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    Sufi Islam

    October 24, 2019 by Will Morrisey

    Hujjat al-Islam Abu Hamid Muhammad Ghazali Tusi: On Knowing Yourself and God. Muhammad Nur Abdus Salam translation. Great Books of the Islamic World, 2010 [2002].

     

    Born in Tus, Persia around 1056, al-Ghazali saw several regimes and nations, living in Baghdad in the 1080s, then Damascus beyond the turn of the century, before returning to his native town of Tus in 1106, five years before his death. Some accounts claim he also visited Jerusalem, Mecca, and Medina. Sufi Islam often finds itself classified as a form of mysticism, but al-Ghazali—frequently cited as a major contributor to the development of that sect—uses no such term. Why is Sufism nonetheless so classified, and is the classification correct? How does Sufism differ from other forms of Islam, according to a leading Sufi or proto-Sufi?

    Given his travels, al-Ghazzali had firsthand knowledge of the ways of life followed by several of those forms. He had the foundation for being what we would call a ‘comparativist,’ no hidebound dweller within one religio-political regime.

    A Sunni not a Shi’ite (as most contemporary Iranians are) Al-Ghazali is also associated with the Asharite school of Islam, which points to the authority of clerical interpretation of the Qu’ran, as distinguished from the Mu’tazillite school, with its emphasis on logical analysis of that scripture. To what extent does al-Ghazali reject ratiocination, thus further contributing to the reputation of Sufism as a form of mysticism?

    This book contains two of al-Ghazali’s writings, one on human nature (The Alchemy of Happiness), one on God (On Knowing God). Al-Ghazali emphasizes the exoteric character of these works, identifying places at which he deliberately fails to elaborate or deepen his argument. His orientation thus shares at least one quality commonly associated with mysticism, namely, the protection of a secret teaching. In explicitly pointing to the existence of such a teaching, he evidently intends to whet the appetite of at least some readers to undertake the effort of discovering them.

    Al-Ghazali divides The Alchemy of Happiness into eighteen sections. He begins by indicating that this work is a prolegomena to On Knowing God. “The key to the knowledge of God” is self-knowledge because it is the key to all knowledge: “There is nothing closer to you than you. If you do not know yourself, how can you know anything else?” In this Socratic task seven questions arise:

    1. “What sort of thing are you?” What is your nature insofar as you can be ‘classified’ within the natural order?
    2. “Where did you come from?” What is your origin or genetic cause?
    3. “Where are you going?” Where will your current path, your current way of life, take you?
    4. “Why have you come to this stopping place?” What is the reason you have now paused to reflect on yourself, and more broadly to seek knowledge?
    5. “For what purpose were you created?” What is your natural telos? This will provide a standard by which you can judge your way of life.
    6. “What is your happiness and in what does it lie?”
    7. “What is your misery and in what does that lie?”

    The fourth, central question forms a sort of hinge in the overall structure of the list, which moves from the ‘given’ to incentives for action, change. The question asking you to classify yourself requires self-examination. Self-examination will show you that four “attributes” exist “inside you”: those of beasts of burden; those of predatory animals; those of demons; those of angels. Beasts of burden find their “nourishment and happiness” in “eating, sleeping, and copulating.” Predators find their “nourishment and happiness” in “giving free rein to tearing apart, killing, and rage.” Demons by nature encourage “evil, treachery, and deceit.” Angels “find their nourishment and their happiness in the contemplation of the Divine Presence.”

    Given the decidedly mixed nature my self-examination reveals, what then? Al-Ghazali distinguishes the “external form” of a human being, its body, from the “internal spirit,” “vital principle” (jan), soul (nafs), or heart (dil). Among these terms, he chooses “heart,” which is very often the term seen in the Old Testament. The heart is “not the lump of flesh which is found in the left side of the chest,” which is visible and can be seen in many beasts, as well as the dead. With Augustinian language, he maintains that “the true nature of the heart is not of this world”; “it has come into this world as a stranger and a wayfarer.” It nonetheless rules the body as its rightful monarch, as it alone among the human attributes can know God and witness “the beauty of His Presence.” It is the attribute that distinguishes human beings from beasts.

    How to cultivate this distinctively human trait? “If a person closes his eyes and forgets about his body and forgets the heavens and the earth and all else that the external eye can see, he will come to know his own existence out of necessity and become aware of himself, even though he is unaware of his form and the earth and the sky and all that is in them.” In performing what we today might call a thought-experiment, he will “perceive that his physical shape will be taken away from him, yet he will remain in place and not be annihilated.” There is something about ‘me’ that can be so-to-speak abstracted from my body and all bodily surroundings. That something is the core of my nature.

    This leads me to the discovery of two “worlds.” The “world of creation” is subject to “linear measurement, amount, and quantity.” “The root meaning of ‘creation’ is ‘calculation, estimation.'” But the “world of command,” the human spirit, “has no amount or quantity, and for this reason cannot be divided.” It is creative, partaking of the world of creation by commanding it. It is “the essence of a person, and all form is subject to it.” “Its true nature is very difficult to comprehend,” and “it is not permissible to expand upon this.” Here the esoteric teaching would begin, but esoteric teachings by definition do not get committed to writing in any explicit way. Al-Ghazali will give some hints, however, later on.

    What can be elaborated upon is the heart/spirit’s status as “the monarch of the body.” The heart’s “work is the seeking of happiness; and its happiness is in the gnosis (marifat) of God Most High.” “It acquires this knowledge of God Most High through the knowledge of His handiwork, and this is the totality of the universe.” The human senses are the initial means of such knowledge. “Knowledge is [the heart’s] prey; the senses are its net.” That is why human beings need their bodies, as the senses are bodily. Once the net captures the elements of nature, the internal powers of perception go to work on them. Just as there are five senses, so there are five such internal or heart-powers: imagination, thought, memory, recall, and conjecture. Taken together, these are the ten “armies” at the command of the heart.

    Al-Ghazali elaborates on the metaphor of human nature as a regime, to be classified as a kingdom. The body is the “nation”; lust is the “tax collector”; anger is the “policeman”; reason is the king’s “chief minister”; the heart is the “king.” Al-Ghazali doesn’t like tax collectors any more than you do: bodily appetite or lust “is a liar, a babbler, and a confuser,” “always desir[ing] to confiscate whatever wealth there is in the kingdom under the pretext of taxation.” He doesn’t like cops, either. Anger, “the policeman of the state,” is “wicked and very hot-tempered”; “it always loves killing, breaking, and overthrowing.” The only defense against these malefactors is the king, who must “always… consult the minister of reason,” ignoring the corrupt blandishments of the tax collector and “tightly” controlling the policeman. If the king governs with reason, “the kingdom will be well-ordered.”

    If the “kingdom” that is the individual human being is well-ordered, the passions of lust and anger serve the body by nourishing and defending it; the body exists to “bear the senses,” to be their servant; the senses serve “for the intelligence-gathering of reason,” “spies” for the king’s minister; reason then advises the king, which is the spirit of command or, as we ‘moderns’ would say, the will, which issues commands. “Reason has been created for the heart, to be its candle and lamp. By its light, the heart may see the Divine Presence which is its Paradise.” In so seeing, the heart “becomes the slave and servant of the Divine Presence.” Al-Ghazali quotes God as reported by the Quran: “I created the jinn [angels] and mankind only that they might worship Me.” That is, the human will, the ‘king’ of the human person, serves as the commanding executive of God’s commands.

    How do the other internal powers of perception fit in? Imagination serves as a postmaster, collecting the ‘mail’ or impressions the senses bring in. Memory is the “mailbag and repository” for these impressions. “At the appropriate time, the information will be presented to Minister Reason,” who “will arrange [the kingdom’s] affairs and the journeys of the king,” “tak[ing] the necessary steps if he finds that one of the armies, such as lust or anger… is in rebellion against the king, and has acted in disobedience, intending to kill him” and to usurp the rule of the human being’s rightful monarch, itself the rightful slave of the King of kings.

    In dealing with such rebellions, “the minister does not seek to kill the rebel.” The kingdom cannot be ruled without tax collectors and policemen. “Instead, he arranges to bring the rebel back within the boundaries of obedience,” to tame him, make him a friend; thus the former rebel “will receive a robe of honor in due time.” On the Day of Resurrection, all the qualities of each individual human being “will be revealed, and their forms will correspond to their natures.” Souls ruled by bodily desires will be revealed as pigs, as “impure” men; predators as wolves, “tyrannical” men. “Form follows nature, so that every one is seen in the same form that is inside him.” Shifting his metaphor, al-Ghazali compares the heart to a mirror, whereon “repugnant traits are like smoke and darkness,” preventing any reflection of the Divine presence.” If kept clean, however, the heart is “a shining mirror the displays the whole universe,” from whose order one intuits the presence of God.

    In all of this, it is easy to see why many Muslims view the Sufi with suspicion. It isn’t that Sufis are mystics in the sense of being hazy-minded navel-gazers, hippies avant la lettre. It is that they resemble Platonic philosophers, albeit in Quranic apparel. Perhaps to forestall such accusations, al-Ghazali adopts a more emphatically ‘religious’ tone in his central and subsequent chapters.

    He begins by addressing his question respecting the origin of the human being. After all, “How do we know that [man] has been created for angelicness and the moral nature [of the angels], so that he may acquire that, and not for the other [non-angelic] traits?” “Some”—the Hugh Hefners among us—”suppose that man has been created for eating, sleeping, copulating and taking pleasure.” Others, “like the Arabs, the Kurds, and the Turks”—here the Persian al-Ghazali’s ‘comparativist’ knowledge acquired in his travels comes in—”suppose that man was created for dominion, violence, and conquest.” “Both groups are in error” because carnal appetites are not distinctively human, and indeed man isn’t as good at satisfying them as some animals: “A camel can eat more than a man, and the copulation of sparrows is more frequent than that of mankind. So, how are humans superior to them” in that respect. And many animal species are more voracious and efficient predators than we humans are. Notice that al-Ghazali appeals not only to the philosophic mind, which intends to classify the elements of nature so as better to understand it. He also appeals to the political mind, interested in rule, in justifying a claim to rule founded upon some natural superiority. Sufism isn’t necessarily any more apolitical than it is mystical.

    “The true nature of a human being is that his perfection and his nobility lie within him.” This sounds like Plato or Aristotle. But al-Ghazali adds a religious promise: “When he dies, neither anger nor lust remains. Either a bright, gleaming essence, adorned with the spiritual knowledge or gnosis of God Most High in the form of an angel” will be his now-revealed nature, or he will be “dark, gloomy with head bowed in shame,” gloomy because tarnished by sin and ashamed because he hasn’t lived up to what he could have been. The shameful soul “will be with Satan in Sijjin,” Hell.

    Further tying his doctrine to a form of religiosity, al-Ghazali asserts that the “nobility” of the heart has two “degrees”: knowledge and power. Knowledge is also divided into two degrees: what the mass of mankind can know and what can be known only by the few. What can be known by the few has two degrees: dreaming and the inner voice of inspiration—both non-sensual. Non-sensual dreams are similar to the thoughts derived from the meditative practices al-Ghazali mentioned earlier, abstracting the heart from all bodily and worldly forms. He now adds another element to those meditative practices. More than only closing your eyes and “suspending the work of sensory organs,” the Sufi will call out to God (“Allah! Allah!”) “with the heart and not the tongue until one is unaware of one’s self and has no report of the entire world or of anything save God Most high; if it is thus, then the window of the heart will open even though one be awake and one will see while awake what others see in sleep,” namely, “the kingdoms of the earth and the heavens,” as revealed by “the prophets.” “Do not concern yourself with the arrangements of this world, for He will manage your affairs Himself,” acting as your “Protector.” “The way,” the regime, “of the saints is this, and it is the way of prophethood.” The scholar’s way of acquiring knowledge by learning is also “great,” but “it is trivial in comparison with the knowledge of the prophets and saints which came to their hearts from the Divine Presence without an intermediary or the instruction of human beings.” The prophet also differs from the saint. Both achieve gnosis of God, but the prophet is a messenger, one who takes God’s Word to others, whereas the saint does not, either because “when the Religious Law is new there is no need for another kind of invitation, or because public propagation of the faith needs certain qualities that the saint may not possess.”

    But what about the “creative” dimension of the heart? Al-Ghazali explains that knowledge of God endows the prophet with “the power to subject some of the physical bodies of the world to itself”—to effect what are called “miracles,” contraventions of ordinary natural laws. “Some spirits—nobler and stronger, nearer to and more resembling the angelic essence—[are] obeyed by other bodies external to it so that should his awe affect a lion, it will become abject and obey him.” On the other side, “what is called ‘the evil eye’ and that which is called ‘sorcery’ are of this kind and are the effects of a person’s spirit on the bodies of others.” Persons with such powers have connected their hearts with the demonic powers. Weaker versions of such extraordinary powers for good or evil may be seen in everyday life, in what we now call ‘psychosomatic’ effects, as “when a sick person acquires hope [and improves],” or “when a sound person becomes anxious, [and] falls ill.”

    A prophet, then, has three qualities: the knowledge others achieve in a dream state, when their bodies and bodily passions are passive, the prophet attains while awake; the prophet’s heart affects the bodies of others; he knows in his heart what others know by learning. It is in this that al-Ghazali’s Sufism invites the term ‘mysticism.’ Although rational, its rationality seems to be a matter of pure noesis. There is no suggestion that the prophet or the saint arrives at this noesis by the way of logical argument, of thought governed by the principle of non-contradiction. Indeed, “no truth has been disclosed to a person who learns the way of disputation in defense of belief.” A philosopher would concur in this judgment, if by disputation al-Ghazali means the sort of argumentation often heard in law courts or in political disputes—rhetoric in the pejorative sense of the work, polemic. A philosopher would balk if al-Ghazali means by disputation any argumentation at all.

    That he cannot simply reject any rational argumentation at all may be seen in his more-or-less Aristotelian account of human happiness: “The pleasure of everything lies in that it is required by one’s nature.” As a Muslim, he of course goes beyond Aristotle by asserting, “no spectacle can be more pleasurable than the spectacle of the Divine Presence, and that is according to the demand of the spirit’s nature.” That is, he goes beyond Aristotle insofar as he understands the Divine Presence to be the Allah invoked in the Qu’ran rather than the Good posited by Aristotle. Al-Ghazali also upholds the doctrine of the immortality of the spirit of the individual human being more insistently than Aristotle does.

    Al-Ghazali concludes with an argument anticipating that of Thomas Aquinas, finding in the design of the human being a sort of proof of God’s existence. (In this, it should be noted, he plays the scholar, not the prophet or the saint.) First, from “a droplet of fluid,” semen, a person develops. “There is no work in the world more wonderful than this”; resurrection after death “will be [much] easier!” Second, what being other than an all-knowing one could do such a thing? Finally, we learn from this act of creation that God’s “Grace, Mercy, and Care for His servants is limitless,” as body has exactly the parts it needs to live and function and more, “that which was not needed or necessary, but would improve [man’s] appearance,” “such as the blackness of the hair, the redness of the lips, the arch of the eyebrows, a straight posture.” And all of these physical attributes “are trivial in comparison with the knowledge of the heart.” If man “throws the alchemy of happiness upon the essence of the heart, he will travel from the degree of the beasts to the degree of the angels.”

    In On Knowing God” al-Ghazali again indicates the esoteric character of his teaching on the heart. “It has two aspects”: one “more obscure,” which “cannot be explained to ordinary folks, or is telling it [to them] proper”; the other understandable “by everyone.” “A person knows from his own essence the existence of the essence of God, may He be praised and glorified!” He knows this because man couldn’t create one hair on his head, and this points to the existence of an intelligent creator. What Thomas calls the argument from design is an exoteric argument. God is the perfect version of our lesser, imperfect natures, which parallel but in no way approach His nature. And just as a person may come to know God by knowing himself (as argued in The Alchemy of Happiness) so he can know himself, his own “ineffability and inscrutability,” from “the ineffability and inscrutability of God.”

    This leads to another instance of al-Ghazali’s much-favored arguments from analogy. Just as your heart rules your body and its passions through the “tenuous substance [that] physicians call ‘spirit,’ [which] carries the powers of perception and motion,” so God’s Will rules the universe. The natural scientist and the astrologer understand the universe through physical observations and measurements; this gives them correct but incomplete knowledge of Being. This may be why al-Ghazali distrusts disputation, whereby each participant “may have spoken the truth from one aspect of the truth, but they see some part and suppose that they have seen all.” Only “the ocean of knowledge of prophethood… encompasses all sides of the kingdom and all the agents, captains, and servants of the Lord.”

    Those who appreciate the comprehensiveness of God’s wisdom, if only through trust in the prophets and arguments via analogy to human experience of the human soul, will readily glorify God. Al-Ghazali discusses four statements whereby a Muslim will glorify Him. These statements are not expressions of mere sentiment but, taken together, convey “knowledge of the Divine.”

    The first is “Glory be to God.” It signifies the “absolute incomparability” of God contrasted with the partial “incomparability” of man. God, man, angels (and presumably fallen angels, demons) have heart, spirit, unlike all other beings. Human incomparability is only partial because human beings also have a physical nature, shared with animals.

    The second statement is “Praise be to God.” It signifies that “your sovereignty is a particle of His sovereignty, that all causes and means are in its service as in a pen in the hands of a scribe.” Hence all praise and gratitude are rightly directed toward God, “as there is no benefactor other than He.”

    Third, “There is no god but God.” It signifies that “there is no one other than He to command His own secret.” No form of polytheism is acceptable, and of course Muslims reject the Christian Trinity, the teaching that God has three ‘Persons,’ all of Whom partake in His knowledge and power. “No one knows God perfectly and truly save Himself.”

    Finally, “God is greater.” This doesn’t mean that there is some scale of measurement by which God’s superiority can be weighed. “There is nothing with Him for Him to be greater than. All existing things exist through the light of His existence.” “He is greater than anything by which man can know Him by logical analogy.” This means that al-Ghazali’s can intend his arguments-by-analogy only as “illustrations,” not as real arguments. “All of these are illustrations so that a person, in accordance with human weakness, might in fact comprehend something of the beauty of the Divine Presence.” And even this level of comprehension can only be hinted at, here. “An explanation of the knowledge of God Most High is lengthy and cannot be put in a book like this as it would not be satisfying.” It must be experienced directly; “a person’s [spiritual] happiness is in gnosis and in the service to and worship of Him.”

    To achieve this gnosis, which will impel the individual to such service and worship, there are two possible ways of proceeding. One is “through his own reasoning, desire, and independent judgment.” It is “impossible” to know God that way “because his desire will master him and always conceal the way to God from him. Whatever he desires will appear in the image of correctness.” The other way is “through another.” That s the right way. “But just anyone is not fit for this,” only “the wisest of people,” namely, the prophets. The Religious Law or Sharia enunciated by the prophets shows how right service and worship are to be undertaken. All else is transgression. As the Quran teaches, “He who transgresses God’s limit, verily he wrongs his soul.”

    Al-Ghazali calls the transgressors “libertines.” Their ignorance takes seven forms. Some believe in no God at all. Seeking God “in the treasury of imagination and whim,” they fail to find Him, consequently looking to “the stars and physical nature” for guidance, in the manner of astrologers and some philosophers. Some believe in no afterlife, supposing that death is the end of human life, as it is for plants and animals. Others believe in God and the afterlife, but weakly. They are ignorant of Religious Law. Such ignorance weakens their souls because their failure to achieve the “gnosis and abstention from sin” that lead to “a sound heart,” one strong enough to deserve salvation.

    Some know the Religious Law but doubt its effectiveness, claiming that it does not cleanse the heart of sin. These might be some Christians, who deprecate the Law in a misguided attempt to exalt spirituality. But the Religious Law “was enjoined [upon us] to control anger and lust or carnal passion, and to hold them in check so that they do not overcome the Law and reason.” We will likely still commit “minor sins,” which God can forgive, but obedience to the Law will guide us away from the major sins. Human beings are not free of lust and anger; they control their lust, and forgive those with whom they are angered.

    Some do not know God’s attributes. They suppose that because God is merciful He will not punish libertines harshly. Eventually, they will learn otherwise. Some are ignorant “of their own pride.” They believe that they have overcome their sins. But only God is perfect. Indeed, He has no sins to overcome. Finally, there are those who know God and His Law but remain self-righteous, denying that their immoral behavior is immoral. “Dealing with such people is done better by the sword than by the argument of reason,” as they have already, as we now say, ‘rationalized’ their own conduct and passions.

    In both of these works, al-Ghazali effectively identifies reason with revelation, not with thought governed by the principle of non-contradiction—or at least not primarily so. He centers his readers’ attention on noesis, not so much reasoning itself. Reasoning unassisted by Quranic study will fail to achieve noetic apprehension of God. His figure of the will, not reason, as the sovereign, and of the will as minister or adviser to the will, could easily lead to the assumption that he is a proto-Nietzschean of sorts, that even God is primarily the supreme Will and not the supreme Logos. This remains ambiguous, however, because the Will of God does, and the will of man should, listen to reason and be guided by it. The will is sovereign in the sense that it makes the decision, but it evidently can choose whether it follows reason, thumos, or appetite. For human beings, ‘reason’ means preeminently gnosis of God and His Law. What does Reason mean for God? Does God’s Reason submit itself to God’s Will, to some kind of creative Will to Power? But why would an omnipotent Being aim at more power? How could He, given His omnipotence? Or are God’s Reason and Will one? And His Law the expression of that perfect combination of His Will and His Reason? As al-Ghazali might say, these are questions beyond the scope of this book.

    Much of the reasoning al-Ghazali does undertake is fairly loose, consisting mostly in analogies based on introspection. His emphasis on introspection is likely what has gained Sufism the reputation as a form of mysticism—this, along with his emphasis on meditation, staying still—its downplaying of action. This is a matter of degree, however. He ends with an adjuration to take forceful action (to the point of death) against some libertines. As for the principle of non-contradiction, it too has its place in al-Ghazali’s thought, as seen in his overall critique of the libertines, which depends upon seeing the contradiction between their beliefs and conduct and the beliefs and conduct of those who follow the Religious Law.

    Filed Under: Bible Notes

    Political Partisanship Now

    October 19, 2019 by Will Morrisey

    Russell Muirhead: The Promise of Party in a Polarized Age. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014.

     

    Hand-wringing over the partisan animosities of the day bore me somewhat, as it strikes me that the day deserves them. Legal abortions or not? An administrative state oligarchy or a constitutional republic? And what about China? Given such conflicts, political tranquility would be a very bad sign. Under these circumstances, lack of animosity would betray weakness of anima in Americans.

    Professor Muirhead understands the thumotic dimension of politics. “I prefer the eighteenth-century phrase ‘party spirit’ to the social-scientific ‘partisanship'”; “party spirit” captures the spiritedness of politics, its characteristic claims to rule and demands for ‘recognition.’ “Reason can—and should—inform, guide, and chasten party spirit” (why else write a scholarly book about it?) but politics will never be purely rational, whatever Enlightenment worthies may have believed. “Rather than expect that partisanship can be overcome, or transcended, or simply turned off in those places where its presence would be corrupting, it, is better—more true to the real possibilities for democratic politics—to differentiate between more elevated and more base expressions of party spirit.” American politics needs “not less partisanship, but better partisanship,” party spirit aiming not merely at victory but at the implementation of policies informed by “convictions, principles, and perceptions of the common interest.” As it will transpire, he understands that victory is indispensable to the implementation of such policies, and also that a tyrant might have convictions, principles, and perceptions of the common interest.

    In contemporary America, “intense partisanship is the new normal,” as “government has become a theater for entertaining partisan true believers rather than a setting for brokering, negotiation, deliberation, and compromise.” Party spirit now pervades the souls of many people, not only “political elites.” Lack of shared “values and goals” makes people distrust one another, which in turn “can threaten the unity of the political community” because “losers to political conflict have less reason to abide by the constitutional processes that delivered their loss” and may even “decide that violence or secession is preferable to peaceful opposition and constitutional obedience.” This is why George Washington warned against what he called the “baneful effects of the spirit of party” in his Farewell Address. Thomas Jefferson concurred, but nonetheless “founded the first opposition party” out of concern that elements among those who had supported ratification of the 1787 Constitution surreptitiously harbored monarchist ambitions. Muirhead sympathizes with Jefferson’s dilemma: “No open society over the past three centuries has succeeded without parties and partisanship.”

    Moving ahead to the present (for him, this is 2014), Muirhead remarks the increasingly “conservative” (and therefore partisan) character of the Republican Party, but oddly contrasts this with the Democrats, whose party, he claims, “retains its catch-all flavor,” “continu[ing] to cover a greater variety of ideological views.” At best one might say this is no longer true. The statement that “the tactics that the Republican Party uses in office appear to be less compromising and more destructive of the trust that governing requires” than those of the Democrats is equally dated. Again dubiously, Muirhead equates ‘liberalism’ with ‘progressivism,’ following the old New Dealers’ self-description, which was plausible only when New Dealers contrasted themselves with Marxists and their ‘dictatorship of the proletariat.’ And of course his suggestion that liberals, so defined, “might be more effective if they could see themselves as more partisan, and as engaged in a partisan fight” hardly applies to American politics now, even if it did in 2014. (It didn’t.)

    What Muirhead “want[s] to defend” is “a kind of party spirit that is worn lightly, one that is open to facts and revision, and tolerant of—even appreciative of—opponents.” Partisans animated by that spirit would serve the right functions of partisans: with “a shared memory” of past achievements,” they “come together, and stay together, to protect these achievements.” What partisans should avoid is erecting “a ‘perceptual stream’ that filters out all information embarrassing to one’s own party,” thereby suffering “epistemic closure that makes it impossible to contemplate one’s own party’s errors and misdeeds.” Individual partisans must do a bit of that, anyway, simply in becoming partisans—that is, in joining a party that includes fellow-citizens who do not agree with every detail of their own opinions on all ‘issues.’ If partisans refuse to, as it were, lighten up, they might “render the government incapable of governing.” As he knows, this is what more-or-less happens in civil wars, and (as he seems not to know) this is what foreign enemies want to happen, as they essay to divide us preliminary to ruling us.

    Muirhead steps back to consider party spirit as understood by Americans in the past, and by the ‘ancients’ as well as ‘moderns.’ In America, the Progressives hoped to reduce that spirit to an absolute minimum because they regarded contemporary parties as defenders of oligarchy, “corrupt[ing] government of the people by substituting for it government by party bosses and special interests,” such as big industrial corporate bosses who paid off those bosses. Not only did Progressives valorize “the ideal of the independent citizen who could think and vote free from the influence of party,” their “lasting reforms” (i.e., not prohibition of alcoholic beverages) “all aimed to circumvent the parties and directly empower the people.” These reforms included the secret ballot, the direct primary, direct election of U.S. senators, ballot initiatives, and recall of suspect public officials. Crucially, he ignores the new oligarchy Progressives substituted for the parties: tenured civil servants in an ‘administrative state’ or bureaucracy. Woodrow Wilson wrote as tellingly about that as he did about the ‘democratic’ side of his proposed ‘new-republican’ revolution.

    Muirhead sees that there’s much more to it than that, however. The modern critique of parties comes from the modern reconception of parties themselves, itself a part of the modern reconception of politics. “The modern conception of politics is founded on principles of political morality that are taken to be true (and thus beyond contestation) in contrast to the traditional conception of politics, which denied that any political regime could be founded on truth.” Both modern party spirit and modern anti-partisanship share “an exaggerated sense of the work that moral principles can do in politics,” thereby “inflat[ing] expectations for a commonsense pragmatic politics that can only, in the end, leave citizens disappointed and confused.” Traditional anti-partisanship makes more sense because it shifts the highest moral expectations away from politics.

    By traditional anti-partisanship Muirhead means Aristotelian regime theory, not the actual practices of partisans in the ancient polis. Aristotle understands partisan politics as fundamentally a contest between oligarch and democrats, each faction making claims to rule, and each finding their claims “convincing and complete,” matters of “right and wrong, justice and injustice.” Aristotle disagrees. Political philosophy distances itself from such claims; that’s what got Socrates in trouble—eventually, Aristotle too. “To the philosopher, the claims each group advances look more partial than they seem from the inside” because those claims “reflect a group’s particular interest” rather than any dispassionate, reasoned consideration of the political community as a whole. To understand a political community as a whole includes seeing the reasons for the claims to rule made by partisans, some of which are more reasonable than others. Such claims “involve arguments about who deserves what; they are connected to ways of life and understandings of character that are nourished by and sustained by these ways of life.” They are claims about not only who should rule here and now but about the best regime, what the best way of life is, what the best human ‘type’ is, and what place each human type justly occupies in the political community. Every regime has one set of rulers and not another; every regime remains incomplete for that reason, while mistakenly believing itself to be complete. Questioning that completeness will likely enrage the rulers.

    Muirhead rightly notes that “traditional partisanship is motivated fundamentally not by selfish interests but by pride.” He means that Aristotle understands claims to rule to register not material desires primarily but honor: the desire for the prestige of office. This sense of honor or pride tends to foreclose reasoning. “Citizens must be unaware of their own—and their regime’s—partiality,” and when the annoying reasoner points this out they do not to it kindly. This inevitable and to some extent indispensable prejudice can be tempered by civic education. In its mild-mannered, eminently civil way, Aristotle’s Politics consists not only of thoughts interesting to philosophers but of considerations thoughtful if non-philosophic citizens need to weigh, teaching them (among many other things) why their partisan enemies think the way they do.

    James Madison shared much of Aristotle’s understanding of the party spirit. The tenth Federalist “adapts the traditional worry to the circumstances of commercial society, where the fundamental classes of the ancient polity—the demos and the oligarchs—are fragmented into a multiplicity of interests.” Although Muirhead doesn’t say it (persisting in his neglect of modern statism), Madison’s solution to excessive partisanship or factionalism depends in part upon the scope of the modern state, as well as upon the form of that state Madison famously commends: federal republicanism, the “extended republic.” Within that state, Madison would encourage a vast free-trade zone, fostering “a dynamic and extensive commercial society” that will multiply factions, preventing any one faction to become strong enough to dominate the others. By so “offer[ing] a modern solution to the partisan threat, he saw the threat in traditional terms.” Modern political parties would aspire to a size big enough to win national elections, and in so doing would encompass many of the factions seen in that nation. ‘Extended’ political parties would therefore be somewhat more faction-like than the American nation, but not nearly so factional and impassioned as the ones that troubled the small poleis of antiquity.

    Muirhead adds the familiar argument that modern political thinkers set a somewhat lower bar for political life than the ancients did. “No more is politics about justice in the sense of upholding an idea about which way of life is most worthy”; modern politics aims “principally” at “self-preservation and commodious living,” while ‘privatizing’ the quest for higher things. Its way of life is commercial, leaving room for religion but not establishing any particular church or creed, “tak[ing] rival conceptions about how best to care for the immortal soul out of politics”. Those thinkers did so in a largely successful attempt to end religious warfare in Europe and, in consequence, prevent its appearance in Europe’s North American colonies.

    This did not, and was not intended, to preclude the formation of what Muirhead calls a “last party,” that is, a party “distinguished by its commitment to the rational first principles of political morality at a moment when these principles remain in dispute.” He gives Whigs, Marxists, and John Rawls’s “deliberative democracy” proposal as examples of such parties, although he unaccountably ignores the Founders and their distinguished defender Abraham Lincoln. He objects to such efforts: “This is the wrong way to conceive of political unity. What defines a liberal politics is not an agreement only to disagree within certain bounds (never touching foundational ideas), but to disagree in a certain way; according to constitutional procedures, in a certain manner.” Whether Progressives, Whigs, Marxists, or Rawls would endorse this is irrelevant, however; it is the Founders who count when it comes to the United States Constitution and the regime it fortifies. If ‘liberalism’ now means ‘Progressivism,’ or some closely related phenomenon, then that simply means that Progressives have likely departed from Constitutional principles.

    Muirhead commits this error because he misconceives the “fundamental points” underlying “modern representative democracy,” at least as the Founders stated them. He cites rule by consent of the governed, liberty (especially liberty of conscience), and “the affirmation of political equality” (especially the rejection of slavery). But the Founders base their regime not on political right but on natural right, and the regime fought a civil war in large measure over just that point, which was denied by the regime of the secessionist entity.

    He continues, quite reasonably, to say that “We agree, while disagreeing about procedures, Court decisions, and the ends politics should serve, to keep our guns in their holsters.” That is the core of liberalism as Muirhead defines it, and it means that neither the Founders nor the Progressives (to say nothing of Marxists and American Whigs) were liberals in his sense. He reaches firmer ground when he observes that partisanship “ultimately concerns the most fundamental questions of politics,” the regime questions: Who rules, and who deserves to rule? What are the purposes of the political community? And what does it stand for?

    Since “being reasonable is never sufficient to permanently and justly settle conflict” in practice, he turns to a modern liberal who recognizes that fact and addresses it, well, reasonably. John Stuart Mill acknowledges the partial cogency of both Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarian rationalism and Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s esteem for tradition. Muirhead rejects the argument of the Declaration of Independence because its “self-evident” truths are not really self-evident. Mill’s version of utilitarianism, at once more capacious and refined than Bentham’s, comes close to appropriating Aristotle’s sense of the philosophic umpire captured, however imperfectly, by the mind of the civically-educated citizen, one who tests his own convictions against those of others and against stubborn realities of everyday life. If “what we need is not less partisanship but better partisanship,” then Mill’s brand of utilitarianism may point the way to it. It might, except that it’s hard to distinguish Mill’s mild skepticism from ‘being reasonable,’ the very stance that Muirhead finds insufficient to settle conflict.

    One thumotic characteristic of political life is loyalty. “It is possible to be loyal and to see the object of our loyalty as it is, with all its faults.” Indeed so: Christians call this agapic love. (This is a point that Dartmouth political scientists may be excused for not noticing.) In ordinary circumstances, however, loyalty is double-edged, as it may lead both to crucial support in difficult times and to foolish assent to evildoing. “If loyalty were merely strategic, it would boil down to a form of prudence.” True enough, but there’s more than one form of prudence, as when Jesus tells His disciples to be innocent as doves but prudent as serpents. To love my friend, in the sense of desiring the best ‘him,’ will require me to know him, to know the good, and to figure out how to fit those two knowledges together. (The same goes for loving my enemy, or myself.) Muirhead sees some of this when he writes, “to be loyal we do not need to close ourselves off to the terrain of elemental facts.” We can ‘fact-check’ our own party’s candidate, not only the other party’s candidate. What is more, in doing this and in undertaking other political tasks we can exercise “remembrance and patience,” the latter again being a consequence of agapic love. “The judgments we make today are subject to revision in light of events and developments that have yet to take place.” Partisanship coupled with patience proves “necessary to any government that tries to serve a popular purpose” and, one might add, any government that serves nearly any purpose.

    Having availed himself of Christian virtues without invoking Christianity, Muirhead now turns to several specific matters relating to modern-day democratic politics in the United States. The first is the primary election. Progressives advocated ‘primaries’ as a device to reduce the power of party ‘bosses.’ This didn’t so much eliminate party spirit as extend it to the voters who show up to vote in party primaries, who no longer necessarily expected government jobs from winning candidates (those were increasingly filled by professional administrators) but instead were motivated by ‘issues’—very often advanced in a manner that stirred passions strong enough to impel party members to show up at the polls. Following his prescription, Muirhead wants simultaneously to elevate and moderate the many issues-oriented voters. This is hard to do, and “few democracies in the world today routinely invite the general citizenry to participate directly in party nominations,” as Americans have done in the past 120 years or so. Here, only primaries closed to everyone except registered party members can make it likely that the candidate will be a genuine representative of his party, but the logic of inclusion characteristic of democracy has made closed primaries things of dubious legitimacy, even in the eyes of loyal partisans. He sees nothing more than increased “civic knowledge” among voters as a possible solution to this dilemma. The real solution would be to get cut back on the administrative state and offer spoils to the victors, again. Is this any more corrupt than a primary system in which special-interest money will always get in, somehow, and an administrative state and a popularly-elected legislature both far from immune to cozy alliances with oligarchs.

    Of the three branches of American government, the legislature provides the most natural home for partisanship. “This is where modern partisanship was born, and where it continues to be nourished.” Organization along party lines is the only way to get things done in such a body, an excellent point, given the common assumption that parties in legislatures lead only to ‘gridlock.’ Further, “without party unity, voters would have a far more difficult time sorting out what their vote is endorsing or rejecting,” as they “would need to track the voting records of individual legislators.” Like any good follower of Mill, however, Muirhead finds an exception to this rule: the unicameral legislature of Nebraska, “one of the only nonpartisan legislatures in the world” and also one of the most popular with citizens. It is true that this results in piecemeal, even incoherent, legislation when an observer searches for any overall policy and purpose in Nebraska lawmaking, as shifting coalitions vote for laws on a case-by-case basis. The legislature’s designer, the well-known early Progressive George Norris, wanted government to run ‘like a business,’ solving concrete problems; in this, he partook of the pragmatic Progressivism of (for example) John Dewey, rather than the German-idealist Progressivism of a man like Wilson. This is all too businesslike for Muirhead, who protests that the business model exists to maximize profit, but in government “there is no single purpose that must be prioritized over all rivals”. But if the Nebraska legislature proceeds piecemeal, and yields no coherent overall policy, how can it be criticized for being too businesslike, too focused?

    Another proposal for legislative reform is the establishment of a “Centrist Party,” which would perform the same function in a legislature as the middle class would do in Aristotle’s ‘mixed regime’: serving as a balance wheel between the two more extreme, and possibly larger, parties. Unlike the Nebraska system, this “does not suppose that politics, ideally, will lack partisan conflict.” Muirhead doubts that it would work, as the Centrist Party itself would still be a party but at the same time “could not easily elicit passions and devotion because it can offer no stead principles, it can invoke no social or historical history about itself, and it cannot connect in a stable way with concrete social groups.” In this it would be quite unlike Aristotle’s middle class.

    Beyond legislative politics one finds the executive and judicial branches. In them, partisanship works less well than it does in the legislature. The original duty of the executive under the Constitution as originally understood was precisely to execute, and nothing else: to execute the laws passed by Congress in accordance with the constitutional framework and to defend the country against any sudden foreign attacks or domestic violence on those occasions when there was no time to consult Congress. The original duty of the judiciary was to “say what the law is,” and surely not to ‘interpret’ the Constitution in such a way as effectively to amend it. But “in the twentieth century, beginning with Theodore Roosevelt and even more notably with Woodrow Wilson presidents became partisan in a new way: they were charged”—by themselves, it should be noted—”with formulating and advancing a program that would orient the actions of both the national legislature and the executive administration.” The intention to “us[e] the presidency to transform eighteenth-century constitutional democracy into twentieth-century party democracy was Woodrow Wilson’s idea,” Muirhead rightly remarks. As a result, when Ronald Reagan essays ‘conservative’ policies, he could only act as a ‘visionary’ Wilson-like president, exercising ‘leadership.’ That was the way the circumstances of the office of the presidency effectively had been rearranged. By contrast, but still within the same framework, President Barack Obama presented himself as an above-the-fray manager, as if he were the Bureaucrat of all bureaucrats. “Hidden in this [was] an arrogant insistence that everyone should agree with us, without the bother of explaining why.” Obama’s difficulties in justifying his national health care program were self-created; he pretended that a partisan, indeed socialist or quasi-socialist policy could be fobbed off as a mere tying-up of a governing loose end. Muirhead goes on to criticize Obama’s predecessor, George W. Bush, not for Olympian complacency but low-minded, partisan use of the Attorney-General’s office.

    The Department of Defense also has become partisan in the wrong way, Muirhead charges. The white, male, and Southern enlistees who predominantly populate the American military vote Republican. “The specter of a military coup seems fantastic only because the nonpartisan posture of military officers has made it so unthinkable.” But, according to him, “this professional norm is the principle that retired generals invade when they endorse political candidates.” Given the fact that numerous retired generals have not merely endorsed political candidates but have become political candidates—Washington, Jackson, Grant, and Eisenhower being among the more prominent—with no ill effects, it is hard to take this complaint seriously.

    Muirhead concludes, “The modern conceit—that having discovered the first principles of political morality, we have escaped the partisan predicament of traditional politics—is overdrawn.” It is, although neither the Founders, nor Lincoln, nor any of the major political figures of eighteenth and nineteenth century America thought of politics that way. The “self-evident” truths asserted in the Declaration of Independence were a casus belli, not a settlement, of a partisan dispute; those same truths also saw not merely partisan but violent partisan defense in the Civil War and in several foreign wars.

    This notwithstanding, Muirhead correctly observes that “the realignment of conservative southern whites away from their habitual attachment to the Democratic Party”—it had become “habitual” during and after the slavery controversy, in opposition to the Republicans—”and toward the Republican Party is what allowed the parties to become more ideologically distinct.” The “bipartisan consensus” that had prevailed, rather briefly, from roughly 1940 through the mid-to-late Sixties, came at the price of tolerating systematic violation of the natural rights of the descendants of slaves. But he misreads the immediate future, supposing that the “disconnect” between the American people and the political elites will hinge on popular disinclination to pay higher taxes colliding with the elites’ sober recognition that higher taxes will be necessary to pay the national debt. The actual “disconnect” has in fact been not financial but moral—or, as one says now, ‘cultural’—and economic. A substantial portion of the American people reprehend the libertine morality of the elites, and their attempts to prevent the practice of traditional morality by that portion of the American people. At the same time, many of these same persons have lost well-paying manufacturing jobs as the result of internationalist economic policies designed by the elites. Hence Trump—much to the dismay of the elites. ‘Conservatives’ have been saying such things for years; seldom heeded or even noticed by the elites, including those ensconced at Ivy League political science departments, and have only begun to take notice in the years after Professor Muirhead published his book.

    This intelligently-argued if often confused book contributes to the discussion of the party spirit in America, a discussion that itself has become partisan.

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: American Politics

    Logic and Ethics: Is There a Connection?

    October 7, 2019 by Will Morrisey

    Henry Veatch: Realism and Nominalism. Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1954.

    Henry Veatch: Rational Man: A Modern Interpretation of Aristotelian Ethics. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1980 [1962].

     

    David Hume disrupted philosophy by arguing that ‘is’ implies no demonstrable ‘ought.’ The mere fact that a thing is by nature or by convention does not tell me whether it is good. Natural laws may describe gravity, the growth of a tree, the traits of horses and humans, but they cannot tell me what I should do or become. Nature tells me what pleasures and pains me, not what is right. Similarly, no civil custom or law justifies itself; political society may reward me or punish me, but it cannot prove that it is right to do so. When writing about matters of good and bad, right and wrong, Hume could offer nothing other than experience as the criterion to which I should attend, claiming there is no other. When considering politics, he interested himself primarily in ruling institutions, which shape the experience of citizens and subjects, and history, which recounts the experiences of previous generations for the instruction of subsequent generations.

    Evidently, Hume must understand nature to be devoid of purpose. Like Hobbes, he recognizes material, formal, and efficient causes in nature, but not final causes. To put it in historical terms, he shares Hobbes’s rejection of Aristotelian philosophy. That is the fundamental reason for his denial of any connection between ‘is’ and ‘ought.’ Nature, what is, can generate no such thing as an ‘ought.’ Those who claim otherwise therefore fall into both logical contradiction and groundless ethics.

    Henry Veatch has his eye on that claim, both as a logician and as a moral philosopher. But he begins well before Hume, considering the major philosophic controversy of the generation before Thomas Aquinas: ‘realism’ vs. ‘nominalism.’ He does so for no antiquarian reason. “Realism and nominalism may well be perennial issues in philosophy” (RNR 1); “today, no less than in the 12th century, there is a realist-nominalist controversy raging” (RNR 2). And this makes sense, inasmuch as the philosophic atmosphere, as it were, of that century resembles that of the mid-1950s: In the twelfth century, philosophers “knew little else in philosophy save logic”; for their part, today’s philosophers are “all pretty much agreed that the only really serious discipline in philosophy is logic” (RNR 2). Then as now, philosophers bind themselves with “logicism” (RNR 2).

    Veatch contends that “the current issue of realism vs. nominalism may be in large measure understood in terms of, and perhaps may even be said to have been caused by the rather uncritical use by modern logicians of a certain basic scheme, or ordering pattern, that quite literally dominates the entire vast corpus of modern mathematical logic” (RNR 3). This pattern begins with Gottlob Frege’s understanding of logic in the mathematical terms of function and argument. In any mathematical equation, there is a constant and a variable—for example, in ‘2x’ two is the constant, x the variable. Frege “proposed to generalize these notions so as to make them applicable far beyond the confines of mathematics in the narrower sense, extending them to the analysis of concepts and propositions in logic” (RNR 5). He translates these terms into logic by calling the logical equivalent of the constant the “function,” the x-factor the “argument.” To analyze the sentence, “Caesar conquered Gaul,” he treats “Gaul” as the function or constant, Caesar as the argument or x-factor.

    This sets up “the vast and elaborate quantification theory of modern logic, a theory, which it is claimed, almost infinitely surpasses the old subject-predicate theory of traditional logic in range and power” (RNR 8). In subject-predicate theory, “Caesar conquered Gaul” means just that. It registers “a simple one-place function.” But in quantification theory, anything could replace the function, “Gaul,” just as any number could replace the two in “2x.” “The propositions envisaged in quantification theory will involve besides one-place functions, two-place, three-place, four place and so on up to n-place functions!” (RNR 8-9).

    Bertrand Russell, for one, became so enamored of quantitative logic that he dismissed subject-predicate logic altogether, holding it “unable to admit the reality of relations” (RNR 10) Why so? Because subject-predicate logic limits itself to only one thing in relation to one other thing; it is cramped by concreteness. Quantitative logic, like numbers, ‘abstracts from’ the particulars: “The true function of logic as applied to matters of experience,” Russell writes, is to “show the possibility of hitherto unsuspected alternatives,” to “liberate the imagination as to what the world may be” (RNR 11). As Veatch puts it, in Russell’s view quantitative logic “provides an inventory of possibilities, a repertory of abstractly tenable hypotheses” (RNR 11). Veatch may be a bit too much of the gentleman to remark that this sort of thing fit rather well with Russell’s socialism, an imaginary construct of what the world may be, abstractly considered. With quantitative logic in hand, a philosopher might do seriously what Plato’s Socrates did ironically: make a city in speech plausible.

    In considering realism and nominalism in his thirteenth century, Aquinas distinguished ens rationis and ens naturae, while connecting this distinction to a distinction in logic. Reason, he argued, finds what he calls “intentions” in natural things “insofar as they are considered by reason” (RNR 12). By “intention” he means such attributes as genus and species. One doesn’t find such ideas as genus and species by means of one’s senses’ perception of things; the ideas “rather are consequent upon reason’s consideration of the things of nature” (12). Logic, thought guided by the principle of non-contradiction, does discover the genus and species of things by comparing one thing to another, observing that (for example) a diamond is not a ruby, a sheep is not a goat, because their attributes in some respect contradict one another, whereas a diamond and a ruby are both minerals, a sheep and a goat both animals, because their attributes in some respects are identical to one another, do not contradict at all. Veatch observes, “if the subject matter of logic is the sort of thing which St. Thomas here suggests that it is, then it is quite obviously not the sort of thing that Lord Russell says it is” (RNR 12). They are things of different species. “Liberating the imagination, or drawing up inventories of possibilities, or contemplating unsuspected alternatives as to what in the eyes of God or the devil or Lord Russell the world may be—all this is all very well, but it simply isn’t the business of logic,” since what Russell wants logic to “disclose and reveal are real possibilities; they are not mere intentions in the sense of beings of reason” (RNR 13).

    Thomas’s distinction between the natural things and logical “intentions” addresses the realism-vs.-nominalism question he inherited from his immediate philosophic predecessors by connecting reality to names in a logical, and indeed Aristotelian way. Logical intentions have nothing to do with things in the natural world, real or possible, as immediately perceived by the senses. “It is only as things come to be known, or better, it is only insofar as in coming to be known they acquire a status as objects of thought or reason… which otherwise and just in themselves they would not have at all” (RNR 14). If the “subject” we consider is hydrogen, and by measuring it we determine its atomic weight as 1.008, “we make ‘hydrogen’ the subject of a proposition and we predicate ‘having an atomic weight of 1.008’ of it” (RNR 14). Reason “may be said to find in hydrogen, insofar as hydrogen comes to be known and is made an object before the mind,” its atomic weight, the predicate of the sentence ‘Hydrogen has an atomic weight of 1.008’ (RNR 15).

    Moreover, “logical intentions, in addition to being consequent upon reason’s consideration of nature, are also instrumental to reason’s consideration of things” (RNR 15). That is, they are “the tools and means of human knowledge,” not only their products; “or better, they are produced in the process of knowledge, precisely in order that through them such knowledge may be made possible” (RNR 16). In nature, “hydrogen is neither a species nor a subject, but in its condition of being known and as an object before the mind, it takes on these purely logical features or ‘intentions,’ as they are called” (RNR 16). The mind classifies hydrogen with respect to it being “a species of a genus or a subject of a predicate” so that “we may thereby come to know that hydrogen really is an element or that it does in fact have an atomic weight of 1.008” (RNR 116-17). “The main instruments of traditional logic—concepts, propositions, and arguments—are, in form and structure, simply relations of identity” (RNR 17). As “tools,” they ‘dig out’ the characteristics of natural objects not perceived by the senses alone, characteristics nonetheless real, albeit real in a different way than sensually-perceived reality. “It is only intellectually or in the mind that what-a-thing-is is abstracted from the thing itself and then reidentified with it in a logical proposition,” such as ‘a sheep is a mammal'” (RNR 17). Through the tool, instrument, device of logic, the mind relates “a thing to its own ‘what,'” causing the thinker “to recognize what that thing is in fact and in reality” (RNR 18). “The relation of identity that the mind sets up between subject and predicate in a proposition is an intentional relation precisely in the sense that through it the mind or reason is able to intend things as they are in themselves and in reality”; when I say what a thing is I am ‘identifying’ it through language (RNR 19). That’s why I might be mistaken and, if my proposition is illogical, why I must be mistaken; I can’t show you how a thing can be or do opposites at the same time, with respect to the same part, in relation to the same thing. A subatomic particle may manifest itself as a wave or as a particle, but not at the same time, by means of the same observation.

    Not so with Frege’s quantitative logic. It isn’t “intentional” in the Thomistic sense, for two reasons. First, “the relation of a function to its argument or arguments is not a relation of identity”; therefore, “the function can in no sense be regarded as representing what the argument or arguments are’ (RNR 19). ‘2x’ tells me nothing about what ‘2’ is. The person who speaks or writes ‘2x’ has formed no such (Thomistic) intention. As Veatch puts it, the sentence “Milwaukee is north of Chicago,” in which “Chicago” and “Milwaukee” are the arguments and “north of” is the function, tells me nothing of “what Milwaukee and Chicago conjointly are” (RNR 19-20). Second, “unlike the relation of identity between subject and predicate, the relation between argument and function is not one whose nature is simply to be of or about something else” (RNR 20). The relation of Milwaukee to Chicago in the sentence refers not to the ‘whatness’ of either city, but to “the order of parts in a whole.” It does not tell me what that whole is—if, for example, Milwaukee and Chicago form part of a ‘metroplex.’

    Returning to the question of realism and nominalism as they reappear in modern philosophic thought, Veatch observes that for Russell the word or symbol that is the “argument” in the proposition (say, Milwaukee, Chicago, Socrates) stands for an irreducible “particular”; the function sign (say, north of, or Plato) stands for a universal or a relation. In the sentence “Socrates was older than Plato,” “Socrates” and “Plato” are the particulars, the “arguments,” and “being older than” is the relation or universal (RNR 23-24). What does such a sentence, so understood, signify? It means nothing about ‘what’ the particulars are, but rather states (one aspect of) their relation to one another. Veatch calls this “logical atomism,” meaning that both the particulars and the universal/relational exist “outside of and along side” of one another (RNR 27). Russell himself soon saw that this means a word in a logical proposition, and therefore the logical proposition itself, need not have any relation to reality at all. A word of course “contributes to the meaning of the sentence in which it occurs,” Russell writes, but that is a feature of language, not necessarily of any reality beyond language (RNR 31).

    Russell thus went from the quasi-Platonic realism of Frege, in which numbers “peopled the timeless realm of Being,” toward nominalism. W. V. Quine takes that final step, denying that there are any abstract entities at all. The word “appendicitis” “is a noun,” he writes, “only because of a regrettable strain of realism which pervades our own particular language” (RNR 35-36). As Veatch puts it, Quine regards “all supposedly ‘descriptive’ words as if they are ultimately and in principle no different from ‘logical’ words” (RNR 36). “This certainly sounds like nominalism”; “the function-argument scheme has indeed given rise to an extreme nominalist type of semantics” (RNR 37). Quine can deny that the ‘function’ side of the proposition, the ‘universal’ side, refers to any objective reality, arguing that “in any proposition involving a function-argument structure, while both parts of the proposition may be presumed to be meaningful and significant, still in asserting the proposition as a whole, what one asserts to exist are only the arguments and not the function” (RNR 40). One cannot, by means of logical propositions, understand anything that is ‘out there.

    Thus “modern logicians and semanticists have found themselves forced into one or the other of two very embarrassing alternatives” (RNR 45): either Quine is right, and logic is only a language game which tells one nothing about any reality beyond itself, or one must admit that ‘Milwaukee’ means a particular city, ‘Socrates’ a particular person, ‘north of’ a real direction, ‘older than’ seniority in years—an alternative that re-presents quantitative logic as a realism depending upon a leap of faith (which doesn’t sound entirely logical).

    But (Veatch argues) this only indicates that philosophers have entangled themselves in a pseudo-problem. “The entire trouble would seem to stem from the use in modern logic of a schema like that of function and argument, which turns out to be radically non-intentional, and hence not adapted to the proper purposes of logic at all” (RNR 46). Subject-predicate logic avoids this problem altogether because to use logic as a tool, instrument, device “certainly does not imply that one means or signifies by it a real universal entity existing extra-mentally, as the realists would seem to hold; nor is the only alternative to this the nominalistic one of supposing that in using a universal concept, one does not thereby mean or signify anything real at all” (RNR 47). If I assert that “many Wisconsin barns are red” I don’t mean that many Wisconsin barns are redness. I’m not saying that any particular barn or set of barns is the idea of redness, or indeed that it is the idea of barn-ness. Nor does such an assertion commit me to the idea of the Ideas in the supposedly Platonic sense of an ‘extra-mental’ set of realities above and beyond the particulars. In using language to form sentences I intend to bring out, some aspect of the particulars I am talking about; using language logically signifies an intention to correct errors in my perception of those particulars, to re-cognize them. As Thomas puts it in the Summa contra Gentiles, “although it is necessary for the truth of a cognition that the cognition answer to the thing known, still it is not necessary that the mode of the thing known be the same as the mode of its cognition” (RNR 51). In this, Thomas follows Aristotle, that logician who does not need ‘Platonic’ ideas in order to reason about things.

    “Somehow,” Veatch concludes (with a hint of exasperation) “one wonders whether, if only this simple and rather obvious principle of intentionality had been observed by modern logicians, there would ever have been the current and seemingly futile dispute between realists and nominalists among modern semanticists” (RNR 51). But what about modern ethicists? To use a recently-invented, Greek-sounding word Veatch avoids, has this ‘epistemological’ debacle twisted them in the wrong direction, too?

    Can Ethics Be Logical?

    Lord Russell famously answered with a resounding ‘No,’ having taken the ways of mathematical logic for those of logic as such and concluded that in ethics all we have are emotions (as in the fear behind his Cold-War slogan “Better Red than dead”) and that in politics all we have is imagination powered by emotion (as in The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism). In Rational Man, Veatch demurs, deploying Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics to refute not so much Russell as the existentialist ethics of William Barrett in his then-recent book, Irrational Man and also the language-philosophy stance of Charles L. Stevenson, who, in his 1944 book Ethics and Language, consigned substantive ethical questions to the realm of less-than-philosophic souls. Veatch intends not to explicate Aristotle but “to use him in a modern effort to set forth and justify a rational system of ethics,” an application of Aristotelian ethics to modern circumstances (RM xiii). “This book will have to do with just such normative questions as the currently regnant intelligentsia has come to regard as not philosophically respectable” (RM xxvi).

    Unlike Aristotle, whose ethical philosophy leads directly to political philosophy (a term he may have invented), Veatch promises to duck social and political questions, as in current circumstances so many ‘realists’ skip ethics entirely, jumping immediately to matters of society and politics, conceived simply as field of ‘power relations.’ Such Realpolitik thinkers, ‘Left’ or ‘Right,’ find unintended allies among linguistic philosophers. But what if philosophy has more to offer than language games, however rigorously played? “To most people it must seem that ethics has to do with more than just the meanings of words and the uses of language” (RM 2). What if they are right? Even if to think well about ethics one will need to clarify terms, among other acts of hygiene?

    Everyone wants to live well. And, after any number of blunders, most people see that living well requires “an art or technique that one must master, a skill that one must acquire before one can do [the act of living] well, or perhaps even do it at all” (RM 3). In an effort to help in this, optimistic parents send their children to college. But, “Let’s face it: modern learning does not have anything to do with living, or being learned with being human” (RM 4). In considering the lives of philosophers, Kierkegaard “trembles to think of what it means to be a man” (RM 5); Socrates replies that to philosophize one must know oneself and learn how to live. One must find a good way of life—a thought Socrates shares with the founders of major religions, such as the God of the Bible, who very much insists on His way, demanding that His people abjure the ways of Canaanites, Egyptians, Persians, and indeed all others but His own.

    In adjuring men to master Fortuna, to conquer nature, modern philosophy, the science it has produced, and the technology that science has produced offer “a truly amazing example of the relevance of knowledge to life” (RM 10). When modern science attends to human nature, it goes so far as to claim to control the lives of non-scientists, reducing human life to a set of “functions” (RM 10)—exactly what one would expect of a project animated by quantitative logic. But who is doing the animation? What is their character? “What is needed for ethics is knowledge not of how to control nature, but of how to control oneself” (RM 10), not only others. In this sense, ethics must precede politics, self-government preceding political rule. What can quantitative logic teach about self-government?

    Not much. “Isn’t it a truism nowadays that morals and ethics are relative matters, that is to say, matters of opinion, not of knowledge?” (RM 13) “Ethical relativism has become almost a sine qua non of the educated man, a sort of badge of the modern intellectual,” who maintains that one’s opinions are always ‘relative’ to, even determined by, one civilization, culture class, physical environment, biology, psychological drives. As proof, the intellectual points to the diversity, the contradictory multitude, of moral principles. But this is no proof of anything but the manifoldness of human ways, a fact as well known to Moses and Aristotle as it is to Lord Russell and Professor Stevenson. “The mere diversity in human moral standards does not in principle preclude the possibility of at least some of these standards being correct and others incorrect” (RM 14). Indeed, “the whole world might be wrong and a single individual right” (RM 15), as any number of philosophers (and not only prophets) have started out by thinking.

    Ethical relativism follows from Hume’s is-ought dichotomy. The denial of this dichotomy leads relativists “to label their opponents ‘absolutists'” (RM 19n.). Linguistically considered, ‘absolute’ does oppose ‘relative.’ No one calls the knowledge of modern scientists “a purely relative matter”; yet no one calls it “an absolute knowledge,” either. “And if scientists can enjoy an immunity from the dilemma of relativism or absolutism, why may not moral philosophers as well?” (RM 19n)

    Some ethical relativists hope that relativism will bring forth greater toleration of differing opinions, and of those who hold them. The anthropologist Ruth Benedict believed so. But, then, so did Benito Mussolini, whose ghost-writer (probably the philosophy professor Giovanni Gentile) wrote for him, “Everything I have said and done in these last years is relativism by intuition…. From the fact that all ideologies are of equal value, that all ideologies are mere fictions, the modern relativist infers that everybody has the right to create for himself his own ideology and to attempt to enforce it with all the energy of which he is capable” (RM 20). Toleration, meet intolerance, each of you standing on the same leg (as do so many of the ‘post-modern’ Leftists whom Veatch, Benedict, Mussolini, and Gentile never lived to see).

    All of these would-be relativists face the same dilemma, as well as one another. “No human being can stop with just having convictions, he also has to live and to act. But to act is to choose and to choose is to manifest some sort of preference for one course of action over another. However, to manifest any such human preference means that, consciously or unconsciously, implicitly or explicitly, one has made a judgment of value as to which course of action is the better or the wiser or the more suitable or preferable.” (RM 22)  Benedict holds on high the banner of toleration; Mussolini self-assertion; “liberated youth” their “impulses and inclinations”; skeptics (Hume) “the standards of the community of which [he] is a member” (RM 23). All of these standards rest on “a glaring non sequitar: “Since no course of action is really better or superior to any other, I conclude that the better course of action for me to follow would be thus and so'” (RM 23). Obviously, there is “no possible way in which the denial of all standards of better and worse can itself be transformed into a kind of standard of better or worse” (RM 23). To get out of this impasse, one will need not self-assertion, whether spirited or dispirited, but self-examination.

    “Back to Socrates and Aristotle,” then (RM 27). Back, as it happens, to the facts, and to a consideration of facts prior to asserting the ethical equivalent of realism-vs.-nominalism, namely facts-vs.-values. Aristotle observes that every art and every investigation aims at some good (else why undertake it?). Is there a supreme good at which all our actions, taken together, aim? Since all beings have a nature, a set of characteristics defining what they are, the good for each kind of being must be the perfection of its nature. This means that ‘values,’ as they are called, “are simply facts of nature” (RM 29). It can’t be good for water, as water, to evaporate, although sometimes its evaporation may be good for other beings, or for nature as a whole. The distinctively human good, the one fulfilling the definition of what a human being is, “will involve what might loosely be called the maturity or healthy condition of the whole man, or of man in his total being” (RM 29). Further, “since man is a being capable of intelligence and understanding, and consequently of planned and deliberate behavior on the basis of such understanding, it may also be presumed that the way in which a human being attains his appropriate good or natural perfection will be rather different from that of a plant or an animal,” by “a conscious recognition of what the human end is and by deliberately aiming at this proper end” (RM 29). Such recognition, according to Aristotle’s subject-predicate logic, comes from using the “tool” of logic, by reasoning.

    Veatch illustrates this by a hypothetical which seems as if it were inspired by the late Franklin Roosevelt. Suppose that a person comes along who begins by “remind[ing] us of how precarious our existence is,” and then offers us a deal: From now on, he will see to it that we will enjoy “freedom from fear, freedom from want, freedom from worry,” on condition that “we shan’t know what is going on” (RM 32). In short, life under the soft despotism of administrative statism, ideally conceived. Would we take the deal? We might, “in moods of defeatism, of misery, and of utter hopelessness,” such as many experienced during the Great Depression and the Second World War. But in less dire circumstances “by and large no man in his senses would prefer the existence of a contented cow, however well fed and well cared for, to the existence of a human being with at least some understanding of what is going on” (RM 33). And as a matter of fact, modern rulers usually do not make their offer explicit, shrewdly assuring that the ruled are clever, informed, wise—the very opposite of those deplorable ignoramuses over there—”while in fact depriving them of the reality of all genuine knowledge and understanding,” or at least trying to (RM 33).

    Some, following Hegel, will say that human beings don’t want to know so much as they want to be ‘recognized,’ esteemed by their fellows. In running for Congress, the young Abraham Lincoln admitted that such was his ambition. But was that what Lincoln really wanted? “Why do we seek recognition so avidly?” “Because such praise and respect from our fellows somehow serve as reassurance to ourselves that maybe we have accomplished something or amounted to something after all” (RM 35). If so, then recognition or reputation, honor, is only a proximate end; we seek a sense of “our own worth, our own real achievement and perfection” (RM 35). Following Aristotle, Veatch conducts his readers toward self-examination, toward self-knowledge, by his very argument for self-knowledge as a constituent of human perfection. To perfect something or someone, one first must know what it or he is.

    What the English would call a ‘horrible’ lurks here. “It would appear that the good life for man, as Socrates and Aristotle envisage it, would turn out to be none other than the academic life, the life of the professor!”—”the pathetic reality of present-day academic life” (and mind you, Veatch is writing in 1962, years before the inmates took over the academic asylums) (RM 36). Perish the thought, preferably by refusing to allow thought to perish, even in academic groves. “Socrates is always careful to stress that the kind of knowledge and wisdom in which human perfection consists is the knowledge of ‘Know thyself’ and the wisdom that makes for the improvement of the soul,” whereas “there is something about nearly all modern science and scholarship that seems to make it not merely impertinent, but actually antithetic to anything on the order of Socratic wisdom” (RM 37). As Veatch’s readers have already seen, the misapprehension of the distinctively human characteristic, reason, and particularly of its tool, logic, has helped to make this so.

    Here Veatch ventures a rare departure from Aristotle. In the Nicomachean Ethics Aristotle proposes two kinds of human perfection or excellence: “the practical life of man as possessing reason” that aims at discovering and at walking along the right way of life; and then, in Book X, the theoretical life, the life of the philosopher (RM 38). But although discovering the right way of life does require (finally if not initially) theoretical reasoning about what a human being is, such knowledge aims at living the right life, not merely thinking about it. “Knowledge for its own sake can never be the be-all and the end-all of human existence, nor can the chief good of man ever consist in the mere possession or even the exercise of knowledge”; it must rather consist “in its use in the practical living of our lives under the guidance of such knowledge and understanding as we possess” (RM 40-41). That is human perfection or excellence, full humanity. “The intelligent man, in this sense, is the good man or the man of character, and, vice-versa, the good man, in the sense of the man who has attained his full perfection or natural end as a human being, is the intelligent man,” who has achieved eudaimonia or happiness understood not as a ‘feeling’ but as a condition (RM 41). Happiness is “not a matter of subjective feeling on the part of the individual, but something objectively determinable,” just as the health of an individual isn’t a matter of feeling healthy (RM 42). If one feels contented by some condition that is “anything less than what as a human being he is capable of and what… he is naturally ordered and oriented toward, then we should certainly say that such a person had settled for less than he should have, or that he didn’t know what was good for him” (RM 43). We would say, as Socrates says of some interlocutors, he has a wrongly-ordered soul.

    A modern scientist might reply to Veatch by saying that disease is no less natural than health, that nature has no end or purpose, that life and death are indifferent to nature, equally part of nature. Veatch answers, as he does to logical positivists, that modern science excludes consideration of natural end a priori. The ‘method’ of modern science, dovetailing with the method of mathematical logic, excludes considerations of ‘what-ness’ and ‘who-ness.’ But such considerations are exactly what ethical thought requires. This does not make ethical thought irrational; it only makes it unscientific. I once asked an atheist, who found the notion of God unscientific and therefore rationally inadmissible, if his little daughter knew him. If so, she could not know him scientifically, having no knowledge whatever of his chemical composition, his DNA, or nearly anything other things modern scientists can measure beyond his size, shape, and (to some extent) behavior. “The possibility of explanation in scientific terms must involve the exclusion a priori of all such data as do not lend themselves to the particular procedures of scientific testing and verification” (RM 46), as the possibility of explanation in mathematical terms must involve such exclusion of all things do not lend themselves to the particular procedures of mathematical measurement and proof. But these exclusions do not preclude reasoning in other ways, ways which (as Aristotle says) fit the things being considered.

    One might reply to Veatch by remarking that all of this depends upon the nature of nature, as it were. What or who are you knowing? Is it or he (or He?) good to know? Veatch, with Aristotle, answers that human being not only has a good but is itself good ‘for itself.’ God might reply, ‘Not so fast, sinner.’ But God will then offer the grace which makes nature better than it now is. And even a mere philosopher might justify his own way of life, in reasonable terms, by explaining that he too requires self-knowledge, and in knowing himself he knows that, qua philosopher, qua lover of theoretical and not only practical wisdom, his perfection consists in attempting to know the whole of nature, including its First Cause. The philosopher’s good is not exactly the same as the good of the practical man. It comprehends, or at least seek to comprehend, more than a good life in the social and political world. The scientific and mathematical ‘universes’ are not necessarily “the only reality there is” (RM 47). But does this leave “in the utterly unsatisfactory situation philosophically of having to acknowledge that truth is not one, but many”? (RM 48).

    Whether by natural reasoning or divine revelation, knowledge of the human good requires that human beings think ‘pre-scientifically,’ pre-mathematically. In the words of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, “Everything I know of the world, even through science, I know from a point of view which is mine or through an experience of the world without which the symbols of science would be meaningless” (RM 48). “We must first re-awaken this experience of the world,” Merleau-Ponty continues, “for science is its second expression. Science does not have and never will have the same kind of being that the perceived world has, for the simple reason that science is a determination or explanation of the world” (RM 48). This latter claim could (and did, in Merleau-Ponty’s case) lead not to Aristotelianism but to a historicist apology for tyranny, to a claim that morality consists in going with the ever-changing, Heraclitean flow issuing in a universal despotism. With Aristotle, Veatch rather doubts that, and would concur instead with Leo Strauss (who equally called for a return to ‘naive’ or pre-scientific understanding as the foundation of all knowing, including scientific and mathematical knowing) in recognizing that historicism is only another ‘ism,’ philosophically interesting but mistaken, and sometimes calamitously so. Accordingly, Veatch valorizes not Stalinism or Maoism but the less grandiose task of “try[ing] to return, in some sense at least, to the things themselves,” to “a return to this world as it is before scientific knowledge,” to “the concrete world of ordinary human experience” (RM 48-49).

    What happens if we do? “Living intelligently involves seeing things as they are and seeing oneself as one is, amid all the confusions and misrepresentations due to one’s own passions and predilections and prejudices” (RM 56). In so living, one finds the passions to be double-edged—often clouding the mind but also providing a useful mental shorthand, as the pain of a bee sting causes wariness of bees, around which one exercises caution ‘without thinking,’ from then on. “Without emotions and passions, a human being would not be human, but a mere clod, lacking the dynamic quality that is requisite for the attainment of human perfection” (RM 59); if passions run too high, they overpower thought altogether. “The virtuous man is the man who knows how to utilize and control his own emotions and desires,” the one who governs himself (RM 59). Fundamentally expressions of desire or aversion, emotions imply judgments of good and bad; this is why Aristotle puts such emphasis on the definition of virtues as means between extremes, and on the particular virtue of moderation. To understand courage (for example) as the mean or the middle between rashness and cowardice implies that the courageous soul leaves itself room for making a reasoned judgment of how to conduct itself in each circumstance which arises. Moderation, which ‘hits the middle’ regarding physical desires, is the virtue needed most often, addressing the ordinary challenges of our daily lives. Virtue understood and exercised as “the mean” also enables us to avoid judging simply according to habit derived from “mere social convention” (RM 61). It enables even a non-philosophic soul to ‘ascend from the Cave’ of social opinion. And it should not go unnoticed that “the mean” isn’t quantifiable; there is no mathematical formula we can devise to get us to hit it, except with respect to bodily goods, care for which requires us first to intend to hit the mean in the first place.

    Aristotle identifies magnanimity or greatness of soul as the crown of the moral virtues. Veatch ‘democratizes’ it somewhat, calling it “self-respect” (RM 62). “The man who manages to live well will be the man who has a just estimate of himself, being neither overly complacent about his capacities and achievements, not, at the other extreme, overly lacking in a sense of his own dignity and responsibilities” (RM 62). Veatch criticizes the tendency of many Americans toward “indifference or even… disgust for the purposes and responsibilities of life,” men who preen themselves on such evasion (RM 62). In academia, this attitude results in “your man of learning secretly delight[ing] in picturing himself as a sort of composite Ernest Hemingway, Jean-Paul Sartre, and perhaps Pablo Picasso,” while in reality is “only a Sir Walter Elliot” (RM 66), that model of vanity readers meet on the first page of Jane Austen’s Persuasion.

    Ethics consists in the art of living well, but it is more than an art. Aristotle warns that in the arts an intended mistake is not so bad as an unintended one, but in ethics, which involves practical wisdom as well as art, an unintended mistake is worse. That is because in ethics you need more than know-how; “in addition, you have to do” what you know (RM 71). If you know what to do but fail to do it you “would certainly not be a good man” (RM 72), unless unfavorable circumstances prevented a good course of action. What is more, “there just can’t be any knowledge of this sort of thing without doing” (RM 72), developing a desire to do the right thing, cultivating good “habits of choice” (73), having “learned how to let his choices and preferences be determined by such knowledge and understanding as he may have, rather than to proceed simply from chance feelings and impulses of the moment or from long established but mechanical habits of response” (RM 74).

    Is the “examined life” possible? Is it the good life for human beings, or are human purposes irretrievably irrational? Yes, it is possible and good because the good life is “the natural end toward which a human being is oriented by virtue of being human,” a “fact of nature” discoverable by reasoning although not created by reasoning (RM 79). That human nature requires deliberation and choice for its fulfillment becomes obvious in considering the many examples of persons lacking in self-knowledge, unable “intellectually to see or know the truth about [themselves], as in not being willing or disposed to see this truth” (RM 83). Such persons may be no less, and even more, intelligent than we are, but what a mess they have made of their lives. This underscores Aristotle’s remark that “in a science such as ethics the end is not knowledge but action” (RM 84). Choosing to do what’s right is harder than knowing what’s right; deliberate habituation in right action—”the repeated performance of just and temperate actions”—is more moral than moralizing. Generally speaking, “in the final analysis our human failures are ultimately due not to the fact that we don’t know what we ought to do, but rather to the fact that we don’t choose to act on our knowledge” (RM 97). Virtue “is more a matter of abiding by one’s knowledge or remaining constant to it, instead of letting it be forever displaced by numberless counter-opinions and judgments that are determined by our passions and whims of the moment” (RM 102). The fact that we may not do this, that we may indeed choose inconsistently, drifting from one opinion to another, one impulse to another, one course of action to another, indicates the human capacity for freedom of judgment. “It is not because of ignorance that we fail, ultiomately, it is because we don’t choose when we could choose” (RM 108).

    As for the force of circumstances, “for most of us, most of the time, our adversities and ill fortune are not such as to leave us completely without resources” (RM 115). Rather, “the important thing is how we take our good fortune, or our ill fortune. That is what determines whether we are well off or not, not the good or ill fortune itself” (RM 116). Circumstances seldom allow us to choose the best; they often prevent us from choosing what is especially good, but they always allow us to choose the better or the worse, until incapacity or death wrest choice from us.

    Behind the flaccid relativism of thinkers like Russell and Barrett stands Nietzsche, mocking the Last Man whom they comfort with their egalitarian niaiseries and proclaiming grandly, “God is dead”—”God” meaning not only the God of the Bible, and the gods of all books deemed holy, but any “objectively grounded moral order anywhere in the universe” (RM 129). “The purpose of [Rational Man] is to suggest that in Nietzsche’s terms, God is not dead after all, that nature itself, or at least human nature, does involve a moral order, which it should be the concern of human beings to recognize and act upon” (RM 129). Less stirring thinkers than Nietzsche have also supposed that nature offers no real moral support to human beings. Utilitarians, for example, make reason instrumental to the desires. Utilitarians commit what might call the fallacy of misplaced sociality. Their concern for the greatest ‘good’ for the greatest number—good being defined as pleasure—rests on the assumption that “morals or ethics involves only their relations with others and never their relations with themselves” (RM 130). They typically ignore the question of whether pleasure is good for oneself or, if so, what pleasures are good. Further, they “have always had some difficulty in showing why anyone has any obligation to think about others” if hedonism should rule us all. John Stuart Mill argues that we take pleasure in altruism, an argument Veatch finds “dubious, to say the least” (RM 132). It might be more accurate and kinder to say that it is idiosyncratic; what Veatch has in mind, however, is that pleasure is no guarantee of self-knowledge, that one might, on hedonic grounds, take oneself to be happy if permanently deluded with drugs or some other illusion-producing device.

    Mill also argues, it should be noted, that some pleasures are better than others, that it is better to be Socrates satisfied than a pig satisfied—assuming of course that one is a man, not a pig. But it also should be noted that in this claim he begins to move a bit closer to Aristotle, and away from Jeremy Bentham. The twentieth-century philosopher and contemporary of Russell G. E. Moore condemns Aristotle for committing what he calls the “naturalistic fallacy.”

    Moore wonders why “a natural tendency” should “necessarily be a tendency toward the good” (RM 137). As Paul the Apostle observed long before him, Moore that some men aim at evil, adding that some aim at things morally indifferent. He concurs with Hume: One cannot logically derive an ‘ought’ from an ‘is.’ “Aristotle’s definition of the good is held to be mistaken, not because it does not fit the facts, but because it violates the logical canons of good definition: it attempts to define something not in terms of what it is”—a thing—”but in terms of what it is not”—a value (RM 139). That is, to define a fact as a value is to fail to define it at all, to fail to construct a proper definition in the first place. Veatch rejoins that this refutation ranges too widely. “On the same principles just about any definition of anything must also commit a fallacy,” since if you define A as A you’ve produced a tautology, but if you define A as B or C then you’re defining it “in terms of what is other than A, and this violates the principle that everything is what it is and not another thing” (RM 140). “This is far more than Moore himself ever bargained for” (RM 140), limiting the definition of ‘fish,’ for example, to ‘fish.’ If Moore means simply that it is contradictory to say ‘A is not-A,’ or ‘a fish is a not-fish,’ then the question remains, is a so-called ‘value’ a not-is?

    The fact/value distinction, progeny of Hume’s is/ought distinction, depends upon “an excessively static and atomistic conception of facts” (RM 145). But is there (in fact, one is tempted to say) “any fact at all that does not suggest all sorts of possibilities of how it might become other and different?” (RM 145). On the contrary, “the whole of reality is shot through with the distinction between potentiality and actuality, between what is still only able to be and what actually is,” between the imperfect and the perfect, the incomplete and the complete, the empty to the full” (RM 145). When Aristotle says ‘the good’ he means “the actual as related to the potential” (RM 145). A mangled hand cannot fully serve the purpose of a hand; a mangled soul cannot fully serve the purpose of a soul. The fact that mangled souls aim at evil or at least defective ends illustrates the point. It is only if he remain within the limits of quantitative logic and/or nonteleological modern science that we must deny that this is so. But the denial may be the product of the limitations of our way of thinking, which restricts rational thought too much.

    The existentialism of William Barrett, Jean-Paul Sartre, and other Nietzsche epigoni attacks not only Aristotelian ethics but any rationalist ethics. According to existentialists, “reason cannot tell man anything about how to live or what to live for” not because reason cannot be used for such a purpose but because there is no “ethical truth” to be discovered in the first place (RM 150). Faced with a universe devoid of meaning, human beings can only give meaning to their otherwise meaningless lives by freely choosing the way of life they happen to prefer. This argument replicates the is/ought distinction in its own way, holding up “disinterested, impersonal objectivity on the one hand and a committed subjectivity on the other” (RM 155). Veatch rejoins, choice alone can’t make the choice right. “The issue is whether one can ever choose rightly without knowledge” (RM 155). To deploy the term ‘commitment,’ as such thinkers do, sounds impressive, but why should Sartre prefer his commitment to communism over Hitler’s commitment to fascism? Merely because it is his commitment? This would elevate love of one’s own to unsuspected moral heights. Is ‘my own’ worth of a human being, given the nature of human beings? Is it worthy of my own potential? How, on the basis of existentialism, can I know?

    Sartre satirizes what Aristotle esteems as the spoudaios, the serious man. Such a man “tries to hide from himself that it is human freedom which decides on moral values,” that “if man is not the creator of being, he is at least the inventor of moral values”; such a man “takes refuge in the spirit of seriousness” in an attempt “to evade moral responsibility” (RM 155), which requires us not to follow our true nature or to obey divine law but to invent values ‘against’ an indifferent, amoral nature and to admit that divine law is human, all-too-human. But if there is no God—in the broad sense of no personal god or gods and no nature with moral content—then to act as if there were is nothing more than what Sartre calls “bad faith.” Veatch rejoins, to claim that God is dead is to claim “a certain understanding, a knowledge of what the score is” (RM 157). This must be “a morally relevant knowledge, a knowledge that indicates what we should do and what our responsibilities are in light of the facts” (RM 157). “Must not the very dialectic of their own position catch the existentialists up into the logic of ‘Know thyself’ and of the examined life, and ultimately into the ethics of rational man?” (RM 157) And to do that is at least tacitly to acknowledge one’s humanness, one’s givenness, one’s nature, to try to understand what it is, rather than escaping into imagining oneself as a Nietzschean superman, beyond good and evil, or into imagining a socialist utopia as a real future regime.

    “While in their capacity as scientists,” Veatch concludes, “men can attain a knowledge of nature that is literally limitless in its own dimension, yet in respects to other dimensions such a scientific knowledge of nature is both narrowly defined and rigorously restricted, not merely in fact, but in principle” (RM 158). Much the same is true for quantitative logic. Meanwhile, however, “men merely as human beings,” not as scientists or mathematicians, “can, by exercising their intelligence, achieve a kind of commonsense understanding of their own nature and of the nature of the world they live in which is different from scientific knowledge, and for which scientific knowledge is no substitute” (RM 158).

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

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