhabitants.” “This led to oppression of the natives, incitement of the various Indian states to widespread wars, famine, insurrection, treachery and the whole litany of evils which can afflict the human race, “the work pf powers who make endless ado about their piety.”

    Kant foresees a better condition. The very acts of violence seen in imperial conquest shows that “the peoples of the earth” have “entered in varying degrees into a universal community, and it has developed to the point where a violation of rights in one part of the world is felt everywhere.” Thus the idea of cosmopolitan right proves “a necessary complement to the unwritten and international right, transforming it into a universal right of humanity.” If so, this would confirm Kant’s claim that nature in its evolution brings human beings to morality without their intending any such thing. ‘Historicized’ nature replaces divine providence.

    Thus “perpetual peace is guaranteed by no less an authority than the great artist Nature herself,” its “mechanical process” exhibiting “the purposive plan of producing concord among men, even against their will and indeed by their very discord.” Call it fate, call it providence, this plan, “far-fetched in theory,” nonetheless “possess[es] dogmatic validity and has a very real foundation in practice”—perhaps the Enlightenment equivalent of Socrates’ ‘noble lie,’ but with a sounder foundation in fact. Better to call it nature, out of “modesty.”

    Nature has proceeded toward peace by a series of steps: humans are able to live in many regions of the earth; nature drove them into those regions by means of war; nature then compelled them to “enter into more or less legal relationships” to secure property (agriculture being more civilized than hunting); with property secure, trading became possible, establishing peaceful relations, often, between the nations. Thus Kant brings in Montesquieu’s commercial relations, not so much in civil societies as in international politics. More, the war that drives nations apart, initially, teaches them to love honor; risking one’s life transcends “selfish motives,” at least insofar as these are material. Since “wars are often started merely to display this quality…war itself is invested with an inherent dignity.” 

    War “help[s] to promote” man’s “moral purpose” in his political, international, and cosmopolitan rights. Politically, war forces nations to organize themselves internally, so that they can become battle-ready. The “universal and rational human will,” “admirable in itself but so impotent in practice,” thereby begins to instantiate itself. This is where Kant delivers his famous remark, “As hard as it may sound, the problem of setting up a state may be solved even by a nation of devils (so long as they possess understanding).” The institutional aspects of republican regimes can be designed by discovering “how the mechanism of nature can be applied to men in such a manner that the antagonism of their hostile attitudes will make them compel one another to submit to coercive laws, thereby producing a condition of peace within which the laws can be enforced.” 

    Internationally, Kant continues to prefer a federation of republics to the other candidate for perpetual peace, a universal monarchy which amalgamates the nations “under a single power.” Universal monarchy—he may be thinking of the pretensions of the Holy Roman Empire—overbears consent and laws freely consented to, “as the government increases its range, and a soulless despotism, after crushing the seeds of goodness, will, finally lapse into anarchy.” “Nature wills it otherwise,” having separated the nations into linguistic and religious groups initially hostile to one another. “But as culture grows and men gradually move towards greater agreement over their principles, they lead to mutual understanding and peace,” a peace guaranteed precisely by “an equilibrium of forces and a most vigorous rivalry” among the nations.

    Cosmopolitan right, finally, sees nature unite with commerce. Commerce “cannot exist side by side with war,” which the bankers upon which commerce depends will seek to prevent it. Although this might lead to the notion of a cabal of international bankers, so familiar to this day, Kant has another thing in mind. There will be a “secret article of a perpetual peace”: “The maxims of the philosophers on the conditions under which public peace is possible shall be consulted by states which are armed for war.” Kant concedes that “it is not to be expected that kings will philosophize or that philosophers will become kings,” as per the well-known suggestion of Plato’s Socrates. “Nor is it to be desired, however, since the possession of power inevitably corrupts the free judgment of reason.” “Kings or sovereign peoples (i. e. those governing themselves by egalitarian laws) should not, however, force the class of philosophers to disappear or to remain silent, but should allow them to speak publicly,” so that “light may be thrown on their affairs.” Enlightenment, indeed: Kant differs in this respect from Socrates, who does not so much suppose that politics will corrupt philosophers as take up too much of their time. For Kant, morality consists essentially of rules, rules based upon the master-rule, the categorical imperative. For Socrates, the ‘transcendental’ realm of the Ideas causes philosophers to become disoriented, not corrupted, when they return to ‘the Cave’ of political life. The remedy for this disorientation is not withdrawal from politics because the Ideas are not rules. They are guides, at best to be approximated by the prudential judgment of citizens. A political philosopher does not ‘enlighten’ his fellow citizens so much as he engages them in dialogue, with due caution and a certain irony. In his role as prophetic lawgiver, Kant’s philosophers are “by nature incapable of forming seditious factions or clubs,” and “cannot incur suspicion of disseminating propaganda.” To which one can only reply, ‘Ahem,’ a term not to be confused with ‘Amen.’ Perhaps Kant himself is indulging in a bit of Socratic irony?

    To his credit, Kant addresses the need for prudential reasoning in his Appendices, “On the Disagreement Between Morals and Politics in Relation to Perpetual Peace” and “On the Agreement Between Politics and Morality According to the Transcendental Concept of Public Right.” Be wise as serpents, the political man says, to which the moralist adds, be as harmless as doves. Jesus evidently sees no necessary contradiction between these (as Kant would put it) maxims, likely because He regards prudence to be as much a virtue as harmlessness. Kant, too, wants to reconcile them, on somewhat different grounds. Since prudential reasoning “is not sufficiently enlightened to discover the whole series of predetermining causes which would allow it to predict accurately the happy or unhappy consequence of human activities as dictated by the mechanism of nature,” at best it can “tell us what our duty is.” That is, it can lay down the law of conduct for ourselves. To this, “the man of practice” will oppose a theoretical judgment, that “human nature” ensures that “man will never want to do what is necessary in order to attain the goal of eternal peace.” Kant has already supplied his answer, that a sound constitution, backed by force, can rule a race of devils whom the state can overpower. Civil laws give the rule of force “a veneer of morality but in a salutary way, by making it “much easier for the moral capacities of men to develop into an immediate respect for the right” once each person “believes of himself that he would by all means maintain the sanctity of the concept of right and obey it faithfully, if only he could be certain that all the others would do likewise.” A rightly ordered government, a republic, “guarantees this for him,” taking “a great step towards morality,” that is, towards “a state in where the concept of duty is recognized for its own sake, irrespective of any possible gain in return.”

    Despite all this, there can be such a person as a “moral politician,” as distinguished from a “political moralist”—one who “fashions his morality to suit his own advantage as a statesman.” The moral politician “make[s] it a principle that, if any faults which could not have been prevented are discovered in the political constitution or in the relation between states, it is a duty, especially for heads of state, to see to it that they are corrected as soon as possible,” that “political institutions are made to conform to natural right, which stands before us as a model in the idea of practical reason”—rule-based, however, as Kant has insisted. Having seen the results of the French Revolution, Kant distances himself from any suggestion that morality entitles us “to destroy any of the existing bonds of political or cosmopolitan union before a better constitution has been prepared to take their place.” He is rather concerned with the ‘Machiavellian’ politicians “who do not know man and his potentialities,” a convenient ignorance that enables them to worship “the god of success,” to deflect blame for failure on others, and to pursue the policy of divide and rule. “Such theories are particularly damaging, because they may themselves produce the very evil they predict” by “put[ting man into the same class as other living machines,” denying human freedom.

    Kant in no way abandons the categorical imperative, demanding that “act[ing] in such a way that you can wish your maxim to become a universal law,” regardless of “what the end in view may be” remains an “absolute necessity.” Following his own model of the philosophic enlightener, Kant offers a revised Biblical maxim: “Seek ye first the kingdom of pure practical reason,” not the Kingdom of God, “and its righteousness, and your object (the blessing of perpetual peace) will be added unto you.” While he’s at it, he proposes a novel translation of the maxim, fiat iusticia, pereat mundus” as “let justice reign, even if all the rogues in the world must perish.” There’s a hint of Jacobinism in our Immanuel, after all. It is possible that he believes that the world will not perish if justice is done because the world cannot perish; as we’ve seen, he claims that nature is ‘providential,’ if by accident. He wisely adds that “the true courage of virtue…does not consist, in the present case, in resolutely standing up to the evils and sacrifices which must be encountered, as in facing the evil principle within ourselves and overcoming its wiles.” The self-righteousness of a Robespierre really is best avoided. In the end, he denies that peoples have the right to revolution, the right to overthrow “a so-called tyrant.” That is because irresistible supreme power is necessary in order to be a true head of state and any sudden collapse of state power would lead (France-like) to anarchy followed by worse tyranny, Jacobin guillotines followed by Napoleon.

    With regard to international right, Kant supposes that if one member refused his obligations, others would desert him, thus defeating his own purpose. It suffices to remark that Hitler and others have disproved this claim to the extent that they can overbear the other federation members. Nor may weaker states strike pre-emptively and remain faithful to the categorical imperative; “if a state were to let it be known that it affirmed this maxim” of pre-emption, “it would merely bring about more surely and more quickly the very evil it feared,” given a greater power’s capacity to play divide-and-conquer against weaker rivals. That is, the maxim of pre-emption is neither universalizable nor practicable. However, it has proved practicable under certain circumstances, notably the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.

    More generally, while it is not true that “all maxims which can be made public are therefore also just,” since a great power could announce an evil intention without worry of serious reprisal, it is true that “all maxims which require publicity if they are not to fail in their purpose can be reconciled both with right and with politics.” Such maxims require consent, conformity “to the universal aim of the public,” happiness; further, because only within [public right] is it possible to unite the ends of everyone.” The second consideration assures that the maxim conforms to the categorical imperative.

    At the end of his book, Kant acknowledges that for perpetual peace not to be “just an empty idea” there will need to be “an infinite process of gradual approximation” to it. That is, the ‘historicized’ nature he propounds must take its course.

     

    Note

    1. See Harvey C. Mansfield: Taming the Prince. New York: The Free Press, 1989.
    2. See William Galston: Kant and the Problem of History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975, pp. 26-27.

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Is Kant a Historicist?

    April 12, 2023 by Will Morrisey

    H. S. Reis, editor: Kant: Political Writings. H. B. Nisbet translation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. 

    Immanuel Kant: “Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose.”

    _____. “The Contest of Faculties: A Renewed Attempt to Answer the Question: ‘Is the Human Race Continually Improving?'”

    _____. “Conjectures on the Beginning of Human History.”

     

    By ‘historicism’ I do not mean the scholarly practice of ‘putting things in their historical context.’ I mean the philosophic doctrine that defines ‘history’ not as a literary genre, an inquiry into the course of events, but as the course of events itself, a doctrine that further derives the principles of moral and political right from that course of events (rather than from God or nature, for example). The most comprehensive forms of historicism claim that the ‘history,’ so defined, decisively influences human knowledge and beliefs, that these are ‘relative to the time’ in which a given thought or belief arose and have no necessary validity in some other ‘time’ or epoch. Whereas previous moral and political philosophy had distinguished theory from practice partly by taking theory to provide an account of permanent things—ideas, natural laws—and by taking practical wisdom or prudence to address changing circumstances (‘history’ as latterly defined), historicism made theory, too, relative to circumstances.

    By this definition, G. W. F. Hegel unquestionably qualifies as a historicist. Hegel refutes the central idea of Kantian moral thought, the ‘categorical imperative,’ then proposes his own moral system, founded upon the dialectical permutations of ‘the Absolute Spirit,’ which unfolds in a variety of forms over the course of time. For Hegel, ‘history’ is this process of unfolding. Kant himself wrote extensively about history, but is he a historicist? His moral philosophy suggests not, as the categorical imperative seems timeless, held by him to be true in any age, even if he is its discoverer. How does Kant understand history?

    He titles his first major essay on the subject Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose, published in 1784. Here, “history” means what it had meant traditionally—a narrative of, written after an inquiry into, the course of events. He argues that the manifestations of the human will in the phenomenal world are “determined in accordance with natural laws, as is every other natural event.” History offers an account of these phenomena, “allows us to hope that, if it examines the free exercise of the human will on a large scale, it will be able to discover a regular progression among freely willed actions,” a “steadily advancing but slow development of man’s original capacities,” a “course intended by nature” whereby individuals and nations are “un consciously promoting an end which, even if they knew what it was, would scarcely arouse their interest.” In writing a universal history, a history of the human species, a philosopher (if he is not a misanthrope) will try “to discover a purpose of nature behind this senseless course of human events.” Philosophy remains, as it has always been, an inquiry into nature. Nature remains teleological, as Aristotle (for example) thinks, but for Kant the teleology may consist not only of nature’s manifestation in individual members of a species, a principle of motion and growth seen in each one, but rather as an overall evolution (to deploy a word Kant does not use) of the species itself. Previous ‘universal histories’ (Bossuet’s being a distinguished example) find God’s providence behind the course of events. Not so, for Kant

    Kant sets down nine propositions regarding his “idea” for such a history. The first is Aristotelian: “All the natural capacities of a creature are destined sooner or later to be developed completely and in conformity with their end.” This is indeed “the teleological theory of nature.” “If we abandon this basic principle, we are faced not with a law-governed nature, but with an aimless, random process, and the dismal reign of chance replaces the guiding principle of reason.” Teleology classifies the end or purpose of a creature as one of its ’causes,’ its ‘reason for being’ in the sense of its aim. Its telos is rational both in the sense that it ‘makes sense,’ given the material, formal, and ‘efficient’ or triggering causes for its existence and also in the sense that it is rationally discernible. Pure randomness cannot be rationally understood. In a world of pure randomness, rational thought itself would be impossible or, if it were the only exception to the cosmic randomness, it could not understand what it was trying to understand; it could find no ‘rhyme or reason’ to the rest of reality.

    Second, “In man (as the only rational creature on earth), those natural capacities which are directed toward the use of his reason are such that they could be fully developed only in the species but not in the individual.” Here Kant departs from Aristotle, who might well concede that no one individual, not even a philosopher, has fully developed his rational capacities, but never suggests that the human species has any such capacity. Kant evidently has in mind something along the lines of what Edmund Burke calls tradition. Reason “requires trial, practice and instruction to enable it to progress gradually from one stage of insight to the next.” Although “every individual man would have to live for a vast length of time if he were to learn how to make complete use of all his natural capacity,” and “it will require a long, perhaps incalculable series of generations, each passing on its enlightenment to the next, before the germs implanted by nature in our species can be developed to that degree which corresponds to nature’s original intentions,” this process has occurred and will continue to occur, “or else [man’s] natural capacities would necessarily appear by and large to be purposeless and wasted.” What Aristotle understands to be the practical wisdom of individuals, organized into political communities or ‘cities,’ Kant understands to be a much grander, as it were collective process, albeit just as much a reflection of human nature. Kant offers no proof of this claim, contenting himself with deploring the alternative possibility.

    Third, “nature has willed that man should produce entirely by his own initiative everything which goes beyond the mechanical ordering of his animal existence, and that he should not partake of any other happiness or perfection than that which he has procured for himself without instinct and by his own reason.” That is, although human beings by nature seek the “happiness or perfection” of their nature, they do so freely, unmechanically; Kant numbers among the ‘philosophers of freedom.’ “Nature gave man reason, and freedom of will is based upon reason.” Moreover, “man was not meant to be guided by instinct or equipped and instructed by innate knowledge; on the contrary, he was meant to produce everything out of himself.” Physically weak, the human being has “neither the bull’s horns, the lion’s claws, nor the dog’s teeth, but only his hands.” His greatest natural power to produce what he wants inheres in “his insight and circumspection and the goodness of his will.” In its physical poverty, human nature produces what it needs for survival and pleasure by its theoretical and practical insight, joined to the moral character of a good will. “It seems as if nature had intended that man, once he had finally worked his way up from the uttermost barbarism to the highest degree of skill, to inner perfection in his manner of thought and thence (as far as is possible on earth) to happiness, should be able to take for himself the entire credit for doing so and have only himself to thank for it.” In this, “it seems that nature has worked more with a view to man’s rational self-esteem than to his mere well-being.” The source of man’s rational pride (sharply contrasting with the Biblical humility before a providential God) derives from this naturally governed course of events. “Mortal as individuals but immortal as a species,” this “class of rational beings…was still meant to develop its capacities fully.” Whereas Burkean traditionalism enfolds practical reasoning based upon experience across generations, Kantian naturalism enfolds both theoretical and practical reasoning, along with the refinement of the human will.

    Fourth, “the means which nature employs to bring about the development of innate capacities is that of antagonism within society, in so far as this antagonism becomes in the long run the cause of a law-governed social order.” Here, Kant brings in a touch of Hobbes, but for un-Hobbesian moral and political purposes. Human nature is neither mutually antagonistic, as in Hobbes, nor primarily social and political, as in Aristotle, but something in-between, a thing of “unsocial sociability.” Kant refers to humans’ “tendency to come together in society, coupled, however, with a continual resistance which constantly threatens to break this society up,” a “propensity” that is “obviously rooted in human nature,” which inclines both toward social life and ‘individualism’ or the individual’s tendency “to isolate himself” and more, “the unsocial characteristic of wanting to direct everything in accordance with his own ideas,” a characteristic that leads to “resistance all around.” “It is this very resistance which awakens all man’s powers and induces him to overcome his tendency to laziness.” The human individual seeks honor, power, property “among his fellows, whom he cannot bear yet cannot bear to leave.” Were this not so, human life would be Arcadian—pastoral, peaceful, self-sufficient yet loving, a long afternoon of undogmatic slumber. It would also be non-rational, never in need of thought. “Nature should thus be thanked for fostering social incompatibility, enviously competitive vanity, and insatiable desires for possession or even power,” since “without these desires, all man’s excellent natural capacities would never be roused to develop.” These “natural impulses” are not sinful, as the Book of Genesis teaches, not the work of “the hand of a malicious spirit who had meddled in the creator’s glorious work or spoiled it out of envy,” but the source not merely of Machiavellian virtù but of virtue tout court, virtue as understood by the noble non-Machiavellians, virtue both intellectual and moral. 

    Fifth, and centrally, “the greatest problem for the human species, the solution of which nature compels him to seek, is that of attaining a civil society which can administer justice universally.” The political problem is the greatest, the central, problem. If “the highest purpose of nature,” the “development of all natural capacities,” can “be fulfilled for mankind only in society” but by “his own efforts” within that society, then the good society must give scope to “a continual antagonism of its members, but also,” and crucially, within “the most precise specification and preservation of the limits of this freedom in order that it can co-exist with the freedom of others.” That means “freedom under external laws” backed “to the greatest possible extent with irresistible force” under “a perfectly just civil constitution.” This “most stringent of all forms of necessity” must be “imposed by men upon themselves.” By this means, men freely guard their freedom by setting the terms of their coercion. “Right” means “straight.” Even as “trees in a forest, by seeking to deprive each other of air and sunlight, compel each other to find these by upward growth, so that they grow beautiful and straight,” so “all the culture and art which adorn mankind and the finest social order man creates are fruits of his unsociability.” The ‘enlightenment’ of Man parallels the ‘enlightenment’ of trees; both grow straighter and taller as they seek the light. Human nature compels itself “to discipline itself, and thus, by enforced art, to develop completely the seeds which nature implanted.” Unlike historicists, who associate historical progress with the conquest of nature, Kant associates progress with nature itself.

    Sixth, the problem of attaining a just civil society “is both the most difficult and the last to be solved by the human race.” Since man is an animal who “certainly abuses his freedom,” he is “an animal who needs a master,” one “misled by his self-seeking animal inclinations into exempting himself from the law where he can.” Accordingly, he “requires a master, to break his self-will and force him to obey a universally valid will under which everyone can be free,” as Rousseau had urged in his famous mot. Since man can have no master on earth other than another man, and “this man will also be an animal who needs a master,” “nothing straight can be constructed from such warped wood as that which man is made of.” Further, only “great experience” can bring man even to conceive of a sound political constitution, which is why this problem is not only the most difficult but also the last to be solved. Human beings may grow straighter and taller, over time, but they will remain far from perfectly straight or very tall.

    While the sixth proposition lines up with the trends of modern political philosophy, the seventh represents a departure not only from the ‘moderns’ but from the ‘ancients.’ “The problem of establishing a perfect civil constitution is subordinate to the problem of a law-governed external relationship with other states, and cannot be solved unless the latter is also solved.” No previous political thinker of any consequence had made this claim; all had centered politics on the question of the regime, and many had scanted the question of ‘international relations’ almost entirely. Kant’s seventh proposition shows why he concerns himself with “universal” or ‘world’ history. 

    “The same unsociability which forced men” into civil societies “gives rise in turn to a situation whereby each commonwealth, in its external relations…is in a position of unrestricted freedom.” The resulting “wars, tense and unremitting military preparations, and the resultant distress which every state must eventually feel within itself, even in the midst of peace—these are the means by which nature drives nations to make initially imperfect attempts, but finally, after many devastations, upheavals and complete inner exhaustion of their powers, to take the  step which reason would have suggested to them even without so many sad experiences—that of abandoning a lawless state of savagery and entering a federation of peoples in which every state, even the smallest, could expect to derive its security and rights not from its own power or its own legal judgment, but solely from this great federation, from a united power and the law-governed decisions of a united will.” Kant judges this “the inevitable outcome of the distress in which men involve one another,” suggesting that he is a fatalist with regard to the course of events—basing this fatalism, however, not finally upon the concatenation of events themselves but upon the nature of the beings who concatenate. “Finally, partly by an optimal internal arrangement of the civil constitution, and partly by common external agreement and legislation, a state of affairs is created which, like a civil commonwealth, can maintain itself automatically.” Two interlocking master-machines composed of laws, one internal to each regime, one shared by each, externally, will keep the peace by moderating the unsociable aspects of human unsocial sociability.

    Kant recognizes that some will find this optimistic vision too good to be true. He lists three possibilities for the human species: that states are like atoms, colliding randomly but finally falling into a sustainable formation; that nature develops man’s natural capacities by a regular, rationally discernible process; or that no order will result, and the human species will fall into “a hell of evils.” “These three possibilities boil down to the question of whether it is rational to assume that the order of nature is purposive in its parts but purposeless as a whole.” Kant finds this assumption irrational. International anarchy and its attendant evils “compel our species to discover a law of equilibrium to regulate the essentially healthy hostility which prevails among the states and is produced by their freedom,” a law beyond the unstable ‘balance of power,’ instituting “a system of united power, hence a cosmopolitan system of general political security.” While this international system should not be “completely free from danger, lest human energies should lapse into inactivity,” it does need “a principle of equality governing the actions and counter-actions of these energies, lest they should destroy one another.” In a sense, this amounts to the discovery of a political equivalent to the centerpiece of Kant’s moral philosophy, the categorical imperative, whereby the maxim of one’s action must be universalizable if it is to be acknowledged to be moral.

    Eighth, “the history of the human race as a whole can be regarded as the realization of a hidden plan of nature to bring about an internally—and for this purpose also externally—perfect political constitution as the only possible state within which all natural capacities of mankind can be developed completely.” This is an atheistic millenarianism, one of the earliest of a series of such, including the Hegelian and Marxist versions of ‘the end of History.’ “Philosophy too can have its chiliastic expectations,” expectations that “can be hastened, if only indirectly, by a knowledge of the idea they are based on”—again, an anticipation of the ‘historical consciousness’ that takes an indispensable role in the historicist doctrines to come. “It appears that we might by our own rational projects accelerate the coming of this period which will be so welcome to our descendants.”

    Kant’s confidence in the priority of external relations among states to their internal regimes evidently derives from the course of European events whereby modern states prevailed over feudal communities. “The mutual relationships between states are already so sophisticated that none of them can neglect its internal culture without losing power and influence in relation to the others.” Initially, this meant that once one European monarch had imposed the centralized, regularized features of modern statism upon his political community, the other monarchs quickly needed to imitate him. The modern state simply raises revenues and armies more efficiently than communities organized by feudal institutions do. Feudalism requires the monarch to win the consent of the aristocrats for any common venture; modern states can enforce the edicts of monarchs (or those of any other regime) far more surely and rapidly. Once the modern state was established, other necessities of “internal culture” became apparent: the civil freedom necessary for the commercial dynamism that inter-state competition demands; the religious freedom that prevents states from the ruination caused by intractable civil wars based upon religious disputes; and education in a common language and literature that promote internal cohesion, along with an education in the modern sciences that master nature for the relief of man’s estate by fostering technological advancement. In a word, modern states need the Enlightenment. 

    All of this conduces to more peaceful international dealings. Given modern technology and the overall power of modern states, war “becomes “a very dubious risk to take,” given the uncertainty of its immediate outcome and its effect on the national debt, win or lose. Revenues are further diminished by interruption of international trade. For these reasons, “a feeling is beginning to stir” among all modern states that each one “has an interest in maintaining the whole,” opening the real possibility of “a universal cosmopolitan existence” in the future.

    This leads to the ninth and final proposition, that “a philosophical attempt to work out a universal history of the world in accordance with a plan of nature aimed at a perfect civil union of mankind, must be regarded as possible and even as capable of furthering the purpose of nature itself,” even if “we are too short-sighted to perceive the hidden mechanism of nature’s scheme.” Evidence of this purpose may be seen not in the Bible but first in Greek history, as ‘Classical’ Greece emerged from the Archaic period, the Archaic period from the ‘Iron Age’ of the Trojan War. Once conquered by the Romans, the Greeks set about the shaping and misshaping of the body politic of Rome, which in turn influenced the “Barbarians” who conquered it. In this, “we shall discover a regular process of improvement in the political constitutions of our continent.” Europe in turn “will probably legislate eventually for all other continents,” as in many respects it has done. Such a philosophic history would justify nature, “or rather perhaps…providence.” Nature, revealing itself in the course of events narrated by a philosopher-historian, behaves in a providential manner, urged on, hastened, by the publication of the envisioned “universal history” itself.

    Kant had been disappointed by the attempt at a universal history by his former student, Johann Gottfried Herder, who published his Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind in 1784. Simply put, Kant found Herder’s philosophy insufficiently philosophic—too religious-transcendental (Herder was a Lutheran clergyman), too literary-poetic, too romantic-emotional-imaginative, too organicist-materialist-vitalistic, too nationalistic. Rightly considered, the Sturm und drang admired by Herder and the young Goethe, Herder’s mentee, belonged strictly in subordination to rationally discernible natural progress, deserving no esteem in and of itself. Philosophy should proceed by rational critique (as indeed Kant does, in his critiques of “pure reason” and of “practical judgment”), not imaginative speculation. “The flow of his eloquence…involve[s] him here and there in contradictions.” [1] Herder is at once too materialist, focusing his attention on human anatomy, the supposed uprightness of the human body as the progenitor of human reason, and too airy. Progress can only be understood philosophically in the consideration of “human actions, in which the human character is revealed.” One should not stray “from the path of nature and rational knowledge.” 

    Envisioning such a history, or any “providential” history, “is possible if the prophet himself occasions and produces the events he predicts.” Such is the argument of Kant’s 1798 essay, The Contest of Faculties: A Renewed Attempt to Answer the Question: ‘Is the Human Race Constantly Improving?’ For example, “the Jewish prophets” foretold the decline of Israel because “they themselves were the architect of their fate,” having “loaded their constitution with so many ecclesiastical (and thence also civil) burdens that their state became completely unfit to exist in its own right, particularly in its relations with neighboring nations.” Our modern politicians, “so far as their influence extends, behave in exactly the same way,” bringing on such disasters as the French Revolution by their own “unjust coercion” and “treacherous designs.” And so do the priests, who “complain of the irreligion which they themselves created” by their failure “to impress on the hearts of their congregation which would directly lead to an improvement,” instead “see[ing] observances and historical beliefs as the essential duties,” enforcing a “mechanical conformity” to those supposed duties “within a civil constitution”. One needs no “special gift of prophecy” to anticipate the failure to “produce conformity in moral attitudes” with such self-defeating methods. One needs no gift of prophecy, evidently, because in Kant’s estimation the putative kingdoms of God on earth act exactly as other regimes do, even if their claims to rule, to legitimacy, may differ from those regimes.

    Prophesy concerning the modern world might consist of “moral terrorism,” the claim that humanity regresses or deteriorates over time, “eudaimonism” or it might consist of “chiliasm,” the claim that humanity continually progresses and improves, or “abderitism,” the claim that humanity has reached “a permanent standstill.” Since “a genuine standstill is impossible in human affairs is impossible” in “moral affairs,” we are left with the alternative of regress or progress. Paradoxically, it is the disastrous French Revolution, an “experiment” that “no right-thinking man would ever decide” to repeat “at such a price,” that has nonetheless had the excellent consequence of having “aroused in the hearts and desires of all spectators who are not themselves caught up in it a sympathy which borders almost on enthusiasm, although the very utterance of this sympathy was fraught with danger.” One would not wish to undergo such a cataclysm, but the empathetic spectator can draw inspiration from it because it “suggest[s] that man has the quality or power of being the cause and (since his actions are supposed to be those of a being endowed with freedom) the author of his own improvement.” Absent the providential God of the Bible, discredited by Enlightenment rationalism, Man can become his own providential deliverer, even if in his initial effort, in France, he botched the job.

    What the Revolution upheld that remains valid is its “moral cause,” consisting of two elements. The first is “the right of every people to give itself a civil constitution of the kind that it sees fit, without interference from other powers” (what might be called the moral and political vindication of the Peace of Westphalia). Second, having “accepted that the only intrinsically rightful and morally good constitution which a people can have is by its very nature disposed to avoid wars of aggression”—the republican regime which, Montesquieu teaches, conduces to peace with others of its kind—Europeans must therefore move toward the aim, the duty, of “submitting to those conditions by which war, the source of all evils and moral corruption, can be prevented.” The rights of man must be “exalted above all utilitarian values” as Europeans cultivate the “true enthusiasm” that “is always directed exclusively toward s the ideal, particularly towards that which is purely moral,” uncoupled from “selfish interests.” This “concept of right,” accompanied by such sentiments, would generate “zeal”—the passion of religious men—and “greatness of soul”—the aristocratic virtue Aristotle commends—along with “the old military aristocracy’s concept of honor.” And all of these affects would be fundamentally democratized or ‘republicanized’ under the conditions of the modern state, now animated not by the pride of the few but “the universal and disinterested sympathy” of the people. None of this need entail violence, the brutal error of the French revolutionaries. Not revolution but “the evolution of a constitution governed by natural right” is needed. That constitution might be formally republican or even a monarchy animated by the “universal principles of right.” 

    Why does Kant find this plausible? Because “a phenomenon of this kind,” the rights-upholding French Revolution—can “never be forgotten, since it has revealed”—prophecy-like—in “human nature,” not divine providence or God’s ‘nature’—an “aptitude and power for improvement of a kind which no politician could have thought up by examining the course of events in the past.” “Only nature and freedom, combined within mankind in accordance with principles of right, have enabled us to forecast,” even if “the precise time at which it will occur must remain indefinite and dependent upon chance.” All that is really needed is “popular enlightenment,” the “public instruction of the people upon their duties and rights towards the state to which they belong,” along with minimally prudent philosophers, ones who avoid being “decried as a menace to the state” by “address[ing] themselves in familiar tones to the people” (who otherwise ignore them) and “in respectful tones to the state,” imploring it “to take the rightful needs of the people to heart.” Such a much more careful advancement of the Enlightenment project should persuade the state not to ban public petitions regarding its grievances on the basis of “the claim for natural rights.” 

    “We accordingly think of the commonwealth in terms of pure reason,” a commonwealth that “may be called a Platonic ideal,” which, Kant insists, “is not an empty figment of the imagination, but the eternal norm for all civil constitutions whatsoever, and a means of ending all wars.” This is the new ‘Republic,’ the new rule of philosopher-kings, no longer directly (as in Plato’s Socrates’ version) but indirectly, via the modern natural rights teaching, now that Machiavellianism has been moralized. Monarchs, the moralized-Machiavellian princes, “should treat the people in accordance with principles akin in spirit to the laws of freedom which a people of mature rational powers would prescribe for itself, even if the people is not literally asked for its consent.” In this, one sees the nucleus of what would become ‘vanguardism’ in Marxist-Leninist thought, after doctrines of historicist materialism had superseded Kantian ‘idealism.’ Just as the Kantian prophet, the universal historian, accelerates natural progress by the very act of writing history, so the Marxist vanguard would accelerate historical progress with violent deeds and propagandistic words. It is no wonder that Wilson and Lenin detested one another, even if both were cut from the same progressive-historicist cloth.

    Kant himself has a ‘realist’ side. He does not anticipate any moral progress in humanity, which will remain unsocially social, its “basic moral capacity” unincreased, but rather a progress in law, improvements that will channel men into “an increasing number of actions governed by duty.” This progress may come from civil society or from ‘enlightened despotism. But, given the necessary evolution of human nature and especially its improved capacity to reason, pushed ahead by stern necessity, it will come.

    In his 1786 article, Conjectures on the Beginning of Human History, Kant explicitly differentiates his nature-based evolutionary progressivism from the teachings of the Bible. “If the beginning is a product of nature, it may be discoverable by conjectural means,” not invented or imagined by “deduced from experience” on “the analogy of nature.” Beginning, necessarily “with something human reason cannot deduce from prior natural causes,” namely, the existence of fully developed human beings, male and female, in a single family (otherwise war would “break out at once, as would happen if the people in question were close to one another yet strangers”), Kant posits human beings capable of standing, walking, speaking, and thinking. “These are all skills which [Man] had to acquire for himself (for if they were innate, they would also be inherited, which does not tally with experience).” At this stage, Man “must have been guided solely by instinct, that voice of God which all animals obey,” along with the evidence of the senses—an “ability, which is still in evidence today, to sense in advance whether a given food is suitable for consumption or not.” Obviously, Kant follows the account of Genesis but ‘naturalizes’ it.

    And he continues. The Biblical Serpent arrives in the form of reason. Reason “soon made its presence felt and sought to extend [Man’s] knowledge of foodstuffs beyond the bounds of instinct” by “comparing his usual diet with anything which a sense other than that to which his instinct was tied”—sight, for example—represented “as similar in character.” Reason uniquely can cooperate with imagination “to invent desires which not only lack any corresponding natural impulse, but which are even at variance with the latter,” desires such as lasciviousness (i.e., consciousness of nakedness) and luxuriousness (i.e., the desire for clothing). Kant straight-facedly intones, “the outcome of that experiment whereby man became conscious of his reason as a faculty which can extend beyond the limits to which all animals are confined was of great importance, and it influenced his way of life decisively”; indeed, he may have followed “the example of an animal to which such food was naturally congenial, although it had an opposite and harmful effect on human beings.” This “first experiment in free choice…probably did not turn out as expected.” While thereby “discover[ing] in himself an ability to choose his own way of life without being tied to any single one like the other animals,” the “momentary gratification which this realization of his superiority may have afforded him was inevitably followed at once by anxiety and fear.” “He stood, as it were, on the edge of an abyss,” but “now that he had tasted this state of freedom, it was impossible for him to return to a state of servitude under the rule of instinct.” 

    Reason thus augmented Man’s desire for food. It had the same effect on “the sexual instinct,” since a “sexual stimulus” could now “be prolonged and even increased by means of the imagination.” The fig-leaf betokened a strong “assertion of reason,” inasmuch as “to render an inclination more intense and lasting by withdrawing its object from the senses already displays a consciousness of some rational control over the impulses.” More “the first incentive for man’s development as a moral being came from his sense of decency, his inclination to inspire respect in others by good manners (i.e., by concealing all that might invite contempt) as the proper foundation of all true sociability.”

    In Genesis, God expels Adam and Eve from their so-to-speak timeless existence in the Garden of Eden. In Kant’s version, reason enables human beings to anticipate the future, “not just to enjoy the present moment of life but also to visualize what is yet to come,” a motive to plan but also an “inexhaustible source of cares and worries…from which all animals are exempt.” This is the rationalist’s equivalent of God’s curse; to prepare for the future, Man must work, Woman must foresee “the hardships to which nature had subjected her sex, as well as those which the more powerful man would inflict upon her.” Both could now foresee “the fate which must befall all animals but which causes them no concern, namely death.” 

    Finally, reason caused man to begin to realize “that he is the true end of nature,” the animal entitled to use the other animals to provide him with food and clothing, “no longer regard[ing] them as fellow creatures, but as means and instruments to be used at will for the attainment of whatever ends he pleased.” Reason also began to show Man that he ought to regard other members of his own species as “having an equal share in the gifts of nature”—a “distant preparation for those restrictions which reason would in future impose on man’s will in relation to his fellows, a preparation which is much more essential for the establishment of society than is inclination or love.” In Kant’s estimation, after all, the categorical imperative is a distinct improvement over the command to love God and neighbor. Kant thus endorses the Serpent’s claim that knowledge of good and evil puts Man in “a position of equality with all rational creatures” as “an end in himself.” You shall be as gods. By dint of reason, man wins “release from the womb of nature,” having been expelled “from the harmless and secure condition of a protected childhood—from a garden, as it were, which provided for him without any effort on his part,” now governed by “restless reason,” which “does not allow him to return to the state of rude simplicity.” The ‘expulsion from Eden’ symbolizes the dawning of human Enlightenment, the transition from a life ruled by instinct to one ruled by reason, progress of the species even if bad for individuals. In his essay on Enlightenment, Kant selects for its motto, “Dare to know!”

    Kant has in mind not only Genesis but Rousseau’s counter-Genesis, his ‘State of Nature.’ Nature fixes the time of human maturity at sixteen or seventeen years. But the “civilized state” which reason devises introduces such complexity as only can be mastered by the age of twenty-six, on average. But the natural growth and development of human beings remains the same. “As a result, the effect of social customs on the end of nature—and vice-versa—is inevitably prejudicial.” This is Kant’s version of Rousseau’s complaint that the invention of property and other civilizational customs have corrupted man; for Kant, it isn’t so much a matter of corruption as mismatch. Similarly, art is long, life short: could a genius live two or three centuries, he surely would accomplish much more, but now that it is “evident that nature has fixed the end of human life with a view to ends other than that of the advancement of the sciences,” we must live with this realization. And finally, although “in terms of universal human rights” nature has endowed us equally, the inequality of “natural gifts or good bestowed on them by nature,” an inequality “inseparable from culture,” man must struggle both to rise “above the barbarism of his natural abilities, but to care not to contravene them even as he rises above them.”

    Whereas in the Book of Genesis, Cain the agriculturist, the property owner, is the murderous villain, pastoral Abel, the innocent peaceful one, Kant finds in the need to defend property the origin of political society, including mutual exchange, the “rise to culture and the beginnings of art,” along with the need “to establish a civil constitution and the public administration of justice.” Insofar as this enabled “human aptitudes” to develop, “the most beneficial of these being sociability and civil security,” this also mean “the beginning of human inequality, that abundant source of so much evil but also of everything good.” It also meant the beginning of antagonism between property-holding city dwellers and the outlying nomadic herdsmen, “who recognize only God as their master.” Here we see the beginning of Hobbes’s world, two antagonists “continually at war, or at least at constant risk of war.” It is the risk of war that “keeps despotism in check, because a state must now have wealth before it can be powerful, and there can be no wealth-producing activity without freedom.” This is precisely what makes Hobbesian monarchy a form of liberalism.

    In this conflict, the cities have the edge, but not owing to any superiority in technology or military organization. No, it is “the seductive arts in which the women of the towns surpassed the unkempt wenches of the wilderness,” which “must have been a powerful temptation to the herdsmen to enter into relations with them and to let themselves be drawn into the glittering misery of the towns,” relieving the danger of war at the expense of “put[ting] an end to freedom” at the hands of “powerful tyrants,” “soulless extravagance,” and “abject slavery.” This “irresistibly deflected” the human race from “the course marked out for it by nature, namely, the progressive cultivation of its capacities for goodness.” 

    Civilization thus fosters its discontents. War and the fear of war has the double-edged effect of making us miserable while forcing “even heads of state” to show some modicum of that “respect for humanity” required for the degree of social cohesion needed to fight their enemies. Powerful, peaceful China, with no real enemies, accordingly “has been stripped of every vestige of freedom,” descending into “irremediable corruption” and denied “all further cultural progress.” The shortness of human life, resulting from the glittering misery of urban life, is now good for the species, lest humanity’s vices accumulate, needing a cleansing Flood to eradicate them. And we are now tantalized by the vision of a golden age, a return to Eden, utopianism, which would however be bad if achievable, bringing all humanity to Chinafication. 

    Kant enumerates lessons learned from his “conjectural history.” We should not blame providence for the evils which oppress us, nor are we entitled to blame our ancestors for an “original crime” which got us into this predicament. Rather, each of us “should hold himself wholly responsible for all the evils which spring from the misuse of his reason,” inasmuch as we would have done no better, had we been the first humans. Reason quarrels with nature, by nature. In so doing, it improves the human condition, if by means of bouleversements. Human history “does not begin with good and then proceed to evil,” as the Bible teaches, “but develops rather from the worse to the better; and each individual is for his own part called upon by nature itself to contribute towards this progress to the best of his ability.”

     

    Note

    1. Kant: “Review of Herder’s Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind, Part II.” In H. S. Reis, editor: Kant: Political Writings. 

     

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