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    Archives for August 2024

    Feuerbach’s Materialism

    August 28, 2024 by Will Morrisey

    Ludwig Feuerbach: Lectures on the Essence of Religion. Ralph Manheim translation. New York: Harper and Row, 1967 [1846].

    Ludwig Feuerbach: Principles of the Philosophy of the Future. Manfred Vogel translation. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1986 [1843].

     

    Although he attended many lectures offered by G. W. F. Hegel at the University of Berlin, Feuerbach broke with his professor on the question of materialism, rejecting Hegel’s dialectical immanentism. He also firmly denied both the Creator-God of the Bible and any suggestion of philosophic dualism. He was a thoroughgoing materialist, although not a ‘dialectical materialist,’ like his younger contemporary, Karl Marx.

    Students at the University of Heidelberg, where Feuerbach had attended classes before transferring to Berlin, invited him to deliver a series of thirty lectures on “the Essence of Religion,” which he published in 1846. Speaking shortly before the revolutionary year of 1848, Feuerbach began by observing that “today every man, even if he supposes himself to be supremely nonpartisan, is at least theoretically a partisan, though he may not know it or want to be,” since “today political interest engulfs all other interests and political events keep us in a state of constant turmoil.” Indeed, “today it is actually the duty—especially of us nonpolitical Germans—to forget everything for the sake of politics”; more, “mankind” itself “must at certain times forget all other tasks and activities for the sake of one particular task and activity if it wishes to achieve something complete and worthwhile.” Inasmuch as religion “is to be sure closely connected with politics,” and we now “demand that the word become flesh, the spirit matter,” having become “as sick of political as we are of philosophical idealism,” we are “determined to become political materialists.” Feuerbach’s critique of religion serves as the foundation of a republican politics, a ‘youth movement.’ At around the same time, Tocqueville would publish his book on the French Revolution, remarking that it was the political inexperience of the French revolutionaries that led to the Terror. Feuerbach does not consider that possibility, and neither would most Germans, for the next hundred years.

    “Truly free, uncompromising, unconventional thinking, thinking that aspires to be fruitful, not to say decisive, requires an unconventional, free, and uncompromising life,” he tells his young listeners. “And anyone who wishes in his thinking to get to the bottom of human affairs must have his two feet physically, bodily on their foundation,” namely nature, “cast[ing] aside all extravagant, supernatural, and unnatural ideas and fantasies.” Readily seeing through the calculated ambiguities of Bacon and Hobbes (he had written a study of Bacon’s philosophy, published in the 1830s), he sees, adopts, and advocates their materialism, while reserving especial praise for Spinoza, “the only modern philosopher to have provided the first elements of a critique and explanation of religion and theology; the first to have offered a positive opposition to theology; the first to have stated, in terms that have become classical, that the world cannot be regarded as the work or product of a personal being acting in accordance with aims and purposes; the first to have brought out the all-importance of nature for the philosophy of religion.” In response to Spinoza, Leibniz is “the first modern German philosopher” to earn “the honor, or dishonor, of having once again tied philosophy to the apron strings of theology,” an effort Feuerbach ridicules as the philosophical equivalent of the astronomical contortions of Tycho Brahe, who vainly attempted to combine elements of the Copernican system with the system of Ptolemy that it had correctly replaced. To mix philosophy and theology, as Leibniz attempts, can result only in “a monstrosity” because theology holds only the sacred as true, “whereas to philosophy, only what it holds true is sacred.” “All my works have been written in opposition to a period when every effort was made to force mankind back into the darkness of bygone centuries,” the centuries before the modern Enlightenment. Even the pious philosophers of earlier centuries understood the need to separate philosophy and religion, “arguing that religion is grounded on divine wisdom and authority, while philosophy is grounded solely on human wisdom.” But “the most recent philosophers”—Leibniz but, more impressively, Hegel—stand for “the identity of philosophy and religion, at least as far as content and substance are concerned.” “I criticized the Hegelian philosophy,” with its dialectical immanentism, its ‘Absolute Spirit,’ “for regarding the essential as nonessential and the nonessential as essential in religion.” Against this, I, Feuerbach, declared the essence of religion to be “precisely what philosophy regards as mere form,” immaterial in both senses of the word. “I replaced the abstract, merely cogitated cosmic being known as God by the reality of the world, or nature,” while also replacing “the rational being deprived of his senses, which philosophy has extracted out of man, by the real, sensuous man endowed with reason.” There is, for example, no immortality of the individual human ‘soul.’ “Intellectual, ethical, or moral immortality is solely the immortality a man gains through his works,” and his soul, animating those works, is only “what he passionately loves, what he does with passion,” and “men’s souls are as diverse, as particular as men themselves.” Feuerbach thus full-throatedly endorses not only the materialism of the moderns but the individualism of the moderns and the ‘democracy’ of the moderns, their esteem for liberty defined as doing what one likes, passionately.

    Accordingly, rightly understood, “theology is anthropology” because it “expresses nothing other than the deified essence of man”; that is what ‘revealed religion’ reveals. Overlying nature, convention skews man’s conception of himself and therefore his conception of the divine; “the pagan is a patriot,” his gods the gods of his polis, while “the Christian is a cosmopolitan” whose God is universal. Universalism thrives on the habit of generalization, abstraction, and sure enough, “Christianity is idealism, an edifice crowned by a natureless God or spirit who makes the world by merely thinking and willing, and apart from whose thinking and willing the world has no existence.” But, Feuerbach asserts, there is only nature—no ideals and no God or gods. The only difference between human nature and the rest of nature is human consciousness; he intends to awaken that consciousness to the emptiness of religious belief (in these lectures) and of philosophic idealism (in Principles of the Philosophy of the Future), to “demonstrate that the powers which man worships and fears in his religious life, which he seeks to propitiate even with bloody human sacrifices, are merely creatures of his own unfree, fearful mind and of his ignorant unformed intelligence.” Morally and politically, this means that he wants “man, who is always unconsciously governed and determined by his own essence alone, may in future consciously take his own human essence as the law and determining ground, the aim and measure, of his ethical and political life.” No fear of God is the beginning of wisdom. This will begin the project “to transform theologians into anthropologists, lovers of God into lovers of man, candidates for the next world into students of this world, religious and political flunkeys of heavenly and earthly monarchs and lords into free, self-reliant citizens of the earth.” 

    “Hear, O Israel.” Religious men hearken to nature’s terrifying thunder, a noise perceived through “the ear, the organ of terror”—the ear, which is “the womb of the gods.” Feuerbach goes so far as to claim that “if man had only eyes, hands and the senses of taste and smell, he would have no religion, for all these senses are organs of critique and skepticism.” The fear and love commended by religions are passions of dependency, not self-reliance. The ultimate sign of human helplessness is mortality: “If man did not die, if he lived forever, if there were no such thing as death, there would be no religion.” Belief in immortality is man’s defense against death (presumably including Feuerbach’s work, which he could only justify by saying that it is an effort to achieve the only possible form of immortality). Primitive man worships nature, which he deifies; Feuerbach calls this religion but not theism, a term he reserves for belief in a god or gods distinct from nature and man. “It is theism, theology, that has wrenched man out of his relationship with the world, isolated him, made him into an arrogant self-centered being who exalts himself above nature.” “In religion man projects his essence,” but primitive man (with unintended modesty) merely projected his sensations, having yet to develop the abstract thought that enables him to conceive of an abstract or spiritual god. Primitive man is entirely dependent upon nature; religion registers human dependency; primitive religion deifies nature because primitive man fears nature, divinizes it, hoping to propitiate the imagined divinities that are nothing more than aspects of nature. We should not make this mistake, return to paganism, “since man’s true culture and true task is to take things as they are, to make no more, but also no less of them than they are. Nature religion, pantheism, makes too much of nature”—the earth is indeed our mother, but we are now adults— while “conversely, idealism, theism Christian make too little of it, and indeed ignore it.”  Politically, this means that while we should understand but not follow the pagans in making “the nature in which they lived and breathed, to which alone they owed their individual character, in short, the nature of their country, [into] an object of religious worship,” modern man might still respect “the nature of this country,” his country, “for it is to this country alone that I owe my life and what I am.” “How untrue we Germans have become to our source, our mother, and how unlike her, thanks to Christianity which taught us that heaven is our home.”

    Feuerbach further claims that egoism is the essence of religion, “the self-assertion of man in accordance with his nature and consequently of his reason.” Since “to man life is the supreme good,” man inclines to idolize, to deify, anything that protects or enhances his life. But these idols are in fact “dependent on man; they are gods only insofar as they serve his being, as they are useful, helpful, appropriate to it.” Christianity only replaced paganism when the idols were seen as useless, “because the pagan gods did not give them what they wanted,” whereas the Christian God is the “very essence and likeness” of man himself, who by now had begun to think abstractly, therefore seeking a universal, all-knowing, all-powerful deity. This enables ‘we moderns,’ we post-Christians, to discover the “ultimate subjective ground of religion in human egoism,” human desire. Aristotle’s god, the ‘god of the philosophers,’ gains no adherents among most people because it is neither a helpful nor a harmful god. It is useless. “In calling egoism the ground and essence of religion, I am not finding fault with religion,” which only reflects the nature, the essence of man in this regard. Rather, Feuerbach faults an ‘idealistic’ religion that holds man above nature, “tak[ing] an unboundedly egoistic, contemptuous attitude toward nature,” exhibiting an egoism no longer bounded by the limits of nature alone, as seen “in the Christian belief in miracles and immortality,” evidence of “an unnatural, supernatural, and chimerical egoism, exceeding the limits of necessary, natural egoism.”

    But if religion expresses natural human egoism, why do so many religions commend self-abnegation? Because a man might be a fanatic, carrying his natural feelings too far. Or he might hope “to gain the favor of his gods, who grant him everything he desires”—a cunning, self-serving self-abnegation, “only a form, a means of self-affirmation, of self-love.” This is the psychology of religious sacrifice, whether the sacrifice of animals, or “bloody human sacrifice” seen among pagans, or Christian sacrifice, which partakes “of a different, namely, psychological, spiritual order,” a sacrifizio dell’intelleto. In the spirit of Machiavelli, Feuerbach alleges that “the Church has at all times advocated moral, spiritual, and mental self-emasculation.” Christians are communists, “but communists out of egoism”; their “generous, imposing sacrifices” do not differ in principle” from “foul and niggardly sacrifices.” It is true that any attempt to combat “human egoism in the highly developed sense” amounts to “sheer absurdity and madness,” since “the design underlying all human impulses, strivings, and actions, is to satisfy the needs of human nature, human egoism.” But only with full ‘consciousness’ of the grounding of self-interest in nature, with no supernatural confusion added.

    It is noteworthy that in the first nine of this series of thirty lectures, Feuerbach makes no arguments. He asserts. It may be that his failure to philosophize serves a rhetorical strategy, saying atheistic things that will shock many among his young audience while encouraging those who already deny the existence of God. He begins his tenth lecture in much the same style. It is egoism, he claims, that makes dependency possible (“where there is no egoism, there is no feeling of dependency”) and it is egoism that revolts against dependency (“I love freedom of movement”). Human beings are dependent, but not upon God. “How untrue we Germans have become to our source, our mother, and how unlike her, thanks to Christianity which taught us that heaven is our home.” Be true to yourselves, young Germans; turn away from religion to nature and to Fatherland.

    But now he begins to philosophize, taking aim at the “cosmological proof” of God’s existence, that there must be some ultimate Cause-of-causes, some First Mover of all subsequent movements in nature. Feuerbach dismisses this as proof only of human psychological neediness, not of the existence of God. “This need of mine to break off the endless series is no proof of a real break in the series of a real beginning and end.” “God” is only a name for our own inability to discern the true origin of things, or indeed if there was an origin at all, since the cosmos might be eternal. And “what is to prevent me from going beyond God?”—continuing the inquiry into what came before “In the beginning….” As far as we can see, “Nature has no beginning and no end”; politically (as it were) this means that “nature does not culminate in a monarchic summit; it is a republic.” Continuing to follow the evidence presented by his senses, Feuerbach says, “I cannot derive my body from my mind—for I have to eat or to be able to eat before I can think.” Reason presupposes my senses; my senses do not presuppose reason. “No more, or perhaps even less, can I derive nature from God.” That “the world of the senses is real” is an ineluctable truth in psychology, anthropology, and philosophy. Only the religions deny this, and neither do they, initially, since “Man’s first belief is his belief in the truth of the senses,” the foundation of “nature religion.” “The first beings of whom man had immediate certainty and consequently his first gods were sensuous objects”; more, “men’s senses were themselves his first gods.” He has no philosophic need for any others, inasmuch as “what a man does not know by his own lights, he does not know at all.”

    What is nature? It is “the sum of all the sensuous forces, things, and beings which man distinguishes from himself as other than human.” Nature is no god but “a manifold, public, actual being which can be perceived with all the senses.” The physical attributes of the Biblical God—power, eternity, infinity—are all “rooted in nature.” His moral attributes are rooted in human nature, attributes that make Him useful to man. God’s moral and also his intellectual traits are nothing more than projections of natural human capacities upon an imaginary perfect being, proving that man is indeed egoistic. The infinity attributed to God only proves that man is “infinitely fond of himself,” ready to worship his own image. “In theology,” as distinguished from psychology, anthropology, and philosophy, “things are not thought and willed because they exist, they exist because they are thought and willed.” It is a teaching that inverts “the order of nature,” an inversion that is in a sense natural to man, even if mistaken, because man is rational, a being that “sets the class or class concept before the species and individuals, the abstract before the concrete”; “this explains and resolves all the difficulties and contradictions arising from attempts to explain the world as God’s creation,” a something inexplicably created out of nothing. “God is nothing other than the sum of generic concepts,” concepts generated by the human mind’s natural inclination to think of such abstractions as time and space, then to assume that these exist prior to the real things, the material, sensually perceived things. That is, abstractions are concepts, constructed in the human mind, which constructs or ‘creates’ by its nature—still another godlike attribute of human nature that human beings naturally attribute to their gods. Language itself abstracts, unable to express the particular, and so takes over our minds, making our minds think abstractly. Those among us who don’t think too much, those “who are more concerned with life than with study, who spend more of their time out of doors than in libraries, whose occupations and temperaments lead them to observe real beings,” understand this better than bookish pedants and priests.

    Feuerbach is careful not to dismiss abstractions entirely. “I do not deny the existence of wisdom, goodness, beauty; I deny only that these class concepts are independent beings, either as gods, or as attributes of God, or as Platonic Ideas, or as self-positing Hegelian concepts; I merely maintain that they exist only in wise, good, beautiful individuals” as their attributes, as “characteristics or determinations of individuality,” not as “beings in themselves.” In terms of physical nature, my form consists of the outer limits of my body; someone can trace the outline of my body if I lie down on a large piece of cardboard, but that outline abstracts from my body itself, having no reality beyond the ink or carbon left behind by the instrument that traced it.

    Feuerbach next turns to a refutation of the teleological proof of God’s existence, often called the argument from design—the Apostle Paul’s testimony, that the perceivable order of the world implies an ‘orderer,’ God. Feuerbach rejoins that “what man interprets as the purposiveness of nature is in reality nothing other than the unity of the world, the harmony of its causes and effects, and in general the all-embracing order of things in nature,” one that “gives man the impression of wisdom and purposiveness in nature,” but does not prove it. Feuerbach equally denies that the world “owe[s] its existence to any accident,” the “patently irrational notion” that it derived from “the fortuitous clash of atoms,” a fantasy “tantamount to explaining the genesis of a literary work, the Annales of Ennius, for example, by a chance combination of letters.” The sum of things does not exist due to intention or to chance, as far as perceiving and reasoning man can know. Being is ‘because’ it is, not ‘in order for’ anything or by fortunate concatenation. We only know that the universe is, not how or why, and we know that it is thanks to our senses, our only means of knowing anything. 

    And even if teleology were real, this wouldn’t prove the existence of God or gods. “God is merely the hypostasized and objectified essence of the human imagination.” We “can give no reason for a natural law,” even if “analogy leads us to the belief, or rather the certainty, that the law has a natural cause.” To infer the existence of God from the natural order is to confuse nature, which is a ‘republic’ in which all elements interplay, with a monarchic Being who acts miraculously, counter to nature, by fiat. There “is only one regime” in nature, a republic. In human nature, “my head may be the president of my life, but it is not an absolute monarch, king by divine right,” having the same substance “of flesh and blood” as the stomach, the heart, or any of the other organs. It rules but “does not differ from them in kind, in race,” exerting no “despotic power.” if it “tries to play the prince and make unnatural demands” on the other organs it will be “stripped of its command.” And “just as a republic, at least the democratic republic I have in mind, is governed not by princes but by representatives of the people, so nature is not governed by gods, but only by natural forces, natural laws, and natural elements or beings.” To posit the existence of God, an immaterial being, “breaks off this necessary connection” between physical things, between the physical senses and the physical objects they perceive. “Calvin says explicitly that God in the Old Testament created light before the sun, in order that men might see that the beneficent effects of light were not necessarily connected with the sun, that even without the sun God is capable of doing what He now, in the customary but by no means necessary course of nature, does by means of the sun.” But “if there is a God, why the world, why nature,” a being that cannot achieve the perfection of God? “It has often been said that the world is inexplicable without a God; but the exact opposite is true: if there is a God, the existence of a world becomes inexplicable; for then the world is utterly superfluous,” as “nothing follows from God; everything beside Him is superfluous, futile, meaningless.” Biblical religion is nihilism, its claim of something coming out of nothing utterly irrational not only in terms of efficient and material causation but in terms of teleological causation, since there is no rational purpose for a perfect Being to create an imperfect thing. Moslem theologians are more rigorously rational than their Christian counterparts, maintaining “quite correctly from the standpoint of theology” that all things are entirely dependent upon God’s will, that there is no nature that acts in any way independently of God. Fire could cool things, if God willed that. ‘Christian rationalism’ of the sort propounded by Aquinas is only “theism attenuated by atheism or naturalism or cosmism, in short, by elements opposed to theism”—a “limited, restricted, and incomplete atheism or naturalism.” A God “who acts only in accordance with natural laws” is “a God only in name.” “Only an unlimited, wonder-working God, bound by no laws, a God who, at least in man’s faith and imagination, can save us from all trouble and affliction, is truly a God,” but a God “who is no more powerful than doctors and medicines, is an utterly superfluous, unnecessary God,” an “absurdity.” The choice is stark: no monarchy or absolute monarchy, no God and “an absolute God like the God of our fathers.” Make up your minds, young Germans.

    To think straight, “man starts from what is closest to him, from the present, and draws from it inferences concerning what is further away; this procedure is common to atheist and theist alike.” The difference is that theists are, paradoxically, anthropocentric, attributing human qualities to an imagined God and (especially in paganism) to a mythicized, ‘personalized’ cosmos, while atheists “takes nature as his starting point and goes on to the study of man” as one instance of the nature of which he is a part. “The atheist puts nature before art. The theist puts art before nature; in his view, nature is a product of God’s art, or, what amounts to the same thing, of divine art.” The theist mistakenly derives “the unconscious from consciousness, rather than consciousness from the unconscious.” But the mind is no disembodied spirit breathed into man by a disembodied God; the mind is an effect of brain activity. The German mystic Jacob Böhme tried to get around this by claiming that God is corporeal, working himself up into spirituality. This “supernatural naturalism” deifies matter and is merely a product of Bōhme’s fertile, or perhaps febrile, imagination. The claim lacks any evidence, not even Scriptural evidence. “Either God or nature! There is no third, middle term combining the two.” Luckily, “for all his extravagant faith, man is unable to repress or relinquish his natural human reason,” which enables him to pursue “independent activity, diligence, education, self-mastery, and effort”—all needed, since “nature throws man upon his own resources; it does not help him unless he helps himself; it lets him sink if he cannot swim,” as part of nature, which changes perpetually, discarding one aspect of itself in favor of another, then discarding that one. Feuerbach slashes at God with Ockham’s razor: “If there is an eye watching over me, why do I need an eye of my own, why should I look out for myself?” On the grounds of religious passivity, even a man who shaves his own beard rebels against the course of nature, God’s creation. 

    As for that creation, Feuerbach dismisses creatio ex nihilo as “a mere evasion”: “Where did the spirit get the nonspiritual, material corporeal substances of which the world consists?” And if, with Hegel, one claims that “He created it out of Himself, out of spiritual matter,” “how does real matter issue from spiritual matter, from God?” “What makes the world world, what makes body body and matter matter, is something that cannot be theologically or philosophically deduced from anything else; it cannot be derived, but simply is, and can be understood only in terms of itself.” Religion is the realm of imagination, of poetry, of man making gods for himself to worship. “I should merely like man to stop setting his hear on things which are no longer in keeping with his nature and needs, and which he therefore can believe and worship only by coming into conflict with himself” as a rational being. Being a thing of the imagination, a thing of poetry, of making, religion permits a morality of man’s own making. “Russian prostitutes are…full of reverence for the saints. When they receive visitors, the first thing they do is to cover their icons and put out the candles.” No less ridiculously, in Feuerbach’s estimation, a Christian “need only hang the cloak of Christian love, of divine grace, over God’s punitive justice and proceed to do anything he pleases.” More comprehensively, man’s imagination, “molded by his nature,” makes God “in his image” and remakes nature, too, “into an image of man.” The imagination enables men to behave as despots over all. Only reason can discern the natural limits of man, who in reality lives within a cosmos that is “blind and deaf to the desires and complaints of man.” Not only does man not need religion for obtaining happiness, religion impedes his pursuit of it. But “as soon as man opens his eyes, as soon as he ceases to be beclouded by religious ideas and sees reality for what it is, his heart revolts against the notion of Providence…by the way in which it saves one man and lets another go to his doom, destines one man to happiness and prosperity and others to abject misery.” Only Enlightened materialism truly promises justice.

    While “religion arises solely in the night of ignorance,” a night in which dreams, products of the imagination, rule human minds, it “also springs from man’s need of light, of culture, or at least of the products of culture,” being “the first, still crude and vulgar form of human culture.” This “why every epoch, every important stage in the history of human civilization, begins with religion.” It must not end there, however, since “religion merely suppresses the symptoms of evil, not its causes.” The “radical cure” of “bestiality and barbarism” comes “only where the actions of mankind flow from causes inherent in the nature of man,” in “harmony between principle and practice, cause and effect; only then can man be complete and whole.” The union of principle or theory and practice may be seen in modern science, which may be undertaken by the right kind of education. “All history down to our own times demonstrates that the greatest horrors are compatible with religion, but not with education,” an asseveration that begs the reply, ‘Just you wait!’ Be this as it may, Feuerbach points to the supposed impossibility of “progress” within the horizons of traditional religions. “A new era also requires a new view of the first elements and foundations of human existence; it requires—if we wish to retain the word—a new religion!” To establish this new religion, the old ones must be extirpated; mere religious toleration is not enough. In this new religion, work will replace prayer. Whereas “a Christian’s wishes exceed the limits of nature and of the world,” atheism “is a complete and thoroughgoing rationalism,” one that refuses the illusory promise of immortality the old religions offer, the appeal to wishful thinking, replacing it with the reality of the true God, the “unity and equality of the human race,” of which the false God of the religions is only the “personified” disembodiment. “Those human desires that are not imaginary and fantastic are fulfilled in the course of history, of the future,” desires that “will someday be fulfilled,” will “one day be reality.” “We must therefore modify our goals and exchange divinity, in which only man’s groundless and gratuitous desires are fulfilled, for the human race or human nature, religion for education, the hereafter in heaven for the hereafter on earth, that is, the historical future, the future of mankind.” And just as the old religions insist on a public presence, so should the new ‘religion of humanity.’ “The atheism that fears the light is an unworthy and hollow atheism,” the atheism or privately held, esoteric zeteticism of the old philosophers. “True atheism, the atheism that does not shun the light,” does not merely deny the existence of God but affirms “man’s true being.” True atheism is “liberal, openhanded, openminded,” joyful, life-affirming. “We must replace the love of God by the love of man as the only true religion,” its task being “to transform friends of God into friends of man, believers into thinkers, devotees of prayer into devotees of work, candidates for the hereafter into students of this world, Christians, who, by their own profession and admission, are half animal, half angel, into men, into whole men.” 

    And who shall be the evangelists of the religion of humanity? “I am not for eliminating the cultural aristocracy. Far from it.” You, my university students, can become the vanguard of human progress. The new aristocrats will be aristocrats of the intellect, but deploying intellect in a way that departs in some measure even from previous ‘moderns.’

    To do so, they will need not only to reject religion as it has been, not only to plan the religion of the future, but to become the philosophers of the future. His Principles of the Philosophy of the Future provides the roadmap to this new way of life. The “task” of the philosophy of the future is to lead philosophy “from the realm of ‘departed souls’ back into the realm of embodied and living souls; of pulling philosophy down from the divine, self-sufficient bliss in the realm of ideas into human misery,” the “mud in which [man on earth] has been embedded.” That is, Platonic and even Hegelian philosophy (“the philosophy of the absolute”) levitate above human misery instead of helping to remedy it. In this, Feuerbach is not far from Marx’s preference for changing the world instead of attempting to understand it, and he regards the first task of the philosophy of the present, prelude to the philosophy of the future, to provide a “critique of human philosophy through the critique of divine philosophy”—a foreshadowing of the ‘critical thinking’ of Marx and his successors to this day.

    The book consists of 65 numbered sections. The central, thirty-third section bears the number traditionally symbolizing Jesus Christ, Who is said to have died at age thirty-three. And the first step toward the philosophy of the future, according to Feuerbach, was taken by Christians, the Protestants who provided a “religious anthropology,” discoursing not so much on God ‘in himself’ but “what he is for man.” Philosophers took the next step, denying that God ‘in himself’ exists, instead claiming that God is “the essence of reason itself.” “That which is object in theism” became in philosophic hands the “subject in speculative philosophy,” with God now the “thinking ego” of man.” Feuerbach charges that “ordinary theology” presents a “self-contradictory” God, one who is human in all his thoughts and feelings yet “supposed to be a non-human and superhuman being,” an “abstracted being”—that is, a being human beings have abstracted from their own distinctive characteristics. The men Feuerbach calls “speculative” philosophers—Descartes and Leibniz, eventually followed by Hegel—rejected God as ” a being of fantasy, a far-removed, indefinite, and cloudy being,” making Him (really It) “a present and definite being,” not a holy but an absolute spirit. “Absolute idealism is nothing but the realized divine mind of Leibnizian theism; it is pure mind systematically elaborated,” as for example in Hegel’s Logic, wherein “the objects of thought are not distinguished from the essence of thought” because the Absolute Spirit is immanent in all of being; Hegelianism is a new form of pantheism, first proposed in modern philosophy by Spinoza. Feuerbach contends that pantheism is in fact “the naked truth of theism” because the things God created, according to the Bible, must have existed in God’s mind before he created them, so the mind of God does indeed comprise all things. That is, if God made matter, “how, why, and from what” did he make it” “To this, theism gives no answer” apart from mere fictions. Only pantheism gives a rationally consistent answer, if one remains within a theological framework.

    It only remains for Feuerbach to reject that framework. In Hegelianism, modern science studies the material manifestations of the Absolute Spirit. “But if we were once to have no more objects and no world apart from God, so would we also have no more God—not only an ideal and imagine, but a real being—apart from this world”—a point, it should be said, that Spinoza and the rabbis who attacked him understood very well. “Pantheism connects…atheism with theism, the negation of God with God; God is a material or, in the language of Spinoza, an extended being.” “Matter is not God; it is, rather, the finite, the nondivine, the negation of God,” and pantheism amounts to “theological atheism or theological materialism.” Pantheism is “nothing other than the essence of the modern era elevated to a divine being and to a religiophilosophic principle.” 

    Feuerbach dissents from pantheism on ‘Ockhamite’ grounds: If you say God is immanent in matter, why study God at all? You only need to study matter. Medieval scholars were poor scientists because they “had no interest in nature.” ‘We moderns’ no longer know much about God, devils, and angels because “mankind in the modern era lost the organism for the supernatural world and its secrets,” having lost “the disposition toward the supernatural world.” That is, knowledge follows not the head, not reason, but the heart. They were led to his heart-change by Spinoza, “the Moses of modern freethinkers and materialists”—a thought suggesting that Feuerbach conceives of himself as the Christ of such men. Spinoza has done the preliminary work of negating theoretical theology; Baconian empiricism negates practical theology by marking out experience, including experimental science, as a realm of ‘not-God.’ But empiricism by itself is sub-philosophical; modern philosophy must elevate it to theoretical status, and that is where Feuerbach comes in.

    “Matter is an essential object of reason,” inasmuch as “if there were not matter, reason would have no stimulus and substance for thinking and thus no content.” In a sense, “God exists,” for moderns, but only as “a tabula rasa, an empty being, a mere idea,” a manifestation of “our ego, our mind, and our essence.” “Modern philosophy proceeded from theology; it is indeed nothing other than theology dissolved and transformed into philosophy,” from Descartes to Hegel. “The culmination of modern philosophy is the Hegelian philosophy,” a “pantheistic idealism.” This idealism must be purged from philosophy altogether by the philosophers of the future, following the lead of Feuerbach. “The historical necessity and justification of modern philosophy attaches itself…mainly to the critique of Hegel.”

    The problem with Hegel: his Absolute Spirit, unfolding dialectically in time, amounts to God’s “self-liberation from matter,” albeit strictly within the human mind. Some of the previous philosophers had taught that philosophers, and philosophers alone, liberate themselves from matter, that this “self-liberation [is] the virtue of a human being,” but they didn’t posit anything like the Absolute Spirit, and so did not embrace historicism, the notion that all events up to Hegel’s metaphysics were ‘relative to’ and propaedeutic of the ‘end of History,’ the culmination of this eons-long process. In Hegel’s theory, “God is God only because he overcomes and negates matter,” which is the negation of God. “Only the negation of [this] negation is the true affirmation,” but as far as Feuerbach is concerned this returns us to “the point from which we started—in the bosom of God.” “The secret of the Hegelian dialectic lies, in the last analysis, only in the fact that it negates theology by philosophy and then, in turn, negates philosophy by theology,” resulting in “a self-contradictory, atheistic God.” This isn’t quite fair to Hegel, for whom God or the Absolute Spirit is not a ‘he’ but an ‘it’; it would be better to complain that this returns us to a sort of neo-Platonism, a triumph of mental force over brute matter—the victory of a form of energy over matter. [2] At any rate, Feuerbach alleges that the “speculative identity of mind and matter” seen in Hegel is “nothing more than the unfortunate contradiction of the modern era,” which cannot quite relinquish the divine. “Just as the divine essence is nothing other than the essence of man liberated from the limits of nature, so is the essence of absolute idealism nothing other than the essence of subjective idealism liberated from its limits, and, indeed, rational limits, of subjectivity, that is, from sensation or objectivity in general.” ‘Absolute’ theology, seen not only in Hegel but in such non- or pre-historicist idealists as Kant and Fichte, mistakenly attempts to ‘objectify’ the goings-on in the brain, thereby alienating man “from his own essence and activity.”

    Such philosophers quite literally talk “nonsense”—non-sense—by rejecting the evidence of the senses or rather attempting to overcome sense-impressions with ideational illusions of various sorts. “The proof that something is has no other meaning that something is not only thought of.” Anything that is only thought of doesn’t really exist. Concretely, if “I have one hundred dollars only in the mind, but the other dollars in the hand,” the dollars in my mind “exist just for me” but the dollars in my hand “also exist for others” because “they can be felt and seen.” Feuerbach derives the thought of right from what would seem the unpromising soil of materialism by arguing that if I am merely an idea in the head of someone else, “I must put up with everything.” Other persons could “portray me in a way that would be a true caricature without my being able to protest against it,” whereas “when I am still really existing, then I can thwart him, then I can make him feel and prove to him that there is a vast difference between me as I am in his conception and me as I am in reality, namely, between me as his object and me as a subject.” As an abstraction, I am only “a being made up and invented, without the essence of being,” but as a material, sensually perceived object, “I am a liberal,” a man free of anyone else’s imagining and conceptualizing. To think ‘abstractly’ is to lose all sense of reality, of limits. Materialism is of the earth, earthy, and that is a very good thing because without limits “we would arrive at the negation of all rights, for rights are founded only on the reality of the difference between this and that,” difference sensually perceived. A real philosopher, a follower of the “new philosophy” of Feuerbach, sets material, sensually perceived limits on his thinking. “The reality of the idea is…sensation. But reality is the truth of the idea; thus, sensation is the truth of the idea”; “truth, reality, and sensation are identical.”

    In the thirty-third, central section of the book, Feuerbach rejects the spiritualized love of Platonism, philosophic eros (what Marx would soon deride as “a passion of the head”) and the spiritual love of Christianity, caritas or agape. “Love is passion,” material passion, “and only passion is the hallmark of existence.” The lover distinguishes, sensually, this from that, who or what he loves from those persons or things he does not love. That is, the core of Feuerbach’s teaching makes the senses do the work of what rationalist philosophers and religious men had bestowed upon reasoning, with its eros for the truth, and/or divine inspiration, with its transformational and creative spiritual love, the love of a holy God, a God separate from His creation. It is “in feelings,” not in thoughts, that “the deepest and highest truths are concealed,” since “love is the true ontological proof of the existence of an object apart from our mind. “That object whose being affords you pleasure and whose nonbeing affords you pain—that alone exists.” “The new philosophy itself is basically nothing other than the essence of feeling elevated to consciousness; it only affirms in reason and with reason what every man—the real man—professes in his heart,” which “does not want abstract, metaphysical, or theological objects” but “real and sensuous objects and beings.” This is indeed a philosophy well designed to attract young men stuck in a university classroom.

    “The secret of immediate knowledge is sensation.” This is Feuerbach’s version of Locke’s “self-evident truths,” rejected by the previous German Romantics and by subsequent German philosophers (Nietzsche, Heidegger) as English, all-too-English. But Feuerbach regards the English philosopher is the true philosopher of liberty.

    Feuerbach nonetheless does not reject ideas as illusory, if they are rightly understood. If so understood, ideas are “refined” sense perceptions, as distinguished from “the vulgar and crude senses or through the eyes of the anatomists or chemists.” Such refinement comes about when we see that we cannot by ourselves distinguish between genuine sense impressions and illusions. “Only through communication and conversation between man and man do ideas arise. Not alone, but only with others, does one reach notions and reason in general” because “that which I alone perceive I doubt,” whereas “only that which the other also perceives is certain.” This doesn’t mean that truth is socially constructed, as some later thinkers will claim, but rather than it is socially confirmed. Genuine, “objective” ideas are those that are “acknowledged by another person apart from you for whom they are an object.” It is not clear why illusions might not also be shared, as they surely can be, and indeed as they must have been, up to this point, according to Feuerbach himself. At best, the requirement of ‘intersubjectivity’ might disqualify such ideas as cannot be shared; it cannot verify such ideas that can be shared and more, believed.

    “Only now, in the modern era, has mankind arrived again—as once in Greece after the demise of the Oriental dream world—at the sensuous, that is, the unfalsified and objective perception of the sensuous, that is, of the real.” Contra the sham-modern Hegel, “not only is space not the negation of reason, it provides place for reason and the idea; space is the first sphere of reason,” since where there is no spatial being apart, there is also no logical being apart.” The distinction between one thing and another can only be perceived sensually if space exists between them. Logic, whether classical or Hegelian, collapses without it. This demonstrates that “the laws of reality are also the laws of thought,” not in the Hegelian sense but in the strictly material sense brought to us by the senses. Whereas Hegel supposes that contradictions are overcome by his ‘X plus not-X = X combined, ‘synthesized,’ with not-X, sensual perception enables time to unite such “opposing and contradicting determinations” by identifying the material reality underlying them, as when white paint and black paint combine to make grey paint, or when a human being can feel happy, then sad, form one intention, then the opposite one. 

    “The new philosophy has…as its principle of cognition and as its subject, not the ego, the absolute, abstract mind, in short, not reason for itself alone, but the real and whole being of man,” who is not the measure of all things, which exist independently of him, but is instead “the measure of reason.” This leads Feuerbach to anticipate a bit of Nietzsche: “Do not think as a thinker, that is, with a faculty torn from the totality of the real human being and isolated for itself,” but “think as a living and real being, as one exposed to the vivifying and refreshing waves of the world’s ocean.” Only if you “think in existence, in the world as a member of it, not in the vacuum of abstraction as a solitary monad, as an absolute monarch, as an indifferent, superworldly God” can “you be sure that your ideas are unities of being and thought.” In another play on Christianity, Feuerbach affirms that “only the truth that became flesh and blood is the truth.” The difference between man and an animal is that human sense perceptions (rather than illusory ideals, which exist only in the mind) are generalizable, universalizable, even as the religious doctrines of Christianity are said, falsely, to be. Animals care only for smells that serve them as particular beings—things that they can eat or dangerous things they must avoid. Man’s sense of smell is ” a sense embracing all kinds of smell; hence it is a freer sense, a sense that can be elevated “to intellectual and scientific acts.” Human senses perceive not only other men but man as such. “Even in thinking and in being a philosopher, I am a man among men,” engaging in “a dialectic between I and thou.” As a result, Feuerbach shuns the “double truth,” the claims of philosophy on the one hand, religion on the other. The new philosophy unifies both in “the philosophy of man,” “tak[ing] the place of religion because it “has the essence of religion within itself.”

    The problem with Feuerbach’s vigorously argued materialism is that it begins with the assertion that sense perceptions are all human beings have to begin with, then excludes all other mental phenomena that might not derive from sense perceptions. If human beings had no sense perceptions, would they have no thoughts? Not necessarily. They might be thinkers thinking themselves. This suggests that those who maintain that philosophy cannot refute religion any more than religion can refute philosophy have a point. By closing the minds of young Germans to God, Feuerbach left intelligent but politically inexperienced persons without firm guidance. This ended badly.

     

    Notes

    1. On the religion of humanity, see “Manent on the Religion of Humanity” on this cite under the category, “Bible Notes.”
    2. “To the neo-Platonic philosophers…matter—namely, the material and real world in general—is no longer an authority and a reality. Fatherland, family, worldly ties, and good in general, which the ancient peripatetic philosophy still counted as man’s bliss—all these are nothing for the neo-Platonic sage,” who is no longer capable of distinguishing imagination from perception. “That which is imagination and fantasy with the Neo-Platonists was merely rationalized and transformed by Hegel into concepts.” To Neo-Platonists, God is beyond being, beyond mind, beyond any determination; their imitatio Dei is an ecstasy or rapture; their God is in reality the objectification of this psychological state.” For them, “real man became also a mere abstraction without flesh and blood, an allegorical figure of the divine being. Plotinus, at least according to the report of his biographer, was ashamed to have a body.”

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Taught by an Angel? Aquinas on the Hierarchical Character of Christian Education

    August 21, 2024 by Will Morrisey

    Thomas Aquinas: On the Teacher, Disputed Questions on Truth. Question 11, Articles 3 and 4 of Questiones Disputatae de Veritate. Ralph McInerny translation. London: Penguin, 1998.

     

    Why raise the question of whether angels can teach? Augustine never mentions them in his dialogue on teaching. Why does Aquinas do so?

    Unlike Augustine, Aquinas aspires to produce not only a comprehensive account of the creator-God and His creation, insofar as that is humanly possible, but a systematic account. Augustine is capable of writing a treatise (as André Malraux remarked, his Confessions end with a treatise on metaphysics), but he is no systematizer. Augustine is a ‘personalist’ avant la lettre. Aquinas seldom writes about himself or other particular human persons; his Disputations are disputes between arguments alone, impersonal, centered on logic with no concern for portraying human beings in dialogue with one another. When a commentator writes, “the objector argues….” he exercises poetic license.

    But Aquinas is nonetheless supremely interested in the nature, the ‘species characteristics,’ of persons—the nature of human beings as such, the ‘nature’ of God as the Person sui generis, and the nature of angels, persons whose nature rests in between human nature and God. Further, angelic nature has a characteristic that is of considerable interest for teaching, discovery, and learning: angels are incorporeal by nature, purely intellectual creatures, with no knowledge that is derived from the senses—that is, both free of all physical characteristics and created, not creators. They can “assume” bodies, when that assists human beings, but they do not have them by nature. As incorporeal beings, they have no sensual knowledge of things; “they first and principally understand immaterial things.” They understand those things actually, not as we do, potentially. “The intellectual power of the angels extends to understanding all things: because the object of the intellectual is universal being or universal truth.” Unlike human beings, who must ‘get at’ universal being through sense perceptions of material things, ‘abstracting’ the universals from those particulars, laboriously reasoning toward noetic perception, angels receive knowledge of the species, forms, ideas directly from God, knowledge of events from God’s revelation. Thus, they are not gods; their intellects know because God endowed them with knowledge of the forms when He created them. God, by contrast, doesn’t receive knowledge from anyone or anything. He already knows all, by His “essence,” not having been created, caused by some prior being or beings.

    Angels have self-knowledge and they know God. They know material things because they know the forms, the ideas of those things. But “the difference between heavenly and earthly bodies is this, that earthly bodies obtain their last perfection by change and movement: while heavenly bodies have their last perfection at once from their very nature.” Human beings discover and learn things they do not know; angels already know. Accordingly, in the Summa Theologica Aquinas devotes the first 49 questions to God, with the subsequent fifteen questions, devoted to angels. Although free of corporeal limitations, their intellects perfect, needing no teaching, they cannot fully comprehend the essence of God because they are still created intellects. “Nature does not transcend its limits”—an aphorism that expresses both the Aristotelianism and the Christianity of Aquinas. 

    In the Summa‘s “Treatise on Angels,” Aquinas goes on to say that “all cognition takes place through an assimilation of the knower to the known” via the form, the idea, of the thing known. “Man knows things which he has not made only by means of forms received from things. The case is different with angels, however, because they have the forms of things given them from the moment of their creation.” Angels have “Morning Knowledge”—knowledge of the primordial being of things as spoken by the Word of God “in the Beginning.” They also have “Evening Knowledge”—knowledge of the being of the things created, as created being and the beings within it stand in their own nature, their forms or ideas, knowledge of all God created by the end of His sixth “day” of creation. They do not, however, know the future, nor do they know the will of man, which is free. God, being eternal, comprehends all the events of time at once, essentially.

    So, although angels don’t know as much as God knows, they know a lot, more than we do. But can they teach any of that to us? This is the question Aquinas raises in the third Article of the Disputatio “On the Teacher.” What, if any, educational worth have angels? They are the second most important beings, the most important created beings, and the Bible shows them in their proper role as messengers between God and men, but can they teach us ‘in their own right’? 

    Aquinas lists seventeen objections to any such claim. First, as he has stated in the first two Articles of Question 11, human beings can be taught “either inwardly or outwardly.” God alone teaches inwardly; human beings teach outwardly. If angels could teach us, the objector now argues, they would need to use “sensible signs” to do so, as human teachers do. But angels are not material beings, so if they did use “such signs,” they would need to perform a miracle, to appear before our senses, “which is outside the common course” of events—a miracle, “as it were.” In response to this, Aquinas locates angels midway between God and man, saying that they do teach us invisibly and inwardly “by comparison to man’s teaching,” but not as God does, by “infusing light” into the mind. Angelic teaching is therefore “reputed” to be outward. This less-than-illuminating reply might mean that angels teach by means of the imagination, a mode that does indeed lie between intellection and sense perception. But Aquinas has a more complex explanation, involving but not limited to the imagination, as he will show in subsequent answers.

    The second objection hones in on the possibility that angels do teach by means of the imagination. “If it be said that the angels teach us in a certain way outwardly, insofar as they make an impression on our imagination,” this cannot be. “Species impressed on the imagination do not suffice for actual imagining, unless an intention be present,” but “an angel cannot induce an intention in us, since intention is an act of will, on which God alone can act.” In Thomistic vocabulary, an intention means a tendency toward something, some end. When we daydream, for example, we do so willingly. An angel cannot make us imagine. Aquinas concurs with the objector’s claim that intentions of the will cannot be forced, as human beings have free will, but “the intention of the sensitive part” of the soul can be forced, as when I feel the pain of a wound, which makes me tend toward tending to it. In this sense, an image presented to us by an angel impresses our senses and thereby impels us toward some end.

    The third objection reinforces the claim that angels, although purely intellectual beings themselves, cannot communicate with us, and therefore cannot teach us, in an intellectual way. Only God can “give the natural light,” and only God can give us “the light of grace.” This reprises several objections in the first two Articles, which denied that human beings can teach because they cannot communicate with one another on a purely intellectual plane, with no sensible intermediaries, such as verbal or visual signs. And Aquinas answers similarly: While “the angel infuses neither the light of grace nor the light of nature,” he does “strengthen the light of nature which is divinely infused, as has been said.”

    But to teach anything, the objector observes, “it is necessary that the learner see the concept of the teacher,” so that the student’s mind can move towards knowledge. “But a man cannot see the concept of an angel, for he neither sees [those concepts] in themselves, any more than he could those of another man,” if the teacher did not employ signs. Aquinas replies that human beings can be brought to understand the concepts angels have, but not in the same way angels understand them. “Man teaches man as a univocal agent, and in this way passes on to another the knowledge as he himself has it, namely by deducing from causes to the caused.” By “univocal” Aquinas mean a word that always means the same thing. If I say the sky is blue and the crab is blue, I mean the same thing (even if the sky and the crab are different shades of blue). This is why human teachers need to use signs, using words precisely, without equivocation. An equivocal word is a word that means different and indeed unrelated things. If I say ‘square’ in relation to a figure I’ve drawn on the blackboard I mean one thing; if (back in the 1950s) I called you a square, or (back in the 1940s) I praised a square deal, I would mean something entirely different in all three instances. Unlike a human teacher, an angel must teach “like an equivocal agent,” since he needs no reasoning to reach the truth, which is already implanted in him by God, naturally. To convey his knowledge to man, the angel needs to present it in a manner different from the manner in which the angel has it, not intuitively but via imagery or reasoning.

    All right, but since “it is the prerogative of him who illumines every man coming in this world to teach” (as in Matthew 23:8) that there is only one Master, one Teacher, Christ, and angels are not Christ, angels are not Christ. This is at best a paradoxical argument, since it clearly states that beings other than Christ can teach. Aquinas addresses it simply by pointing out that Jesus was speaking of the mode of teaching God employs—direct, inward illumination of the intellect—not of teaching generally.

    “But only God has causality over the truth, because truth is an intelligible light and a simple form,” produced only by creation.” “Angels are not creators,” and so “cannot teach.” Aquinas answers, easily, that teaching doesn’t cause truth; it “causes knowledge of the truth, in the learner.” And “truth does not depend on our knowledge, but on the existence of things,” which pre-exist our knowledge of them.

    The objector accordingly shifts from the object known to the light by which it is known. “An unfailing illumination can only come from an unfailing light because, when the light is taken away, the subject is no longer illumined”; since “science is of the necessary which always is,” it requires “some unfailing light” to illumine it. Since angelic light lasts only so long as God preserves it, it isn’t in principle unfailing and angels cannot teach. Aquinas answers by distinguishing the light by which a thing is illumined from the thing illumined, saying that while science is indeed of the necessary which always is, knowledge of it can fail, and so may the light that illumines it. The teacher or the student may forget what he knew, but that doesn’t change the truth of what he knew.

    Returning to the Bible, the objector cites John 1:38, which, according to Jerome’s Gloss, demonstrates that “the merit of faith” consists in “confess[ing] Christ to be a divine person.” Since Christ is the Teacher, only God can teach. Aquinas offers his own Gloss on this passage, not contradicting Jerome but pointing to the context. Initially, some of Christ’s disciples “venerated him as a wise man and teacher,” (rather as Thomas Jefferson did, centuries later), recognizing him as “God teaching” only later on. This means that one can learn from a person who does not seem to you to be God. Aquinas doesn’t the claim that only God can teach; he has already refuted this claim, repeatedly.

    This brings Aquinas’ reader to the ninth, central objection. “Whoever teaches must manifest the truth”—which, being “an intelligible light,” is more known to human beings, reasoners, than to angels, who simply intuit it. In this argument, the objector temporarily gives up his acknowledgement of the superiority of angelic knowledge by claiming we know better than they do, since we can not only know the truth but how to get to it when we don’t know it. But Aquinas sees that if angels can intuit the truth, they can intuit the truth about human beings and the way they discover and learn. Therefore, they can teach them in the way humans attain knowledge, either by reasoning with them or “by strengthening the light of intellect” in them. Human beings do not learn from angels in the sense that they somehow become conjoined to them, partaking of their nature. They remain inferior to them in the sense that they do not consist of pure intellect. They can nonetheless be taught by them.

    The objector appeals to the authority of Augustine in On the Trinity, where he writes that the human mind is formed by God without any intermediary. Since angels are intermediary creatures, they cannot teach human beings. Aquinas clarifies Augustine’s meaning, which isn’t that human minds are formed by angels but that both human beings and angels know and find their happiness when “conjoined by God.” This does not preclude angelic teaching of their natural inferiors, men.

    Recurring to a variation on the second objection, the objector contends that since God forms our will by the infusion of grace, with “no angel mediating,” so he forms our intellect. Aquinas answers in much the same way he did before: The will is not the intellect, and while human will is free, influenced only by divine grace, “both man and angel can, in a certain way, act on intellect, by representing objects by which the intellect is forced” to acknowledge, by logic.

    “All teaching is through some species,” the objector remarks. That is, we learn when we know the form, the idea of a thing, as biologists do when they ‘classify’ animals and plants. There are two ways of doing this: either by “creating the species” (one knows what one creates) or by illuminating, ‘shedding light’ on an existing species which exists potentially in the human intellect in the form of a “phantasm”—an image acquired through the external senses, then lodged in the imagination, which is one of the internal senses. Angels don’t create anything, nor can their pure intellects shed light on phantasms for the benefit of the duller, plodding human intellect, which operates by the more ponderous process of reasoning about sense perceptions and phantasms. Aquinas of course agrees that angels are not creators and is willing to go so far as to say that angels cannot illuminate the “phantasms” or images they conceive directly within the human intellect. But they can establish a continuity between the light of their intellects and the light of human intellects by means of those phantasms, which the human mind then perceives through its imagination and can reason about, once they are perceived.

    But “there is a greater difference between the intellect of the angel and man’s intellect than between man’s intellect and his imagination.” Since imagination gives us only particular forms, whereas intellect gives us general forms, ideas, there is little communication between the two. “Therefore, much less is the human intellect capable of what is in the angelic mind,” and angels can teach us nothing. On the contrary, Aquinas replies. True, human intellect and human imagination are similar in that they are both characteristics of the human soul, intellect as such, whether human or angelic, is univocal, different in operation but not so absolutely different as to make the knowledge of angels incommunicable to humans. The human mind “can grasp what is in the angelic intellect, in its own way.”

    Isn’t the difference in kind between angels and men still too great? Any light by which a thing is illumined “must be proportioned to what is illumined, as bodily light to colors.” But any phantasm produced by an angelic intellect would be purely spiritual, “not proportioned to phantasms which are in a way corporeal,” in the sense that they can be “contained in a bodily organ,” such as the human eye. Aquinas disagrees, saying that “there is nothing to prevent the spiritual from being proportionate” to human sense perception, since in general “nothing prevents the inferior from being acted on by the superior.”

    Yet, the difference is still too great, in another way. We know things “either through its essence or its likeness.” Angels cannot teach essences to human beings because that would require them to enter into the human mind, which is impossible for any created being. Aquinas concurs. But he dissents from the objector’s claim that angels cannot teach likenesses to human beings because the angel “causes the likenesses of things in the mind, either by moving the imagination or by strengthening the light of intellect,” as mentioned before.

    The objector then observes that a farmer is no creator but a person who “incites nature to natural effects.” By analogy, then, “neither can angels be called teachers and masters.” Aquinas rejects the analogy, inasmuch as teaching isn’t creation but rather the natural ‘incitement’ to a natural effect, namely, the perfection of the intellect. Indeed, as he states later on, “inferior spirits, that is, the human, achieve the perfection of science by the causality of superior spirits, that is, the angels”—angelic intellects being “more actual than the human intellect.”

    The final objection in effect responds to Aquinas’ immediately preceding refutation. Angels are superior to man and therefore their teaching “must excel human teaching.” But if angels are only teaching man about “definite causes in nature,” then they aren’t doing anything more excellent than what human teachers do. The problem with this argument is that although angels do indeed teach the same kind of knowledge man can teach man, they know more. And they teach “in a more noble manner,” as well.

    Aquinas takes this last point from the Christian Platonist Dionysius the Areopagite in his book On Celestial Hierarchy. Dionysius writes, “I see that the divine mystery of Christ’s humanity was first taught to the angels and then through the grace of knowledge descends to us.” As our superiors in intellect, angels “can do more and more nobly” than we can do, when it comes to teaching; their knowledge is broader and higher than ours, and so is their ability to teach. Aquinas adds Augustine’s observation in On the Good of Perseverance, that there is not only a hierarchy in divine teaching but a certain diversity, inasmuch as (as Aquinas summarizes) “some receive the teaching of salvation immediately from God, some from an angel, some from men.” That is, genuine Christian teaching emanates from God, but God may choose any of those three pathways to convey it. Additionally, while the light of God’s truth enters the human intellect by God’s intention alone, angels and men “can remove an impediment to perceiving the light,” refute errors—an important task teachers perform. 

    More generally, “an angel can act on man in two ways”: in the human manner, appearing to our senses visually or auditorily, just as human beings act upon one another; and in the angelic manner, invisibly. How do angels teach men in the angelic manner? 

    As mentioned in Augustine’s answer to the twelfth objection in Article 1, intellect differs from bodily sight in that “sense is not a collating power.” The mind’s eye sees self-evident truths the way the eye sees an object, but it also compares, contrasts, thinks logically in order to arrive at truths that are not self-evident, which the intellect sees “only through others already seen,” whether self-evident or rational “habits” established previously by reasoning from the self-evident. Now, “God is the cause of man’s knowledge in the most excellent manner, because he both seals the soul itself with intellectual light and impresses on it knowledge of first principles which are as it were the seeds of the sciences, just as he impresses on natural things the seminal reasons for producing all their effects.” Human beings don’t teach that way, because they can’t; they cannot create their own intellect or implant self-evident truths in it. But they can teach one another “by bringing into actuality what is implicitly and in a certain manner potentially contained in the principles through certain sensible signs shown to exterior sense,” as Augustine and Aquinas agree. 

    Located in the natural order between God and man, the angel, whose “intellectual light” is “more perfect than man’s,” can cause human beings to know in both ways, although he cannot do so as well as God can do it. He “cannot infuse intellectual light as God does,” as he is not a creator, but “he can strengthen the infused light for more perfect seeing” better than a human teacher can do, precisely because his intellect is purer, unimpeded by passions. Moreover, “the angel can also teach man, not indeed by conferring on him knowledge of these principles, as God does, nor by the deduction of conclusions from the principles by proposing sensible signs, as a man does, but by fashioning certain forms in the imagination which can be formed by the movement of the bodily organ.” “What the angels know is shown as conjoined with such images,” as Augustine teaches in his commentary on the Book of Genesis. There, Augustine suggests that the account of the six “days” of Creation is an accommodation to the human intellect, which thinks in temporal sequence. The paradox, famously, is that the Genesis account says that God separated light from darkness before creating the sun and stars that emit light. He explains this by arguing that God in fact created light and dark and the heavenly bodies all at once; the angels understand this as one act of God, not as a series of events in time. Their intellects have the power of “conjoining” what human intellects understand in segments.

    In his fourth and final Article, Aquinas asks, “Is teaching an act of the active or contemplative life?”—politics or philosophy? The question is roughly analogous to the contrast between human beings and angels, inasmuch as angels, as persons of pure intellect, are better adapted to contemplation than humans are, and they do indeed teach. The question itself is a major theme of Plato’s dialogues. In Christianity, the matter is complicated by the fact that neither God nor the angels (who hold a similar place to that of the guardian daemon Socrates claims to have) take action as well as think. The Biblical God is not pure thought thinking itself and, indeed, is not an ‘it’ at all, but a three-Personed Person). 

    The initial set of arguments, which Aquinas will refute, take the classical view of teaching, however, classifying it as an act of the contemplative life. First of all, since (to paraphrase Gregory the Great) “the active life fails when the body does” but “to teach does not fail with the body”—the teacher’s teachings may live on, in his students, after the teacher dies—and since angels teach but have no bodies, teaching goes with the contemplative life. Aquinas remarks that when Gregory writes of the active life, he means not politics but physical labor, “sweaty work,” whereas Dionysius refers to the “hierarchical action in the celestial spirit,” which is obviously “of a higher mode than the active life of which we are teaching.” Gregory also says that action in his sense precedes contemplation, whereas teaching follows contemplation, and therefore “to teach does not pertain to the active life.” But Gregory continues, Aquinas remarks, arguing that the soul can bring “what is drawn from” contemplation to activity, that “when the mind is kindled by the contemplative the active is more perfectly lived.” It all depends, Aquinas writes, on whether the action is indeed sweaty work, which might benefit from prudential reasoning but hardly from contemplation, or for an activity like teaching, which “must follow the contemplative.” In that case, theory precedes practice, but teaching is the practice.

    The objector cites Gregory a third time, in remarking that the active life, preoccupied with sweaty work, “sees less” than a teacher does; at the same time, the teacher “sees more” than “one who simply contemplates.” Teaching therefore lies on the contemplative side. Against this, Aquinas concedes that “the vision of the teacher is the beginning of teaching,” and so contemplation precedes teaching, but “the teaching itself consists rather in the transmission of knowledge of the things seen than in the vision of them,” which makes it active. 

    Nonetheless, the objector rejoins, just as fire passes the same heat as it progresses, so too does the perfection of the teacher’s mind perfect the mind of the student. Since “to be perfect in himself in the consideration of divine things pertains to the contemplative life,” so does teaching, as does heat from fire. Aquinas regards this argument as proof that “the contemplative life is the principle of teaching,” even as “heat is not the heating but the principle of heating.” Yet while contemplation proposes, teaching disposes; contemplation directs the active, which then acts in accordance with the results of discoveries contemplation reveals. 

    For his last attempt, the objector rightly claims that “the active life turns on temporal things” whereas “teaching turns on the eternal, teaching about that which is more excellent and perfect.” But he draws the false conclusion that teaching does not “pertain” to the active life. But of course it does, Aquinas replies, even though one must contemplate before one teaches, just as one must more generally think (whether prudentially or theoretically) before one acts.

    In his general remarks, Aquinas begins with a crucial point, quoting Gregory as saying that the active life gives bread to the hungry an teaches “the word of wisdom to those who do not know it,” that just as works of agapic love are works, are actions, so is teaching inasmuch as teaching is among the “spiritual alms.” For the philosophers of classical antiquity, discovery, learning, and teaching are the highest of erotic quests, a “passion of the head,” as Karl Marx (that scholar of things ‘ancient’) put it, albeit in mockery. It is highly unlikely that Plato (for example) expects the Ideas to be brought down to earth. Christian love is another sort of thing. Given the divine power behind divine wisdom, contemplation for Christians is animated by agape or caritas, charity—leading more directly and effectively to action than philosophic contemplation can (or should) do. It is the refusal of ancient philosophers to do that irritates Christians; it is the alleged failure of Christians to do effectively that irritates the moderns, beginning with Machiavelli. 

    Aquinas meets Plato and Aristotle partway. Temporal things, the things “on which human acts bear,” pertain to the active life; “the matter of the contemplative,” by contrast, “is the notions of knowable things on which the contemplator dwells.” The active life and the contemplative life differ in their ends, a point that teleological Aristotle would also endorse. But for Aquinas the contemplator dwells not on created things, including nature, so much as “uncreated truth,” the things of God, “to the degree possible for the one contemplating.” Admittedly, human beings at best see uncreated truth imperfectly in this life and must wait for “the future life” to see them “perfectly.” This is why, Aquinas remarks, “Gregory also says that the contemplative life begins here, that it might be perfected in the heavenly fatherland.” Meanwhile, “the end of the active life,” in this life, “is action,” aiming at “usefulness to neighbors.” That is, in Christian terms, God’s love for human beings is active, agapic, man’s love for God erotic, contemplative, man’s love for man agapic, active. God need not contemplate man, since He already knows him; man must contemplate God, because he knows Him imperfectly, regarding Him with philosophic eros, not only with fear but with wonder; man knows another man as he knows himself, and therefore need not so much contemplate him as act to help him. In teaching, this act of man helping man needs contemplation as its background, as the teacher needs to know what he’s talking about. But teaching itself is an interaction (as later writers would say) between teacher and student. Teaching has this “double object,” first of learning by the teacher, contemplation of the topic to be taught, then of transmitting knowledge to the student. “By reason of the first matter, the act of teaching pertains to the contemplative life, but by reason of the second to the active.” Teaching in itself belongs to the active life, “although in a certain way [it] pertains to the contemplative life.”

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    The City in the Commercial Republic

    August 14, 2024 by Will Morrisey

    Stephen L. Elkin: City and Regime in the American Republic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.

     

    The American Founders designed a democratic and commercial republic. Cities are centers of commerce, very often arising in places where the geography favors the construction of ports, as exemplified in the original United States by Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston, soon to be followed by New Orleans. Cities also feature concentrations of people, and so can exhibit popular self-government, mob rule, or any of the gradations in-between. Elkin regards “the political institutions of the city” as “potentially crucial in helping to prepare the citizenry to operate the commercial republic that the founding fathers set in motion.” The relations between governments and commercial markets, the status of property and especially of modern business corporations in America’s national life, may well be studied in cities, not for the sake of narrowly ‘academic’ interest but with a view to establishing and maintaining “a political way of life” fitting the regime as a whole. 

    A few decades after the American founding, Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill both “approached the study of politics in cities and towns as part of a more general inquiry into the possibility of popular government,” popular government being (then and now) a matter of sharp controversy, a regime with critics and indeed enemies. Both philosophers considered municipalities, and not only or even primarily cities, as schools for self-government, for political liberty rightly understood. To maintain a republican regime, citizens need to achieve certain habits of mind and heart that enable them to truly inhabit such institutions as legislative bodies, executive offices, and courts, to use those institutions instead of abusing or losing them. Elkin finds that his contemporaries among political scientists have narrowed the scope of their study, focusing primarily on the questions of political and economic equality in the cities and the efficiency with which cities use available resources. Whether ‘capitalist’ or Marxist, such writers tend to reduce politics to economics, “not sharing Tocqueville’s and Mill’s interest in the larger political whole.” What is “the desirable political order,” the best practicable regime, for a city in the United States? And if it is to be a miniature commercial republic, what specific features will make it a better one? 

    Before prescription, description. Elkin identifies seven major features of city politics. They are: electoral contests, interest groups, business owners, elected officials, bureaucracies (“central actors in city politics”), the federal and state governments, and races/ethnic groups (“pervasive and endemic features of city politics”). Given these features, and given the commercial character of cities, he grounds his study on what he calls “the division of labor between state and market,” with “market” standing in for the more general notion of civil society because “city politics is a profoundly economically oriented enterprise.” He nonetheless rejects an economics-driven interpretation, whether Marxist or ‘capitalist,’ insisting on the political character of what was indeed once called political economy. Admittedly, “in market-dominated mass democracies, concern with material well-being—its overall level and distribution—is virtually certain to be central” to political contestation. “But liberal democracies are unlikely to flourish if they rely on the view that politics is simply economics carried out in non-market settings.” Beyond Karl Marx, beyond Adam Smith (Hayek, von Mises), “Tocqueville and Mill are helpful” because they see that political institutions don’t merely foster or discourage economic prosperity; “they are also formative of the citizenry.” The structure of ruling offices provides a framework wherein citizens relate to one another, thereby developing certain habits of mind and heart that differ from one regime to another—what Elkins calls “our procedural morality.” Although “the idea of political institutions as formative is no longer a prominent theme in contemporary theorizing about politics,” it should be, inasmuch as “a certain sort of citizenry is needed if liberal democracies are to flourish,” a citizenry that sustains “a political regime that is worthy of us,” a citizenry “with a lively sense of what I shall call the commercial public interest.” The public interest amounts to more than the concatenation of private interests, in particular the interests of business owners. It is a matter of “how we stand in relation to one another” and how we exercise “political judgment.” Judgment can (or should) imply reasoning; political life affords an opportunity for citizens to deliberate together, not only an opportunity to assert themselves with vehemence, although of course that happens, too. Elkin will argue that “for us to be the commercial republic that we say we wish to be requires both substantial democratization and significant alteration in property rights.” He wants Madisonian democratic republicanism, but with more democracy.

    Democracy entails sufficient civic equality among citizens to establish majority rule. In a commercial civic society, private individuals control most of the means of production; as a result, public officials “cannot command economic performance, only induce it.” This requires the establishment of “structural factors” that guide the relations between property owners and governments, including the powers each is entitled to wield, the organization of public authority, and a federal system of national government whereby each city is left with “the task of competing for private resources” with other cities. City governance changed in the decades between 1870 and 1920; “it was then that the modern municipal corporation took shape, in a protracted effort to create city governments that suited the political actors who had emerged on the stage of the industrial city”—industrialism itself being a product of nineteenth century economic development, first seen on a large scale in Manchester and other English urban centers, but rapidly imitated in the United States, especially in the North. 

    American cities were never “sovereign bodies,” but the idea that their governing powers are granted by state governments, that “cities are understood to be creatures of states,” was only recognized by courts in the early years of the twentieth century, thanks to the jurisprudence of John Forrest Dillon. Born in 1831 in upstate New York, Dillon first received a Doctor of Medicine degree from the University of Iowa, but then read and practiced law in the 1850s, eventually becoming a judge on the Iowa Supreme Court in the 1860s. In the following decade he served on the United States Circuit Court for the Eighth Circuit, appointed by President Grant. It was in an 1868 Iowa case, Clinton v. Cedar Rapids and the Missouri River Railroad, that he formulated “Dillon’s Rule”: “Municipal corporations owe their origin to, and derive their powers and rights wholly from, the [state] legislature,” which therefore may create, destroy, abridge, and control municipalities. He elaborated on this rule in his 1872 treatise, Municipal Corporations. Dillon thereby opposed “Cooley’s Doctrine,” enunciated by Thomas McIntyre Cooley, Justice and then Chief Justice of the Michigan Supreme Court from 1864 to 1885. In The General Principles of Constitutional Law in the United States of America (1868), Dillon wrote that “It is axiomatic that the management of purely local affairs belongs to the people concerned, not only because of being their own affairs, but because they will best understand, and be most competent to manage them. The continued and permanent existence of local government is, therefore, assumed in all the state constitutions, and is a matter of constitutional right, even when not in terms expressly provided for. It would not be competent to dispense with it by statute.” Dillon’s Rule prevailed over Cooley’s Doctrine in the 1907 Supreme Court case, Hunter v. Pittsburgh. Its logical corollary was established in Trenton v. New Jersey, decided in 1923, when the justices ruled that states could carve out areas of self-government for municipalities, at the discretion of the legislatures. The courts distinguished, in these cases, between public corporations and private corporations, the latter enjoying property rights similar to those of individual persons, who enjoy such rights, under the American regime, not only by conventional law but as a natural right endowed by the laws of nature and of nature’s God.

    Elkin characterizes Dillon’s rule as “an attempt to resolve the dilemma of what to do with corporations in a liberal polity.” When northeastern North America was a set of British colonies, municipalities were understood as sitting between the state and individuals, “bodies politic” that governed individuals while protecting residents “against state power,” which might encroach upon individual liberty. Before Dillon, American jurists under the United States Constitution had already defined municipal corporations as public entities, “a counterpart” to “the private business corporation.” But where did the rights public corporations possessed come from? Did they come from “the right of association on the part of the people who composed the city”? If so, they might exercise majority tyranny, putting property rights at risk within their boundaries. Dillon determined to avert this danger by asserting the power of the state over the municipalities within it, enabling states—both legislatures and courts, although not executives—to reach into cities to prevent socialist or other illiberal encroachments on property rights. Dillon staked out three municipal powers: “those granted in express words”; “those necessarily or fairly implied in or incident to the power expressly granted”; “those essential to the accomplishments of the declared objects and purposes of the corporation—not simply convenient, but indispensable.” This makes municipalities more or less like administrative agencies of the state governments while leaving private corporations at liberty to exercise property rights, an exercise that provides them with “a substantial sphere in which their ability to shape the life of the city will be largely unrestricted and unchallenged.” For example, if a private corporation engages in heavy industry, that activity will surely exert a strong effect on a city’s residents’ way of life, with respect to employment but also noise, air quality, transportation, even the content of the education children are likely to receive.

    Elkin next describes the character of city governments in the industrial cities within this legal framework. In the decades immediately following the Civil War, “industrialists and commercial entrepreneurs, saloon keepers and workers, homeowners and utility magnates, all dealt with each other through a set of political institutions that were both expensive to operate and ramshackle.” Unlike today’s cities, with their strong mayors and/or city managers, the cities of that time were governed by city councils that “were very large by contemporary standards” and often bicameral. Much of the day-to-day business was conducted by city council committees or by boards and commissions whose members were appointed by the council. Electoral politics was organized by coalitions, such as New York’s Tweed Ring, loosely aligned with the Democratic Party. Leading up to the turn of the century, the political parties took firmer control, as seen in the figure of George Washington Plunkitt, the New York State legislator who specialized in what he called “honest graft,” profiteering on real estate in ways that both enriched himself and served some sort of public good (for example buying real estate he anticipated New York City would want, then selling it at a fine profit). Private corporations navigated this complex political structure as best they could. As Elkin puts it, drily, “the difficulty from the point of view of local businessmen was that the bargains struck often had a short lifetime.” Patronage politics, graft, money doled out to the poor to ensure voting support, all combined with inefficient means of revenue collection, brought the industrialists to advocate stronger executive government, empowering mayors and professionalizing the budget process. Corporate eminences John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie also intended to prevent control of city government by political radicals who enjoyed some success appealing to the ‘proletarians’ under the magnates’ employ. Such men found allies among utilities executives, merchants, and middle-classes worried about bad morals and high taxes. Among the middle classes were professionals, appalled by governmental inefficiency, and social workers, enemies of the ward politicians who doled out ‘relief’ to the poor in exchange for votes. “The beneficiaries of the existing arrangements were no match for this whirlwind of dissatisfaction, reform proposals, and political energy.”

    Results of reformists’ efforts were mixed. Mayors were indeed empowered to appoint department heads; the departments were staffed more and more by professionals instead of patronage hires. “Consolidation, centralization, and efficiency were the bywords.” Political parties strengthened their control over elections, but the new, professionalized bureaucracies sought further independence from the parties by cultivating allies within the “clientele groups” they (increasingly) ruled by serving. 

    Meanwhile, city governments still needed revenues, especially if they were expected to provide social services as a matter of professional obligation instead of political tradeoffs. They needed credit from the financial men, along with such state and federal aid as they could find. Absent a “national system of aid to cities” that guarantees their financial solvency, cities were very much subject to the demands of their creditors. By the post-World War II period, understanding city politics “is largely an exercise in grasping the implications of the structural factors that define (1) the powers of cities, (2) the prerogatives of asset holders, and (3) the relations between them.” City governments “have few powers of their own to stimulate economic growth”; dissatisfied corporate executives can move their business elsewhere; if business moves elsewhere, credit dries up. Thus, local business owners and city governments usually work in alignment with one another to spur the economic activity that provides revenues for the politicians to spend. But the bureaucrats, largely unconcerned with the exigencies of electoral politics, are free to take actions that “impinge on the efforts of the alliance between public officials and local businessmen to promote city growth.” Elkin wants to find a way to break the close alliance between city governments and business owners without further empowering, and perhaps even reducing, the power of the bureaucrats.

    He still has more descriptive work to do, however. He centers his study of city economics on land-use patterns, inasmuch as major land-use projects enhance the reputations of the politicians who promote them. To promote private investment in cities, city officials must provide infrastructure (roads, tunnels, bridges) and amenities (parks, playgrounds); seek investment funds; offer tax incentives; avoid or reduce regulations that stifle regulations, “including zoning requirements”; improve the education system by insuring it “will produce an attractive mix of work skills”; and “help with land assembly.” Infrastructure and amenities, zoning and planning, and land assembly are all elements of land use, which Elkin regards as more important than the other elements of business-friendliness. “City officials will naturally gravitate toward an alliance with businessmen particularly land interests, and such an alliance will naturally be devoted to creating institutional arrangements that will facilitate investment in the city.” To win elections, such officials prefer to avoid “controversies over such matters as schools and police” and “stick with what concerns them most,” namely, land use and allocation of the non-bureaucratic city jobs they still control. Mayors are well positioned for both tasks as the focus of electoral attention and as the negotiators of land-use deals. For their part, landowners care about city budgets, which affect the creditworthiness of the cities, taxes, and city services. 

    There have been three types of “political economies” resulting from the interactions between city governments and business interests in America’s post-World War II decades: “pluralist,” “federalist,” and “entrepreneurial.” The pluralist political economy predominated in the two decades following the war, emphasizing the prosperity of downtown business districts, transportation networks, the sustenance of a middle-class population, a wide set of partners in development efforts, and the establishment of private development corporations with some public members on the boards of directors. As middle classes moved into the suburbs, however (taking advantage of those improved transportation networks to become commuters), the “federalist”—more exactly, centralist—political economy took over, with direct grants to cities increasing sixfold in the 1970s, enabling local politicians to win votes from the remaining, poorer, residents and supporting city employees, now unionized. By then, the urban poor were usually racial minorities. “If federal dollars had not been available to keep minority leaders engaged in the politics of the service bureaucracies, it is not inconceivable that they would have turned to matters closer to the heart to of the land-use interests and city politicians anxious to see a continuing stream of investment in the city.” This has empowered the bureaucracies, recipients of federal largesse, while weakening the patronage powers of the elected officials. This was the model seen in most American cities at the time Elkin wrote his book, and it remains intact in many cities today.

    Dallas was the exemplary entrepreneurial city of the day. It had a city-manager system, not a mayoral system. In those systems, the bureaucracy aligns with the business interests, which regard city-manager governance as the one that “best suit[s] their concerns,” providing “government that [is] efficient, professional, and administered by experts” while reducing the power of elected officials who too often look for votes among the poor, who are no friends of private corporations. For their part, elected officials satisfy themselves with those limited powers, leaving the troublesome administrative details to the bureaucrats. In Dallas, this has been a success story, at least in terms of the economic prosperity all interested groups want. “The essential point of difference between this sort of political economy and the pluralist and federalist types is that the behavior of public officials in the entrepreneurial version is not as much shaped by the building of electoral organizations and political coalitions,” city managers being unelected. City managers behave (it might be said) rather more like public school administrators, working to ensure that elected officials are friendly and somewhat infantilized demi-citizens obedient. Not that Elkin goes that far. “Insofar as citizens play an active role in political life” in the entrepreneurial political economies, “they are drawn into politics either to speak for their neighborhood, ethnic group, or some other interests”—as demanding children, a curmudgeon would say) “or as a bureaucratic client” (an older child, home from college, returned to the nest).

    Nonetheless, in all these political economies, “citizens stand in relation to one another both as potential bargainers in a set of political institutions that work to aggregate interest, and as clients of city bureaucracies.” And just as parents often favor one child over another, so city managers and bureaucracies will “consistently favor some interests and impede others,” often by adroitly setting the agenda for public discussion. “Considerable effort goes into fending off the attentions of outside politicians and businessmen,” thereby maximize freedom for executive but especially bureaucratic maneuver. Because executives and bureaucrats share an interest in promoting economic prosperity, the land-use agenda stays “heavily tilted toward the land interest of the city,” with officials ever ready to “rearrang[e] land use to promote city growth,” inasmuch as “land is capital for those who own it or manage it, a context for the day-to-day lives of the citizens who live in the city, and a source of political benefits and revenues for the officials who govern the city.” This circumstance is relatively easy to maintain because even if advocates of “popular control” push forward, preventing “the land-use alliance” from “engineer[ing] major land-use changes” “for the moment,” the alliance “is still in a position to prevent the emergence of any other conception of the use of city powers.” When economic, social, or political problems arise, the range of policy choices is accordingly narrowed and ‘the many who are poor’ largely excluded from direct political participation on behalf of themselves. 

    The impasse stated, Elkin recurs to Tocqueville and Mill, to the question of the regime, beyond political economy. Within the regime of democratic and commercial republicanism, “city political institutions have a specific role to play and therefore an intrinsic significance.” Cities are not sovereign, but they are regimes within the overall regime under whose governance they operate. Regimes are, among other things, ways of life. “What political way of life do we wish to form?” What is a regime?

    Regimes typically lay down laws. There is an “internal morality of law,” as “citizens and lawgivers learn to organize their affairs according to law by attempting to do so,” by attempting to live according to the laws and their internal morality, what Montesquieu calls the spirit of the laws. Laws shape “the form of political activity and thus of the citizenry acting within them,” habituating them to certain ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that differentiate them from persons living under a different kind of regime. Homo Americanus was not Homo Sovieticus. In the ancient world, an Israelite was not a Canaanite, and neither was a Persian; the legal structures, the ruling institutions, and the spirit or “internal morality” of their laws differentiated them. Regimes as sets of rulers, as ruling offices or institutions, as ways of life (both in actions and in speaking), have a formative character on those living in accordance with them. And they aim at purposes, ends: “They teach the lesson of what those most visible in the society consider as valuable.” 

    Elkins describes the regime founded by Americans as guided by “a concern for individual rights and the promotion of a commercial society,” with popular sovereignty in the form of democratic republicanism serving those ends. He has a narrow understanding of individual rights, however, boiling them down to political liberty in Montesquieu’s sense, “a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each has of his safety.” This formulation ignores the Declaration of Independence, which enumerates three natural rights, among others: life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That is, even if one defines the pursuit of happiness as a reformulation of Locke’s right to property, Elkin has untied property rights from human nature; and if one defines happiness and its pursuit more broadly, as seen in such Founders as Washington and Jefferson, and such allies as the Marquis de Chastellux [1], he has untied it from the fuller conception of human goods and (therefore) of political ends than the Founders upheld. 

    Elkin correctly identifies the problem James Madison identifies in the tenth Federalist, the problem of majority tyranny. Political liberty wedded to political equality yields majority rule, which can lead to assaults on minority rights by factions (or sometimes, by minorities aiming at weakening or overturning majority rule), groups “united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.” In order to secure property rights, the Founders framed not only a democratic but a commercial republic, one in which a majority would own, and therefore seek to guard, property rights. Commercial civil societies produce not only widespread property ownership but diversified forms of property, each pursuing its particular interest, blocking other propertied factions from achieving dominance. And commercial civil societies also promote the virtues of commerce, including thrift and sobriety—ballast steadying popular passions. In all this, the Founders nonetheless “did not mean that public officials were to take their direction from commercial men,” who “would at a minimum be inclined to strangle competition, be inattentive to the safety of the nation, and be uninterested in finding way to mitigate the bad effects of commercial expansion.” The Founders understood that “the primary value of a commercial society was political,” seen in such a society’s disinclination to run off into endless wars for the aggrandizement of generals or the advance of a religion, both of which motives had wracked Europe for centuries. In so understanding the importance of commerce, the Founders saw that commerce itself, the minds and hearts of commercial men, could lend itself to faction, even if to a less immediately dangerous kind of faction than a disposition to make war. “Officials should not assume that impact on economic growth is the primary criterion in judging policy initiative that affect the distribution of property and wealth in the society.” While securing “private rights,” those occupying the ruling offices of democratic and commercial republics must see to it that government controls itself and also to secure the ruling authority they wield from “powerful private interests” that may arise with the intention of violating the private rights of others, thereby overturning the regime, the “commercial republic that we want.” “The commercial public interest,” the maintenance of the regime and of the principles that animate it, that give it its purpose, “is not what businessmen say it is”—the pursuit of happiness misdefined as material self-interest alone. Although in a commercial republican regime businessmen are not “a ruling class dominating the state,” as Marxist contend, neither are they “merely a particularly powerful interest group.” They are positioned to be somewhat difficult to govern, precisely because the democratic republic is democratic in the modern way, the way that has converted the many who are poor into the many who are middle-class, aspiring to ever-increasing wealth and not always hesitant to resist corporate alliances with governments.

    “Can a regime dedicated to popular control work so as to respect individual liberties, promote a commercial society, and give it concrete meaning in the course of defining the commercial public interest?” Elkin carefully distinguishes the commercial public interest from commercial interests. Commercial interests incline toward cutting down competition, monopolizing markets for the sake of immediate self-interest. Commercial public interest means, first, the maintenance of commercial liberty itself, minimizing the monopolistic practices commercial men aim at, the form of libido dominandi toward which businessmen’s souls incline. How can the American regime prevent “public authority from being the tool of private interest”? While “try[ing] to avoid reducing the confidence of businessmen” by offering them such inducements to invest as tax incentives, government research money and research findings (the latter seen in the disclosure of certain aspects of computer technology, invented for military use, to businessmen), and punishing “rapacious officials.” While critics of the regime decry government efforts to “promot[e] capital,” ‘capitalists’ themselves decry “an expansive state” that constrains their activities “There is some truth in both observations.” In the American regime overall, “the decline of Congress and the rise of the administrative state” has done little to assuage either of those concerns, even though the administrative state arose precisely in order to bridle private corporations, who had, according to Progressives, New Dealers, and Great Society men, corrupted our legislative halls of fame. As it has happened, the “managerial mode” of rule wielded by public bureaucrats in private corporations may find friends among the private bureaucrats in private corporations, even as some of those public bureaucrats may irritate their private counterparts with their minute and stringent regulations.

    We Americans have “largely failed to maintain the distinction between the essentially political reasons for a commercial society and how to contrive a happy environment for businessmen” because “officials lack strong incentives to think beyond business inducement.” Elkin proposes five ways of providing such incentives: lowering “the barriers to dissent”; reducing incentive for businessmen to seek “official inducements” by “reducing business concentration”; reducing “the advantages businessmen have in the collection and dispersal of political money”; “curb[ing] the tendency of officials to use whatever discretion they have to facilitate business inducement”; and to “improve officials’ grasp of the considerations that should guide their efforts to give content to the commercial public interest” and especially to the connection “between a commercial society and republican government.” On the citizens’ side of the equation, “a lively sense that inducing business performance does not exhaust the meaning of the commercial public interest” will also be needed. Only then will public officials, elected and unelected, have a strong incentive to understand and to strengthen republicanism. “Without a citizenry able to grasp that the commercial public interest is not exhausted by inducing business performance, no other reforms will work at least if those reforms are not to be worse than the disease.” As Madison asked, in what was then an indignant tone, but now strikes the ear as plaintive, “Is there no virtue among us?” 

    And what can cities in particular do to recover the Founders’ regime? Citizens in them will need to cultivate “a disposition to think of political choice as involving the giving of reasons” about “what is beneficial to us as a political community,” not only as a marketplace. “Arguments are to be tested, reworked, and withdrawn, not asserted as if their blinding rationality compels assent,” and not as if they were an exercise in geometry. “Politics educates judgment,” what the Greeks called phronēsis. Here, however, Elkin departs from Aristotle. In “the classical Greek conception, in which political and moral (as moderns would say) life are inextricably bound together and the broad purpose of politics is thought to be the promotion of virtue,” what is good for human beings by nature, Elkin subordinates the virtues to the regime of democratic and commercial republicanism. But more, although he invokes what contemporary scholars call “the civic republican tradition,” whose “central concern is the primary role that civic virtue must play in the workings of free government,” this too is more “demanding” than what he has in mind. He contends that “the public interest will emerge from argument born of diverse starting points,” with citizens only needing “to be disposed to believe that there is something more to public choice than combining private interests.” In order to get them to be so disposed, the political institutions “must place citizens in relation to each other as deliberators or reason givers, not, for example, as bargainers engaged in exchange” with executives and/or bureaucrats. Those institutions will therefore be legislative, primarily, not executive in either the ‘strong mayor’ or the ‘city manager’ form of government. That is, city governments would return to the institutional form, the politeia, which predominated in the American English colonies and in the decades up to the Civil War—city council government. The motives of citizens engaged in this form of city government would be concern for concrete local issues (schools, land-use patterns in the neighborhoods, “features of their work lives”) and “the deep interest that each of us has in enjoying the esteem of others.” This “desire for the esteem of others”—invoked by the young Abraham Lincoln in a campaign flyer he distributed when he first ran for the Illinois legislature—can be turned “into a disposition to act politically by the giving of reasons.”

    “The danger, of course, is that the desire for esteem will mean the tyranny of a dominant opinion,” inasmuch as speakers in council will want to play to the crowd. Elkin hopes that the commercial character of the “commercial public interest” will exert some discipline upon speakers. To achieve commercial prosperity needed to win the esteem of your fellow citizens, demagoguery will only get you so far. Real-world exigencies will bridle big talk, in the long run. Elkin admits, however, that “there is no easy solution here.” A major barrier is what he calls “corrupted liberalism,” that is, liberty extended to corporations, now legally treated as if they were individual persons. Its existence, together with the existence of a substantial professional bureaucracy, makes for a confrontation of “those devoted to the defense of the business corporation and those devoted to some version of an expanded state in the service of social welfare.” Corrupt or “corporate liberalism” attempts to define the commercial public interest in terms of “the inducing of business performance”; its public-bureaucratic rival attempts to define the commercial interest, or the public interest generally, in terms of a new sort of property rights, rights to tax-supported social and economic benefits controlled by the bureaucrats. Under bureaucratic rule, “rights language will then become a rhetorical cover, directed not at justifying a sphere in which individual autonomy can flourish but aimed instead at providing a new principle of social decision in which businessmen will have no advantage, regardless of whether this is in the service of individual autonomy” (itself a specimen of corrupted language, a replacement for natural right) “or not.” The corporate-liberal justification of corporate property rights is no less rhetorical. “Whatever the [American] Founders’ intentions, property rights have already been significantly altered throughout our history.”

    Against this, Elkin would institute a regime that makes “citizens more intelligent about public life, not more moral” in the private sense, strengthening “the disposition to engage in public-regarding debate and struggle” in “a marriage between liberalism and democracy, with the latter in the service of the former.” Institutionally, he recommends neighborhood assemblies “with significant powers,” citywide referenda, and city legislatures, “also with significant powers.” To avoid majority tyranny, he would structure referenda questions to offer multiple choices, not yes-no choices, in order to encourage deliberation and to make it more likely that a winning proposal really would command votes from a well-informed majority. Today’s public corporations (cities) and private corporations feature executive regimes, and this would change those regimes, revolutionize the cities, giving far more authority to the people, ‘the democracy.’ Such authority would include the power to govern land use, to “take land for specified public purposes.”

    Why, Elkin asks himself, would neighborhood and citywide assemblies not “feel compelled to attract investment to their areas,” just as mayors and city managers do in the existing city regimes”? “Land interests would likely prove only too happy to oblige and seek out allies from among neighborhood residents.” That is, “what will prevent small-scale versions of what presently occurs in city politics?” Nothing would prevent it, but land-use decisions made by legislative majorities are at least more likely to bring benefits more widely distributed than decisions effected by deals between public and private corporate executives. Elkin fully understands that “regardless of their merits, the prospects of such reforms occurring are slim,” and so they have proven to be.

    Undeterred, Elkin calls property “the Achilles’ heel of the American regime” because it has been redefined since the time of the Founders, redefined as a right to property held by corporate ‘persons,’ a right based on legal fiction instead of nature. However, Elkin proposes not a return to the Founders’ understanding of property as a natural right to be secured by a constitutionally limited government but as “fundamentally a public matter.” Properly understood, “property is a political concept and openly to begin its redefinition as a political act is itself an effort that cuts deeply into the core of a liberal regime.” He proposes this re-redefinition to oppose “the present form of socialized property” (socialized in the sense that it corporations are in fact civil-social units within the larger civil society) found in the large-scale business corporation.” While so proposing, he understands that the Progressive-New Deal hope that an ‘administrative state’ or public bureaucracy would serve as an adequate counterweight to the private corporate bureaucracies has weakened the democratic character of democratic republicanism. Neither does he want socialism, “state ownership of assets.” In all of this, “the most worrisome point of all is that it may be impossible to sustain the public-spiritedness necessary for a liberal regime to flourish.” 

    His own “political” answer is insufficient, partaking too much of the Progressivism it (sort of) seeks to confront. He cites with approval the Hannah Arendt-George Kateb “conception of a constitution”: “a constitution is not a program or policy”—true enough—but “it has no goal; it does not make an object,” but rather “is the creation of a frame of institutions for indefinite future possibilities of political action,” an act of “procedural morality.” Inasmuch as it has a goal, that goal is “to be the best of its kind.” This begs the question, What is the best? And that begs the question, What is the good? According to Elkin, “our foundational aspiration is to be a popular regime,” as “we wish to be a popular regime first and foremost, even before we wish to be a commercial rights-bearing one.” The democratic “political way of life” is rightly superior to, although not properly destructive of, the commercial way of life insofar as commerce is now oligarchically structured. But what, then, governs democracy? Having abandoned natural right defined by the laws of nature and of nature’s God, Elkin can only offer whatever comes out of political contestation. As he concedes, “the core” of his understanding of “political science as practical science” requires “an account of how the various institutional pieces” of the regime “can be made to fit.” This “must be an effort to hold fast to two principles that are not easy to reconcile: (1) that the basic organizing principles of the society must, in some form, be subject to political decision and (2) that the state must not be allowed to arrange the daily lives of individuals.” The problem is that practice, or political science, depends on theory, or political philosophy. 

     

    Note

    1. On Chastellux, see “Chastellux on ‘Public Happiness’ in the Ancient World” and “Chatellux on ‘Public Happiness’ in the Modern World” on this website under the category, “Philosophers” and “Chastellux in America” under the category, “American Regime.”

     

     

     

    Filed Under: American Politics