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    “American Politics”: Table of Contents

    October 31, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    NOTE: The “Contents” section of the site menu lists all articles, divided into six categories (“Bible Notes,” “Philosophers,” “American Politics,” “Nations,” “Manners and Morals,” and “Remembrances”). The articles are arranged in the chronological order of their posting. This Table of Contents lists articles in the “American Politics” section in the order in which they may be read as if they are chapters in a book.

     

    1. What Is a Regime?

     

    2. The American Flag

     

    3. Three English Settlements in North America, Compared

    Malcolm Gaskill: Between Two Worlds: How the English Became Americans (2014).

     

    4. Preconditions of the American Founding

     

    5. America’s Declaration of Independence

     

    6. Declaration of Independence: British Rejoinders

    Thomas Hutchinson: Strictures Upon the Declaration of Independence of the Congress of Philadelphia; In a Letter to a Noble Lord (1776).

    John Lind: An Answer to the Declaration of Independence (1776).

     

    7. Whose Declaration?

    Danielle Allen: Our Declaration: A Reading of the Declaration of Independence in Defense of Equality (2014).

     

    8. Moral and Civic Virtues, the American Way

     

    9. America’s Founding “On Two Wings”

    Michael Novak: On Two Wings: Humble Faith and Common Sense at the American Founding (2001).

     

    10. How the American Founders Understood Religious Liberty

    Philip Vincent Muñoz: Religious Liberty and the American Founding. (2022).

     

    11. ‘Paleoconservatism’ and the American Founding

    Justin B. Litke: Twilight of the Republic: Empire and Exceptionalism in the American Political Tradition (2013).

     

    12. Chastellux in America

    François de Beauvoir, Marquis de Chastllux: Chastellux’s Travels in North-America in the Years 1780-81-82. (N.D.).

     

    13. A Feminine History of the American Revolution

    Barbara W. Tuchman: The First Salute (1988).

     

    14. The French and American Revolutions Compared

     

    15. Shklar on American Citizenship: A Dialogue with the Declaration

    Judith N. Shklar: American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (1991).

     

    16. Who Is an American Citizen?

    Edward J. Erler: The U.S. in Crisis: Immigration, the Nation, and the Nation State (2020).

     

    17. Why the American Revolution Really Was One

    Ralph Lerner: The Thinking Revolutionary: Principle and Practice in the New Republic (1987).

     

    18. Locke and the American Founders

    Thomas L. Pangle: The Spirit of Modern Republicanism (1988).

     

    19. Public Morality, and Public Moralism

    Exchange with Thomas Molnar, 1987.

     

    20. Rhetoric and American Statesmanship

    Glen Thurow and Jeffrey D. Wallin, eds.: Rhetoric and Statesmanship (1984).

     

    21. The American Founders’ “Rhetorical Identities”

    Albert Furtwangler: American Silhouettes: Rhetorical Identities of the Founders (1987).

     

    22. Educating the American Mind: The Founders’ View

     

    23. That Exquisite Headache, the University of Virginia

    Alan Taylor: Thomas Jefferson’s Education (2019).

     

    24. Mathematicians in America

    David Lindsay Roberts: Republic of Numbers: Unexpected Stories of Mathematical Americans through History (2019).

     

    25. Educating the American Mind: The Progressives’ View

     

    26. The Foreign Policy of the American Founders

     

    27. Imperialism and Regime Change as Instruments of Foreign Policy in the Washington Administration.

    Colin G. Calloway: The Indian World of George Washington: The First President, the First Americans, and the Birth of the Nation (2019).

     

    28. American Foreign Policy Since 1890

     

    29. American Foreign Policy Today

     

    30. Terrorism and American Foreign Policy

     

    31. The Question of Slavery in the Founding Period

     

    32. Israel on America’s Mind

    Noam Chomsky: the Fatal Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (1984).

    Sam B. Girgus: The New Convenant: Jewish Writers and the American Ideal (1984).

    Peter Grose: Israel in the Mind of America (1984).

     

    33. Benjamin Franklin as a Way of Life

    J. A. Le May, ed.: Benjamin Franklin: Writings (1987).

     

    34. State and Regime: The Articles of Confederation, Pro and Con

    William Van Cleve: We Have Not a Government: The Articles of Confederation and the Road to the Constitution (2017).

     

    35. What Does the Constitution Constitute?

     

    36. Republicanism, the American Way

     

    37. Self-Government, the American Way

     

    38. The Founding and Perpetuation of the American Republic

    Forrest MacDonald: Novo Ordo Seclorum: The Intellectual Origins of the Constitution (1985).

    Walter Berns: In Defense of Liberal Democracy (1984).

     

    39. Philadelphia, 1787: An Introduction

    Charles L. Mee, Jr.: The Genius of the People (1987).

     

    40. Marking the Constitution’s Bicentennial

    Richard B. Bernstein: Are We to Be a Nation? (1987).

     

    41. Studies of the American Constitution

    Robert A. Goldwin and William A. Schambra, eds.: How Democratic Is the Constitution? (1980).

    Robert A. Goldwin and William A. Schambra, eds.: How Capitalistic Is the Constitution? (1982).

     

    42. America’s Constitution as Regime

    James Ceaser: Designing a Polity: America’s Constitution in Theory and Practice (2011).

     

    43. On Aristotle and America

    Leslie G. Rubin: America, Aristotle, and the Politics of a Middle Class. (2018).

     

    44. On Pretending the Constitution Was a Blank Slate

    Jeffrey R Stone: “Our Fill-in-the-Blank Constitution.” (2010).

     

    45. On the Preamble to the United States Constitution

     

    45. United States Constitution: A Brief Introduction

     

    47. Civil Society and Local Government

     

    48. The Relation of the Federal Government to the State Governments: What Does Publius Say?

     

    49. Federalism and Democracy in America

    Alexis de Tocqueville: Democracy in America. Volume I, Part 1, Chapter 8, subchapter 22: “On the Advantages of the Federal System Generally, and Its Special Utility in America.” Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop translation. (2000).

     

    50. The Idea of Representation and the Problem of Delegation

     

    51. United States Congress: A Brief Introduction

     

    52. United States Constitution: Powers of the House of Representatives

     

    53. United States Constitution: How Senators Are Elected

     

    54. United States Constitution: Some Presidential Powers

     

    55. Executive Authority in the Republican Regime: How the Founders Designed the Presidency

     

    56. The Institutional Framework for Executive Firmness in the United States Constitution

    The Federalist #71.

     

    57. Why Have There Been No Military Coups in the United States?

     

    58. United States Constitution: The Republican Guarantee Clause

     

    59. Self-Government, The American Theme

     

    60. Publius on the American Regime and the American State

    The Federalist, No. 13.

     

    61. Publius on the Articles of Confederation Regime and State

    The Federalist, No. 22.

     

    62. Publius on Federalism and Rebellion

    The Federalist, Number 28.

     

    63. Publius on the United States Senate

    The Federalist, Nos. 62, 63, 64.

     

    64. Why the Federalists Won

     

    65. How the Constitution Secures Rights

    Robert A. Goldwin and William B. Schambra, eds.: How Does the Constitution Secure Rights? (1985).

     

    66. The Right to Effective Citizenship

     

    67. Freedom of Speech vs. Freedom of Expression

    Francis Canavan: Freedom of Expression: Purpose as Limit (1984).

     

    68. The First Amendment, Misunderstood

     

    69. Constitutional Limits on Military Action

     

    70. Due Process of Law

     

    71. Macedo v. The Constitution

    Stephen Macedo: the New Right v. The Constitution (1987).

     

    72. The United States Constitution Considered with Multifaceted Superficiality

    Joshua B. Stein: Commentary on the Constitution from Plato to Rousseau (2011).

     

    73. Defending the American Founding

    Robert R. Reilly: America on Trial: A Defense of the Founding (2020).

     

    74. Washington’s Political Thought

    W. B. Allen, ed.: George Washington: A Collection (1988).

     

    75. George Washington, Nation-Builder

    Edward J. Larson: George Washington, Nationalist (2016).

     

    76. Imperialism and Regime Change

    Colin G. Calloway: The Indian World of George Washington (2019).

     

    77. Public Opinion, The American Way

    Colleen Sheehan: James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government (2009).

     

    78. Madison’s New Science of Politics

    Colleen Sheehan: The Mind of James Madison: The Legacy of Classical Republicanism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015.

     

    79. Adams on Madison

    Henry Adams: History of the United States of American during the Administrations of James Madison (1987 edition).

     

    80. Federalism as Nationalism: Beer’s Critique of Madisonian Compact Theory

    Samuel H. Beer: The Rediscovery of American Federalism (1993).

     

    81. Aristotle and Hamilton

    Michael D. Chan: Aristotle and Hamilton on Commerce and Statesmanship (2006).

     

    82. The Idea of Self-Government in the Political Thought of John Marshall

     

    83. Jefferson’s Political Identity

    Alf J. Mapp: Thomas Jefferson: A Strange Case of Mistaken Identity (1987).

     

    84. Jeffersonian Empire

    Robert W. Tucker and David C. Hendrickson: Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson (1990).

     

    85. Monroe’s Understanding of the Sovereignty of the American People

    James Monroe: The People the Sovereigns (1987 edition).

     

    86. Formed for a Statesman: John Quincy Adams

    James Traub: John Quincy Adams: Militant Spirit (2016).

     

    87. Andrew Jackson: Popular Sovereignty and the United States Constitution

    A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. 22 volumes. New York: Bureau of National Literature, Inc. 1897. Volumes III and IV.

    Bradley J. Birzer: In Defense of Andrew Jackson. Washington: Regnery History, 2018.

    Marvin Meyers: The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957.

    Gerard N. Magliocca: Andrew Jackson and the Constitution: The Rise and Fall of Generational Regimes. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2007.

     

    88. Jackson’s War Record: The 1828 Presidential Campaign

     

    89. Free, Independent, and Sovereign? The Status of the American States

     

    90. What American Democracy Means for Europe, in the Estimation of Alexis de Tocqueville

    Alexis de Tocqueville: Democracy in America. Volume I, Part II, chapter 9: “Principal Causes Tending to Maintain a Democratic Republic in America.”

     

    91. Dickens in America

    Charles Dickens: American Notes (1843).

     

    92. Why Are There Now So Few “Great Senators of the United States”?

    Oliver Dyer: Great Senators of the United States of Forty Years Ago (1889).

     

    93. Natural Right and the American Academic

    Catherine H. Zuckert: Natural Right and the American Imagination (2012).

     

    94. The Race Issue

    Jack Turner, III: Awakening to Race: Individualism and Social Consciousness in America (2012).

     

    95. Emerson: How ‘American’ Was He?

    Irving Howe: The American Newness: Culture and Politics in the Age of Emerson (1987).

     

    96. Moby-Dick and the “New America”

     

    97. Moby-Dick: The Adventure Before the Adventure

     

    98. Moby-Dick: The Ship and Its Rulers

     

    99. Moby-Dick: The Nature of Chaos

     

    100. Moby-Dick: Living with Chaos

     

    101. Moby-Dick: Revolution

     

    102. Moby-Dick: Whales and Whale-Hunting

     

    103. Moby-Dick: Isolatoes No More

     

    104. Moby-Dick: Piety and Piracy

     

    105. Moby-Dick: The Business Cycle

     

    106. Moby-Dick: Ivory and Steel

     

    107. Moby-Dick: Storm

     

    108. Moby-Dick: The End of the Yarn

     

    109. Moby-Dick: Concluding Thoughts

     

    110. Charles Olson Considers Melville

     

    111. Melville’s Battle-Pieces

     

    112. The Political Coherence of the American South

     

    113. Keeping a Republic: Lincoln and Tocqueville

     

    114. Lincoln on Self-Government: The Reply to Douglas

     

    115. Lincoln on Culture

    Abraham Lincoln: “Address to the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society” (1859).

     

    116. Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address

     

    117. Lincoln’s Address at Gettysburg

     

    118. Revolution at Gettysburg?

    Garry Wills: Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America (1992).

     

    119. The Statesmanship of Word and Deed: Abraham Lincoln

    Diana Schaub: His Greatest Speeches: How Lincoln Moved the Nation (2021).

     

    120. Lincoln Criticized in the Currently Fashionable Mode

    George Kateb: Lincoln’s Political Thought (2015).

     

    121. War is All Hell, Except When It Isn’t

    Bernard A. Olsen: Beyond the Tented Field (1993).

     

    122. Amerindians in the Civil War

     

    123. America’s Reconstitution

    Forrest A. Nabors: From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction (2017).

     

    124. The Plains Sioux and the Empire of Liberty

    Jeffrey Ostler: The Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee (2004).

     

    125. Populism in America

     

    126. The ‘Progressive’ Critique of the Declaration of Independence

     

    127. Goodnow’s Conception of American Liberty

    Frank Goodnow: “The American Conception of Liberty” (1916).

     

    128. Executive Overreach

    Woodrow Wilson: “Our Elastic Constitution” (1904).

     

    129. The Progressives’ Presidency

     

    130. What Is “The Promise of American Life?”

     

    131. Wilson’s Doubleness: A Commentary on “WW”

    John Alvis: WW: A Play in Two Acts

     

    132. Hyphenate Americans and Invisible Men: The “Americanist” Strategies of Wilson and Roosevelt during the Great War

     

    133. Holmes on the “Missouri Question”

     

    134. Taking Their Stand: The Southern Agrarians

    Twelve Southerners: I’ll Take My Stand: The South and the Agrarian Tradition (1983 edition).

     

    135. “Gone With the Wind,” Begone

     

    136. New Deal or No Deal: American Economic Policies, 1914-1946

    Benjamin M. Anderson: Economics and the Public Welfare: A Financial and Economic History of the United States, 1914-1946 (1979 edition).

     

    137. Washington Politics during World War II

    Nancy Beck Young: Why We Fight: Congress and the Politics of World War II (2013).

    H. G. Nicholas, ed.: Washington Dispatches 1941-1945: Weekly Reports from the British Embassy (1981).

     

    138. De Gaulle According to Faulkner

    William Faulkner: The De Gaulle Story (1984 edition).

     

    139. FDR as Tocquevillian?

    Jeffrey A. Becker: Ambition in America: Political Power and the Collapse of Citizenship (2014).

     

    140. United States Constitution: The Carolene Products Case

    United States v. Carolene Products 304 U.S. 144 (1938).

     

    141. The Folsoms Return Fire

    Burton W. and Anita Folsom: FDR Goes to War (2011).

     

    142. FDR and Stalin

    Robert Nisbet: Roosevelt and Stalin (1988).

     

    143. Hoover versus the New Deal

    Herbert Hoover: The Crusade Years: 1933-1955 (2013).

     

    144. Herbert Hoover’s Despairing Verve

    Herbert Hoover: Freedom Betrayed (2012).

     

    145. The Cold War: Causes and Effects

    John Lewis Gaddis: Strategy of Containment (1982).

    Melvyn P. Leffler: A Preponderance of Power (1993).

    Manning Marable: Race, Reform, and Rebellion (1984).

     

    146. Truman: A Turn to the Right?

    David Plotke: Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (1996).

     

    147. Dixiecrats: The 1948 Presidential Election

     

    148. Kennan

    George F. Kennan: The Kennan Diaries (2014).

     

    149. When the Business of America Was Business: The National Wrestling Alliance

    Tim Hornbaker: The National Wrestling Alliance: The Untold Story of the Monopoly That Strangled Pro Wrestling. (2007).

     

    150. Challenge to American Liberalism: Martin Luther King and Malcolm X

     

    151. Urban Studies and the Question of Race

     

    152. The Decline of Voter Turnout in the United States

     

    153. Has Federalism Impeded Tyranny in the United States?

     

    154. Nixon’s Defense of Détente

    Richard Nixon: “Hard-headed Détente” (1982).

     

    155. What Does Not Kill Schell’s Argument Makes It Stronger

    Jonathan Schell: The Time of Illusion: An Historical and Reflective Account of the Nixon Era (1975).

     

    156. Brzezinski Speaks

     

    157. Kennan’s Second Thoughts

     

    158. Jimmy Carter: Too Little, Too Late

     

    159. Carter, Mondale, and the Politics of Compassion

     

    160. Solzhenitsyn’s Speech at Harvard

     

    161. Tocqueville and American Foreign Policy

     

    162. Geopolitics of the Cold War

    Robert Morris: Our Globe Under Siege (1986).

     

    163. What’s Wrong with the American Party System?

    Robert A. Goldwin, ed.: Political Parties in the Eighties (1980).

     

    164. Edward M. Kennedy in 1980.

     

    165. Ronald Reagan: A Conservative’s Assessment

    George Will: The Morning After: American Successes and Excesses, 1981-1986 (1987).

     

    166. Jeane Kirkpatrick: Political Science as Statecraft

    Peter Collier: Political Woman: The Big Little Life of Jeane Kirkpatrick (2012).

     

    167. Moynihan the “American Burke”

    Greg Weiner: American Burke: The Uncommon Sense of Daniel Patrick Moynihan (2015).

     

    168. The Perpetuation of Peace

     

    169. Thoughts on the Nuclear ‘Freeze’

     

    170. The Nuclear Arms Moratorium: A Critique

    Report to the New Jersey Legislature (1982).

     

    171. Thinking About Nuclear Arms Control

     

    172. Defending Europe: The ‘Neutron Bomb’ Controversy

    Sam Cohen: The Truth About the Neutron Bomb (1983).

     

    173. Empty “Mandate”: Union of Concerned Scientists

     

    174. In Defense of American Constitutionalism: The Case Against Initiative and Referendum

    Report to the New Jersey Legislature (1986).

     

    175. A Flaccid Defense of Freedom

    James Finn and Leonard Sussman, eds.: Today’s Americans: How Free? (1986).

     

    176. Religious Liberty in America, Misunderstood

    John M. Swomley:  Religious Liberty and the Secular State: The Constitutional Context (1987).

     

    178. American Prisons

    Thomas L. Dumm: Democracy and Punishment: Disciplinary Origins of the United States (1987).

     

    179. ‘Postmodern’ Politics in America

    William E. Connolly: Politics and Ambiguity (1988).

     

    180. America’s Logocracy

    Daniel T. Rodgers: Contested Truth: Keywords in American Politics (1988).

     

    1781 Ideology and Literary Studies: PMLA 1930-1990.

     

    182. Political Science in the Commercial Republic

    James W. Ceaser: Liberal Democracy and Political Science (1990).

     

    183. The Thomas Nomination: The Principles Behind the Polemics

     

    184. Clinton Impeached, But Why?

     

    185. Regime Changes in Local Government: Democracy in America?

    Everett Kimball: State and Municipal Government in the United States. (1922).

    Alexis de Tocqueville: Democracy in America, Volume I, Part 1, chapter 5. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop translation. (2000).

     

    185. Municipal Planning and Zoning in the United States

    Edward M. Bassett: Zoning: The Laws, Administration, and Court Decisions During the First Twenty Years. (1936).

    Edward M. Bassett: The Master Plan: With a Discussion of the Theory of Community Land Planning Legislation. (1938).

    Edward M. Bassett: Autobiography of Edward M. Bassett. (1939).

     

    186. The City in the Commercial Republic

    Stephen L. Elkin: City and Regime in the American Republic. (1987).

     

    187. Property Tax Law and the Passion for Equality

     

    188. Patriotism, a Natural Sentiment That is Also Made

    Walter Berns: Making Patriots (2001).

     

    189. ‘Divided Government’ in the United States

     

    190. Self-Government and Its Discontents

    Robert K. Faulkner and Susan Shell, eds.: America at Risk: Threats to Liberal Self-Government in an Age of Uncertainty (2009).

     

    191. Aristocracy versus Democracy

    Chilton Williamson: After Tocqueville: The Promise and Failure of Democracy (2012).

     

    192. Two-Faced Freedom?

    Aziz Rana: The Two Faces of American Freedom (2010).

     

    193. How Not to Understand the ‘Tea Party’ Movement

    Harold Meyerson: “When the Tea Party Wants to Go Back, Where Is It To?” (2010).

     

    194. Immigration, Reform, and Executive Orders: Imperfect Together

     

    195. Religion in Democratic Society

    Giorgi Areshidze: Democratic Religion from Locke to Obama (2016).

     

    196. Planning an American Islamic Republic

    Shamim A. Siddiqi: Methodology of Dawah in American Perspective (1989).

    Mohamed Akram al-Adouni: “An Explanatory Memorandum on the General Strategic Goal for the Group in North America” (April 1991).

     

    197. Political Partisanship Now

    Russell Muirhead: The Promise of Party in a Polarized Age (2014).

     

    198. The Popular Front Reconstituted?

    Harvey J. Kaye: The Fight for the Four Freedoms: What Made FDR and the Greatest Generation Great (2016).

     

    199. Trump vs. Clinton: The 2016 Election

     

    200. Election 2016: Where Are We Headed?

     

    201. Education for Democracy

    Amy Gutmann: Democratic Education (1994).

     

    202. ‘Multicultural’ Education

    James A. Banks: Cultural Diversity in Education: Foundation, Curriculum, and Teaching (2016).

     

    204. The “Constitutional Sheriff” and the Rule of Law

    Richard Mack: The County Sheriff: America’s Last Hope (2009).

    Richard Mack: Are You a David? America’s Last Hope, Volume II (2014).

     

    205. The Presence of the Old ‘New Left’

    Angela Y. Davis: The Meaning of Freedom (2012).

    Angela Y. Davis: Freedom Is a Constant Struggle (2016).

    Angela Y. Davis, Gina Dent, Erica Meiners, and Beth E. Richie: Abolition. Feminism. Now. (2022).

     

    206. The Primer on ‘Critical Race Theory’

    Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic: Critical Race Theory: An Introduction (2017).

     

    207. The Real Anti-Racism

    Andre Archie: The Virtue of Color-Blindness (2024).

     

    208. Printouts of Progressivism

     

    209. A Progressive’s Critique of Progressivism

    Michael Schellenberger: San Fran-Sicko: Why Progressives Ruin Cities (2021).

     

    210. Christopher Caldwell: The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties (2022).

     

    211. America’s Foreign Observers

    James L. Nolan, Jr.: What They Saw in America: Alexis de Tocqueville, Max Weber, G. K. Chesterton, and Sayyid Qutb (2017).

     

    212. John Quincy Adams: Guide for Today?

    Angelo Codevilla: America’s Rise and Fall Among Nations: Lessons in Statecraft from John Quincy Adams. (2022).

     

    Filed Under: American Politics

    What Is a ‘Network’?

    October 19, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    Niall Ferguson: The Square and the Tower: Networks and Power, from the Freemasons to Facebook. New York: Penguin Books, 2017.

    Originally published in Liberty and Law, May 21, 2018. Republished with permission.

     

    We know a noun has pervaded our sensibilities when we derive a verb from it. ‘Network’ appears in sixteenth-century English, and was meant literally: a work of netting, coarse or fine. As an abstraction meaning any complex design of threadlike entities, from a river system to a political economy, the word didn’t arrive until the early nineteenth century. Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Ralph Waldo Emerson were among he early adopters—writers influenced by European Enlightenment thought, especially as filtered through Germany. ‘Networking’ as a verb appeared in our own time, with the computerization of everything serving as an accelerant.

    Niall Ferguson does exactly what historians should do, explaining the origins of the modern understanding of networks and illustrating the theory with several dozen examples, ranging from Italian Renaissance merchants and Spanish explorers to the election campaign of Donald Trump. “The Square and the Tower” refers to the city center of Siena, Italy where the shadow of the watchtower falls on the marketplace below. The tower represents the “vertical” or hierarchic structure, the square the “horizontal” or democratic structure. The one tends toward rigidity and command, the other toward fluidity (at times anarchy) and consent. Ferguson notes that the tension between these two kinds of ‘networking’ is “as old as humanity itself,” and sees history as the interplay of the one with the other.

    Perennial and universal phenomena like networks must have attracted the attention of intelligent people long before the word was coined. Signor Machiavelli inaugurated ‘modernity’ as the human quest to master the course of events and to gain control over that vast network nature; the centralized modern state he lauded exemplifies the “vertical” network, and he intended it to be an indispensable part of his project to out-‘network’ the biggest network.

    Before Machiavelli, the earliest philosophers, in naming ‘nature,’ marked out an order of regularly interacting parts a ‘whole.’ Turning to human life, they did not imagine ‘states’ but instead identified regimes—effectively, networks of rule involving persons and their institutions, their patters of life, and the purposes those persons, institutions, and social patterns aimed at achieving. Those philosophers understood politics as the architectonic art, the political community as the most comprehensive form of human organization.

    Ferguson identifies the intellectual founder of modern network theory as the influential Swiss-born mathematician Leonard Euler, who formulated it in 1735 while working in the Imperial Russian Academy of Sciences. He later joined the Berlin Academy, so his two major political patrons were no less a pair of enlightened despots than Peter the Great and Frederick the Great, sitting atop hierarchical networks that enabled Euler’s theory to circulate far, wide, and rapidly.

    Euler studied a set of seven bridges in the Prussian city of Königsburg. Why was it impossible, he wanted to know, to walk across all seven bridges in one trip, without re-crossing any of them? The geometrician’s answer involved understanding the relations of the bridges as a pattern of lines and their intersection points or “nodes.” The pattern or structure of any given set of lines and nodes delimits ways in which energy (in the case of the footbridges, the flow of pedestrians) can travel—as in one of today’s electrical power grids, for example.

    Euler was among the pioneers of calculus, the branch of mathematics which takes the classical plane geometry of Euclid and in effect ‘sets it in motion,’ plotting points along a curve—this, much to the fascination of later political philosophers, as they considered both the modern state (the tower) and its civil wars (in the square). Americans will recall their friendly visitor, Alexis de Tocqueville, who described both the ‘tower’ of the administrative state and the ‘square’ of democratic associations complementary and conflicting features of modern life.

    The attempt to reduce a social network and the changes it undergoes to a mathematically-based science awaited the invention of the modern French- and German-inspired academic discipline of sociology toward the end of the nineteenth century. As the theory developed, Ferguson observes, several insights accrued.

    First (and pace Thomas Friedman), even the most ‘democratic’ networks aren’t quite “flat,” horizontally arranged though they may be. Persons located at the nodes where social, political, and economic lines cross enjoy an advantage over persons who aren’t. “Sometimes, as in the case of the American Revolution, crucial roles turn out to have been played by people who were not leaders but connectors,” he says. Whereas he holds up midnight-riding Paul Revere as his example I would choose Benjamin Franklin, that supreme networker of both tower and square.

    Second, consent-based networks organize according to the principle of “homophily,” a notion more colloquially captured in the old saw, ‘Birds of a feather flock together’—a principle now playing on a website near you, and in clubs, churches, and political parties for millennia.

    Third, and paradoxically, weak ties with a network are strong. The stronger my ties, the more exclusive they are, and the more exclusive my ties, the less extensive they are. This point obviously needs to be supplemented by the observation Ferguson made initially, that certain positions or “nodes” within networks are better than others; a tightknit group occupying a node might extract considerable benefits and hold on to its position for a long time. This accounts for a fact well known to politicians and political scientists alike, which is that oligarchies are hard to overturn, not only because they enjoy ‘vertical’ power but because they cohere well ‘horizontally’—good news for the Chinese Communist Party.

    Fourth, when we speak of an image or a message ‘going viral’—whether it’s Hitlerian poison circulating through the veins of Germany or a YouTube photo of kittens in a basket—the structure of the network delivering the message matters more than the message itself. Marshall McLuhan’s phrase, “the medium is the message” (which itself went viral, half a century back), succinctly summed up the thought. Grant Wood’s career as a painter went nowhere until he hired an agent with ‘connections’—connections to a network. Or, to take one of Ferguson’s examples, “Without Gutenberg, Luther might have been just another heretic whom the Church burned at the stake.”

    Another stock phrase, ‘the city never sleeps,’ applies to networks (all of them, not only urban ones). Even the more rigid, hierarchic networks—trees, monarchies—stay active, change over time, cause things to circulate, so long as they live. Peter and Frederick were not only great; they made things happen by establishing structures, including research and educational institutions, militaries, railway systems.

    Networks also interact with other networks. This gets dramatic when a hierarchic network confronts a newer and more egalitarian one. “When a network disrupts an ossified hierarchy it can overthrow it with breathtaking speed,” as communist parties in Central and Eastern Europe learned to their sorrow,” and as current hierarchies in China and elsewhere currently work very hard to prevent. “But when a hierarchy attacks a fragile network, the result can be the network’s collapse” not all bands of guerrilla fighters win their wars of attrition.

    Finally, the networked rich really do get richer. “Most social networks are profoundly inegalitarian” given the position of the wealthy along the node-and-line structure of “horizontal” networks. The medieval churchman, the Gilded Age railroad magnate, and even the studiously egalitarian computer entrepreneurs of Silicon Valley, got very rich, sometimes very quickly, by occupying strategic chokepoints in the structures they knew very well, having invented them.

    All of this means that the much-ridiculed conspiracy theorists among us are on to something, even if they don’t quite know what it is. Ferguson shows how such organizations as the Illuminati and the Freemasons did indeed conspire in their semi-secret networks. In describing exactly who they were, how they operated, and to what extent they succeeded (usually much less than their enemies suppose), he both confirms and sanitizes—makes sane—parts of the conspiracy theorists’ hypotheses. It turns out that, contrary to certain dyspeptic members of the monarchist clergy of France, the Freemasons didn’t really cause the French Revolution—but they did have a hand in it. The most successful network of conspirators in Western history was surely the early Christian Church, to the consternation of pagan-minded observers from the Roman Emperors to Edward Gibbon. Harmless as doves and prudent as serpents, indeed. A conspiracy might be benign, too.

    Much of the entertaining instruction in the book comes when Ferguson gets down to cases that illustrate network theory. Born in Scotland, he is one of those charming know-it-all show-offs in the Oscar Wilde line, albeit with fewer witticisms and more facts, as I suppose one must expect from a historian. Not surprisingly, one of his cases is the British Empire, and the way in which the British elite prospered by exercising a “relatively light touch” in ruling Britain’s colonies (American Revolution = lesson learned). By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Empire rested in large measure on local rulers and such “private networks” as steamship and telegraph companies, banks, and missionaries. To be sure, the elitists themselves doubled down on snobbery and old-school ties, but they also proved amenable to marrying vigorous and attractive outsiders—even the occasional American such as Jennie Churchill. They still hunted foxes, but condescended to write for newspapers and to sit with tradesmen on corporate boards.

    Networks can also fail catastrophically. Designed in 1814, under the Peace of Vienna, to prevent recurrence of anything like the Napoleonic Wars, the European geopolitical order solemnized under that pact held firm for three generations thanks to a well-founded aversion to death and destruction. By the time Otto von Bismarck had prodded the many Germanies into consolidating as one state (a state that could whip France), patchwork on that order was urgently needed.  With his Russian diplomatic counterpart Nikolay Girs, Bismarck then designed the Secret Reinsurance Treaty of 1887. Under its terms, “Germany and Russia each agreed to observe neutrality should the other be involved in a war with a third country, unless German attacked France or Russia attacked Austria-Hungary.” Russia was thus blocked from allying with France to contain Germany, but the benefit was Russia’s gaining a free hand over the Black Sea Straits. The arrangement dissolved after the preening, over-ambitious fool of a young Kaiser, Wilhelm II, got rid of the troublesome old Bismarck and failed to honor the 1887 treaty. After that, “the surprising thing” was not that “war happened in 1914, but that it did not happen sooner.”

    The Great War itself led to another German networking blunder: sending an obscure conspiratorial networker named V. I. Lenin from confinement in Germany, where he belonged, back to his native Russia, along with $12 million of walking-around money. “To an extent most accounts still underrate,” writes Ferguson, “the Bolshevik Revolution was a German-financed operation,” one that took Russia out of the Great War only to plunge it into decades of internecine, state-sponsored terror and to throw the rest of the world into a condition of decades-long tension. The Gulag, after all, was in one sense yet another network, as were the spy cells Josef Stalin established at Cambridge University, Washington, D. C., and indeed around the globe.

    This brings up an important difference between network theory and classical regime theory. Networks, studied as mathematicians like Euler and mathematizing social scientists study them, are ‘value-neutral,’ mere structures, whose causal importance outweighs the effects of the ideas and sentiments they convey. As suspicion nags, however: The medium may be the message, but so is the message. The various messages I receive come to me through the same medium, my computer, but some of the messages warrant serious attention (whether grateful or worried), others not.

    What is more, a message might shape a medium, as a visit to a Gothic cathedral will suggest. When Aristotle contemplates a network,, he does not rate the structure of the tree, or the city, above the way they live or the purposes they pursue (even if, in the case of the tree, the organism has no consciousness of its purpose, or at least none a human can do much more than imagine). As a latter-day Aristotelian once said, ideas have consequences, too—consequences that are to some degree independent of, even while entwined with, structures, persons, and customs.

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

    Scruton Sums Up

    October 19, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    Roger Scruton and Mark Dooley: Conversations with Roger Scruton. London: Bloomsbury, 2016.

    Originally published in Social Science and Modern Society, Volume 54, Number 5, September/October 2017. Republished with permission.

     

    In Felled Oaks: Conversations with DeGaulle, André Malraux called the founder of the Fifth Republic “the last great man France haunted.” On his gravestone, Roger Scruton wants the inscription, “The Last Englishman, Organist at this Church.” Statesman and Frenchman, philosopher and Englishman, each man warrants a valedictory dialogue with a writer who understands him, a testament to what they attempted to achieve for the civil life of his country. And despite claims that nationality must fade, it may be that ‘globalization’ hasn’t had the last word, after all, that intellect and patriotism may yet endure against the leveling forces of democracy wrongly understood.

    Scruton has found an excellent collaborator in Mark Dooley, author of one book on Scruton and editor of another, and himself a former teacher of moral philosophy. Dooley wisely prompts Scruton into a dialogue on his life and works which develops as a sustained argument about the relationship fo morality to esthetics and of both to a decent civic order. With Burke, Scruton rejects any posture of abstractedness from the place where he stands, even as he reflects on considerations that go far beyond any one place. He builds a critique of the misplaced abstraction that social science often finds hard to resist. Recounting the story of his parents’ wartime courtship (he was born in 1944), Scruton says, “They fell in love not only with each other, but with the banks of the Thames”: Two persons, one place, commingling with love, form the image of the kind of philosophy Socrates practiced. Scruton may also be as much the last Socratic as the last Englishman—or, to think more optimistically, the most recent one.

    For Socrates, love understood as the erotic quest for wisdom, animates reason, or thought governed by the principle of non-contradiction. Scruton’s early studies consisted of a good dose of science, the modern citadel of rationalism, but also literature and music. Crucially, his first memorable English teacher was a student of the great scholar F. R. Leavis, who understood the study of literature to be “a form of judgment and not… a form of enjoyment.” Similarly, among the composers whose works he first heard, it was Mendelssohn, and the contrapuntal development of his Hebrides Overture, “which made it clear that music is a kind of argument from premise to conclusion and not just something to be enjoyed.” From the awakening of his intellectual life, Scruton sought to understand the core of things by means of reason; unlike his contemporaries in the 1960s, he never valorized the passions. Resisting his relentlessly practical parents, he decided “that the only really useful subjects are studies of the useless”—otherwise known as liberal education.

    Although he learned Greek and Latin (see ‘uselessness,’ above), his main philosophic preoccupations were the moderns, initially Bertrand Russell, Nietzsche, and Sartre. He did not become so intoxicated by their prose as to sacrifice his own perspective for theirs. Watching a paraplegic bookseller struggling with a pile of books, he “sensed how wrong Nietzsche was about pity, since what I felt was admiration too.” Even as he studied the fashionable analytic philosophers at Cambridge—finding a lasting benefit in their insistence at being no respecters of persons but of men and women who tested any philosopher’s argument they encountered—he never succumbed to fashion. His distinctive philosophic achievement turned out to be to start with the moderns, and indeed many of his older contemporaries, then think his way towards ideas first discovered by the ancients. While continuing to esteem (for example) Hegel, he ‘edits’ the doctrines of the moderns with the same scrupulous intelligence with which he crafts his own prose, taking the sensible parts and discarding the nonsense. Closer to home, in reading Aristotle, he found him to be “doing exactly the same thing as Wittgenstein,” only a lot earlier. T. S. Eliot’s tailor told the American scholar Hugh Kenner, “A remarkable man, Mr. Eliot. Never quite too much.” In these well-judged selections, Scruton exercises a similar wholesomely enthusiastic restraint in thinking about the thinkers he has studied. This comports with the place he began his philosophic scholarship: like literature and music, Cambridge University itself “had once stood for something, had indeed stood in judgment on the national culture.”

    Take science, the most prestigious activity of national culture in postwar Britain. Can it judge, or should it instead be judged? “Science begins when we ask the question ‘Why?’ It leads us from the observed event to the laws which govern it, and onward to more general laws. But where does the process end?” It ends when science reaches the necessary limit of its inquiry, namely, “why the series of causes exists,” why the world exists in the first place. In bringing us back as far as the Big Bang, science perforce leaves “something else to be explained, namely, the ‘initial conditions’ which then obtained”: how was it that “this great event was about to erupt into being”? “A positivist would dismiss such a question as meaningless. So too would many scientists. But if the only grounds for doing so is that science cannot answer it, then the response is self-serving.” What goes for the limits of scientific naturalism also goes for the question of what good science, or any other human endeavor, much less the cosmos itself, may serve: Science cannot tell us what science is for, or whether its aims are justifiable.

    Philosophy, by contrast, has usually done just that. Postwar British philosophy was dominated by the analytical school, as practice by A. J. Ayer and others. Analytic philosophy “implanted in me a sense of the distinction between real thinking and fake thinking,” his choice of esthetics for his topic of postgraduate research “help[ed] me to synthesize my interest in philosophy with those artistic aspirations that I was still clinging to.” The university’s lecturer on esthetics, Michael Tanner, made esthetics into “a kind of door out of analytic philosophy into the true life of the mind”—a thing that can not only analyze but synthesize and envision.

    Hegel, for example, “had an extraordinary synthetic mind,” but characteristically Scruton took from that mind exactly what his own mind sought, and no more. Hegel’s most remarkable philosophic achievement was to develop a new ontology centered in historicism. He argued that ‘History,’ defined by him as the course of events in which the Absolute Spirit is immanent in all things, thoughts, and actions, unfolds itself dialectically, that is, in accordance with a new kind of logic (provided by Hegel himself) in which apparent contradictions are synthesized to produce new modes and orders of human life. The laws of ‘History’ make the course of events predictable; even the laws of nature are historical, a matter of evolution or development. but Hegelian metaphysics left Scruton cold. “That’s the annoying part of him.” What Scruton took from Hegel was rather the moral principle of recognition —effectively the moral importance of honor, in the face of the materialist philosophies of Hobbes and Locke—and the understanding of art as a “moment of consciousness” or self-understanding, which the artist fixes in his creation. “I had set myself the task of doing in the language of analytical philosophy what Hegel had done—which was to put art into the center of philosophy and to say why it is significant.” The logical/ontological notion of ‘History’ as a sort of vast dialectical argument embodied in action gives way to something much less grand, but also less liable to abuse by ‘totalizing’ political thinkers like Marx, Heidegger, and Kojève, apologists for tyranny.

    Avowing that “my political convictions are very Hegelian,” Scruton means that they take history as a source of a kind of experiential or experimental truth-seeking, rather than taking ‘History’ as an instantiation of the march of progress toward a predictable culmination, namely, the fully unfolded Absolute Spirit. He remains an Englishman in his politics even as he strives to understand the nature common to England and every other place. In his study of the English common law (he passed the Bar but never practiced) he found not so much a venerable tradition as a way of practical reasoning and “a process of discovery—an “attempt to understand the human world” which “both uncovered and endorsed the impartial justice whereby the English people ordered their lives.” He had prepared an intellectual setting in which he could eschew just about every moral and intellectual fad of the subsequent four decades.

    Hence his well-known ‘conservatism,’ which should be taken quite literally as a will to conserve combined with a habit of reasoned judgment about what to conserve and what to relinquish. Like so many British thinkers (most famously, Edmund Burke), he began to find his way politically in response to the antics of the Europeans on the Continent, particularly French and Italian antics. Grounded in experience but rejecting historicism, Scruton witnessed the events of 1968 France and the pervasive influence of Marxism in the Italian universities with revulsion. He especially disliked “those hippies”—the hostel-hopping Americans were the most annoying—whose revolutionary credentials more or less began and ended with resentment of their parents. He immediately saw the contrast between their street theater and the genuine (and genuinely risky) resistance offered by the dissidents under the Communist regimes of central and eastern Europe. Western intellectuals who failed to understand the malign character of those tyrannical oligarchies only served to weaken the societies which sheltered them. “The best thing that Derrida ever did was to get arrested in Prague.” Deconstruct that!

    Deconstruction is the analytical impulse of modern philosophy gone wild. It lands its practitioners in an inescapable cycle of claimed victimhood, the demand for recognition, and then some new form of domination. The only way to escape is to recur not to analysis, which offers no purpose, or to Hegelianism tout court, which offers as its end a worldwide statism, but to the intellectual love that animated classical philosophy and to the personal and civic forms of friendship which moderns crave yet fear, habituated as they are to the charms of an administrative state that (in the West) rules them with blandishments, not truncheons.

    Scruton’s various philosophic forays consist of attempts to rekindle consideration of love and friendship, to bring them back to the center of philosophy and citizenship as examples of human freedom. His studies of architecture appropriate the Hegelian idea of designing buildings that consist of “the outward realization of the inner life,” an attempt “to set free choice in stone.” It wasn’t the Blitz that ruined London, it was the squalid architecture that replaced the rubble with concrete monstrosities. This wasn’t really architecture at all but engineering—part of a vast attempt at social engineering that expressed a “contempt for man and God,” a depersonalization and de-civilizing of citizens in the name of egalitarianism. Similarly, in his writings on human sexuality, Scruton sees in the ‘Sixties ideology of sexual liberation another failed attempt at leveling—perforce self-contradictory, inasmuch as in any liberation the strongest will rise to the top (in this case the beautiful at the expense of “the unattractive or the helpless”). “Properly construed, sexual desire is an interpersonal relation, which focuses on the self-conscious subject.” To misinterpret sexuality in terms of power, as Foucault did, bespeaks “a serious intellectual defect.”

    The social consequences of making science into scientism, of failing to see the ontological and moral limits of scientific knowledge, produces “an emerging human type which doesn’t take risks, which doesn’t go out to the other and which doesn’t form attachments on account of never having been attached as a child.” This “society of reduced humans, who are just bodies,” may still reproduce itself; “a child may be created, as a random by-product of their sexual pleasures,” then “left at the doorstep of the state, so ensuring that it too will grow up as a stranger in a world of the estranged.”

    For Scruton, recovery begins with the least bureaucratic practice there is: hunting. Bureaucrats hate hunting, and typically try to regulate it out of existence on the basis of the radically egalitarian argument that men have no right to shoot animals. Hunting resists such false compassion by forming a “collective enterprise in which three species [human beings, horses, and dogs] are giving each other support” quite literally in pursuit of a common object, namely, an animal that either threatens or feeds the human being. Hunting leads the human mind to consider the distinctions among the species that the human mind by nature identifies; hunting sets you straight about equality and inequality, identity and difference.

    So does farming, which requires the farmer to acknowledge and understand “the relation between man and nature as one of mutual dependence,” pointing him toward that stewardship of the land that the God of Genesis endows. In Hegelian terms, farming opens a way of understanding oneself as human, as the being which finds itself responsible for the world beyond itself. Nor is this all work and no playfulness, inasmuch as some farms produce grapes, which can be turned into wine. Here Scruton follows not Hegel of beer-gulping Germany but Plato’s Socrates; wine “enable[s] us to step out of the urgencies of daily life into some more relaxed arena”—Socrates would call it a symposium—”where we can encounter people in another mood.” Conversely, “the absence of wine in Saudi Arabia is one reason why it has stayed so solidly locked in its joyless sterility.” Wine even illustrates a philosophic principle, the Kantian distinction of a thing as an object as distinguished from the thing ‘in itself’: “Drink that glass of wine and compare your knowledge of it after you’ve absorbed it with your knowledge of it before.”

    Beyond these material indications of love and friendship, whether social, civil-social, or convivially philosophic, Scruton calls his readers to consideration of music and religion. If science can lead us back to origins without being able to explain them, and forward to purposes without being able to tell us what they are, but then denies the significance of such ‘transcendental’ concerns, music turns us toward, not away from them. “Music is like a language, but it isn’t impeded in the some way that language is by the need for conceptualization and answerability to truth conditions. So it naturally becomes a symbol of the thing that wants to be said but cannot be said.” The problem then becomes “whether you can distinguish those things which are mere projections from those things which are, as Wordsworth would put it, intimations of the beyond or of the mysterious reality of the world.” Music sensitizes minds to things undreamt of by science, although not necessarily by philosophy, as philosophers from Plato to Nietzsche illustrate. By “putting meaning into things”—via custom and artistic creation—human beings are not arbitrarily imposing meaning on a meaningless flux; “we build meaning into our experiences, but we can only do so if they already have the valency that makes this possible.” Just as science brings us back to the origins of the universe (the Bible calls it Creation) without finally being able to explain them, artistic creation presupposes some underlying and also ‘transcendental’ reality upon which creation works and toward which it aspires.

    If so, this makes religion philosophically respectable. But “that, of course, doesn’t mean the doctrines are true.” The same conversion (the Greek word thus translated means the ‘turning around’ of the soul, its reorientation away from the idols of the cave and toward the light) that religions speak of, Plato’s Socrates also speaks of. Whereas Locke “described philosophy as the ‘handmaiden of the sciences,'” Plato (and Aristotle) think it’s the other way around; the erotic quest for truth, the drive in us to know, makes us want to know more than what science can teach. “I’ve always thought of philosophy in the old Platonic way as the attempt to find a comprehensive picture of what we are, of where we are and of how we care.” Religion arises from that same quest. Both philosophy understood Platonically and religion vindicate science while guarding us against scientism.

    Scruton illustrates this by considering the science of brain chemistry. Scientistic as distinguished from scientific thought “takes hold of the embryonic scientific theory about the workings of the nervous system and uses it to re-describe the questions of consciousness and human action”; “all we think, feel and do” get explained (or explained away) in terms of synapses. But analysis of synaptic activity does not show why it is (as Kant observed) “that we are distinguished from every other item in the universe by our ability to say ‘I’.” If my pain nerves jangle, I still say ‘I am in pain.’ In this as in cosmology and morality, science takes us a long way, but not all the way to what we want to know. “But if it’s a question asked from beyond the limit of science, then it immediately takes on a theological character and the question is whether there is such a thing as a theological answer. And that is where philosophy kicks in.”

    How so? For most people, religion “fills in the gaps that science leaves open.” Those “living a religious life are, in a sense, completed in a way that they wouldn’t be if they just lived according to the nihilistic worldview that our culture advocates.” The untruth of nihilism manifests itself in the evident point that we exist, that there must be something rather than nothing. Religions tell us why.

    Do they speak truly? They cannot all speak truly in their entirety because religions contradict one another. “Religion brings [believers] nearer to the truth about their condition than they would otherwise be,” but “they don’t think this through philosophically.” By contrast, a philosopher finds “concealed truth within” the religions. Scruton points to Averroes as a philosopher who does this, and he might easily go back further to Origen or indeed before Christianity to Plato’s Socrates. There are “two parallel routes to the thing we call ‘religion’: there has to be the religion of the philosopher, and the religion of the ordinary faithful.” Famously, Socrates insists on the need for self-knowledge; Scruton (thinking of Kierkegaard, not Socrates) finds “that the grounds of all religious belief are within the self, and that religion contains the set of stories that encapsulate our self-understanding.” But Kierkegaard, unlike Socrates, retreated into subjectivity. “That is what I would call a philosophical failure, a retreat from truth rather than an encounter with it. You have to accept that truth is objectivity and not subjectivity.” Why?

    Here is where analytic philosophy usefully intercedes. “We know from Frege and Tarski that truth is connected with reference, that reference is connected to identity and that identity determines our ontological commitments. Ultimately, therefore, you cannot avoid the scientific realist worldview: it is simply a consequence of logical thinking.” And, it might be added, logical thinking or the principle of non-contradiction is inescapable: The same thing cannot perform or endure opposites at the same time, in the same part, and in relation to the same thing. You can think of something that is black and white; you can even think of something that is grey, a mixture of those opposites, but you cannot even conceive of something ‘blackwhite,’ any more than you conceive of or point to a square circle. You cannot even honestly claim to ‘have faith’ in the existence of a square circle, because you don’t know what you’re talking about. Thinking about Christianity, then, a philosopher would think logically about the Trinity. Without being able to pin down what the Bible means by it, he can at least clear up some confusions about it, and might even discover something profound in it.

    Logical thinking, the dialectic seen in and exemplified by the Platonic dialogue, also enables a philosopher to compare and contrast different religions. The polyphony of Christian music (perhaps a result of the ‘social’ or Trinitarian character of the Christian God?) contrasts with Islamic culture. “There is little real music coming out of the Islamic world” because “there is no polyphony in Islam. The culture is saying only one thing, a huge unison which constantly fragments and can restore itself only by violence.” Islamic law builds no institutions, no authoritative pathways to channel human activities away from violence. “Sharia law… is addressed to the individual and it says ‘this is how you must live'”; it does not really show how to live a life in common with other lives. Abraham and Jesus talk to God the Father, but you don’t talk, or at any rate talk back, question, Allah. Recall Scruton’s understanding of the common law as a social or dialogic, and also experiential quest, for understanding justice and you will see why he wants to be remembered as the last Englishman and the organist at his own church.

    Mark Dooley’s conversation with Roger Scruton thus accomplishes two highly valuable things. It provides and overview of Scruton’s philosophic quest showing how its elements cohere; better still, it cordially invites us to read his books, arousing the intellectual desire to do such work which animated the souls of the old philosophers.

    Filed Under: Philosophers

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