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    Archives for September 2020

    The Napoleonic Wars Weren’t Over till Charlotte Bronte Said They Were Over

    September 25, 2020 by Will Morrisey

    Charlotte Brontë: Villette. London: The Gresham Publishing Company, n.d.

     

    Clear-sighted, cold-on-the-surface Lucy Snowe, English through-and-through, finds herself in the French-speaking town of Villette, where she has gone to seek gainful employment. There, she fights a civil-social continuation of the Napoleon Wars, nearly four decades after the Battle of Waterloo—themselves a continuation of what one Frenchman in the novel calls “the eternal conflict between France and England.” Villette is located in the country of “Labassecour,” usually understood as a fictionalized stand-in for Belgium, where Brontë herself worked as a teacher for several years in the French quarter of Brussels. In French, “Labassecour” means a poultry-yard, perhaps reflecting the author’s dim view of its inhabitants. More fancifully, to put one’s coeur, one’s heart, à bas means to lower it, to subordinate it, and this Lucy does, with true English self-rule.

    She needs the work. She spent part of her youth at the home of her widowed godmother, “a handsome house in the clean and ancient town of Bretton,” a town possibly named after an ancestor of her godmother’s late husband, a physician whose people evidently came to the British Isles from ‘France,’ specifically Brittainy. As a child, Miss Snowe had visited “about twice a year”; she begins the story she narrates with her last visit, at the age of fourteen. Her godmother’s son, John Graham Bretton, lives there—a “handsome, faithless-looking youth of sixteen,” “spoiled and whimsical”— and they are soon joined by six-year-old Paulina Home, the daughter of a “giddy, careless woman and a “sensitive,” introverted scientist. The mother has died and the father has gone away on a restorative trip. Polly prays for her father with a “monomaniac tendency,” but when it becomes clear that her father’s absence will be extended, she attaches herself to Graham, perhaps a bit to Lucy’s jealous discomfiture. “The league of acquaintanceship thus struck up was not hastily dissolved; on the contrary, it appeared that time and circumstances served rather to cement than loosen it. Ill-assimilated as the two were in age, sex, pursuits, etc. they somehow found a great deal to say to each other”—he, teasing and teaching her, she fussing over him. “With curious readiness did she adapt herself to such themes as interested him. One would have thought the child had no mind or life of her own, but necessarily live, move, and have her being in another; now that her father was taken from her, she nestled in Graham, and seemed to feel by his feeling: to exist in his existence.” Since Graham liked to read, “she proved a ready scholar,” reading Bible stories to him, sympathizing with the people in them, and often turning from them to her favorite topic, Graham. Jacob’s love for his son, Joseph, finds its parallel in her love for him; “if you were to die,” she tells him, “I should refuse to be comforted, and go down into the grave to you mourning,'” as Jacob did to Joseph’s grave. When her father eventually summons her to a new life in France she is heartbroken, “trembling like a leaf when she took leave, but exercising self-command.”

    Lucy leaves, too, a few weeks later, returning home to her family. Eight years later, a series of unspecified “troubles”—they must include the death of her parents—left her with “no possibility of dependence on others: to myself alone could I look”; “self-reliance and exertion were forced upon me by circumstances, as they are upon thousands besides.” With that last phrase, she takes care to bridle pity for herself, either from her reader or in her own soul. The effort will prove characteristic of herself, as it seems to have been for the English in her time, and not only in her time.

    She finds her first employment as the caretaker and companion of an old maid, who still pines over the fiancé who died in a riding accident, thirty years earlier. (On her deathbed she admits, “I still think of Frank more than of God.”) Readers never hear of her again, but her loss foreshadows the theme of lost and unconsummated love that pervades the novel.

    Unemployed again, now aged 23, Lucy determines to try her fortune on the continent, for which she departs without knowing where she will find a job. On the boat to Labassecour she meets a young English lady who is going to school in Villette. Silly and a bit snobbish, Ginevra Fanshawe “tormented me with an unsparing selfishness” and her “entire incapacity to endure” the rolling sea. By contrast, Lucy is the one passenger who can remain on deck throughout the afternoon, upholding England’s honor as a maritime power. But Ginevra does one useful thing, telling her that a Madame Beck, who runs a girls’ school in Villette, is looking for “an English gouvernante.” 

    Modeste Maria Beck turns out to be “a charitable woman” who, Lucy takes care to recall, “did a great deal of good.” However, the turnover among her employees is sobering. It transpires that charitable Mme. Beck rules her establishment by careful surveillance of her staff and students, “glid[ing] ghost-like through the house, watching and spying everywhere, peering through every key-hole, listening behind every door.” “While devoid of sympathy, she had a sufficiency of rational benevolence”; very French, she loved ‘the poor’ as a class, as an abstraction, without loving anyone, rich or poor, as a person. The key to heart wasn’t sympathy but self-interest. She reserves her love for herself and her own, particularly her own children, whom she cares for by meeting their every physical need without wasting an ounce of affection. She surveils them as well. In all, she’s a sort of Comtian without Comte’s theories, combining in her soul the qualifications for “a first minister and a superintendent of police,” combined. “Wise, firm faithless, secret, crafty, passionless; watchful and inscrutable; acute and insensate—withal perfectly decorous,” she quickly sees that Lucy will make a good teacher and wastes no time putting her to that service.

    Gazing at her first class, Lucy “beheld opposite to me a row of eyes and brows that threatened stormy weather” in their own way worse than the English Channel waves—eyes “full of an insolent light, and brows hard and unblushing as marble. The continental ‘female’ is quite a different being to the insular ‘female’ of the same age and class.” Knowing that “madame would at any time throw overboard a professeur or maîtresse who became unpopular with the school” (like many a private-school administrator before and since, Madame knows where her bread is buttered) they expected “an easy victory” over the newcomer. Lucy subordinates the ringleader, “a young baronne” named Mademoiselle de Melcy, by reading her “stupid” composition aloud in front of the class and then tearing it in two. She is still more severe with the one remaining rebel, a girl with “a dark, mutinous, sinister eye,” whom she pushes into a closet and locks the door behind. It transpires that the girl was disliked by the other students, so this display of force enhances rather than diminishes Miss Snowe’s esteem among the students. Mme. Beck, who as a matter of course has been surveilling the classroom all along, pronounces, “C’est bien” when Lucy emerges from the classroom. From then on, her authority is secure; the reasonable but blunt English way of ruling has prevailed over the French revolutionaries, with the approval of the chief surveiller. 

    “Villette is a cosmopolitan city, and in this school were girls of almost every European nation, and likewise of very varied rank in life”—the right place to study comparative politics, one might say.” “Equality is much practiced in Labassecour; though not republican in form, it is nearly so in substance,” as indeed France was in 1853, when Brontë published her book, under Napoleon III.  (A few years later, Tocqueville would publish his book on the French Revolution, maintaining that civil-social equality had prevailed in France since before the French Revolution, thriving under various forms of monarchism and republicanism alike.) “At the desks of Madame Beck’s establishment the young countess and the young bourgeoise sat side by side”; differentiated only by their manners—often “franker and more courteous” among the bourgeoises, with the aristocrats displaying “a delicately balanced combination of insolence and deceit.” As for the citizens of Labassecour, they “had an hypocrisy of their own,” but “of a such coarse order, such as could deceive few.” Among all, when a lie was judged necessary, “they brought it out with a careless ease and breadth altogether untroubled by the rebuke of conscience.”

    As before, Lucy determines as she considers her students, “I must look only to myself” for support in “bring[ing] this stiff-necked tribe under permanent influence.” They “were not to be driven by force” as a general policy. “They were to be humored, borne with very patiently: a courteous though sedate manner impressed them; a very rare flash of raillery did good. Severe or continuous mental application they could not or would not, bear: heavy demand on the memory, the reason, the attention, they rejected point-blank.” English steadfastness was not a resource a teacher could mine in them, but it would serve the teacher very well. “They would riot for three additional lines to a lesson; but I never knew them rebel against a wound given to their self-respect; the little they had of that quality was trained to be crushed, and it rather liked the pressure of a firm heel than otherwise.” Egalitarian, then, but also apt subjects of despotism: Just as Tocqueville would say.

    The reason Ginevra Fanshawe knew about the open position at the school turns out to have been simple: She is a student there. She has two suitors in her thrall, one whom she’s nicknamed “Isidore” (perhaps after the scholarly St. Isidore of Seville) who idealizes her and buys her things, much to her amusement (“he really thinks I am sensible”). But “he is only bourgeois.” “My present business is to enjoy youth and not to think of fettering myself, by promise or vow, to this man or that.” She prefers the attentions of “Le Colonel Alfred de Hamal,” an aristocrat. “À bas les grandes passions et les sévères vertus!” Lucy, then, isn’t the only one who knows how to discipline her passions, to say to them, “À bas,” although Ginevra unfortunately disciplines her virtues as well, all in service of a self-conscious superficiality, a way of life consisting of light pleasures. In her own way, she is an English girl who out-Frenches the French. 

    When one of Mme. Beck’s daughters takes sick, she summons a “Dr. John,” who disappoints Madame by failing to take any interest in her. Initially, Lucy suspects him of carrying on an affair with Rosine Muton, “an unprincipled though pretty little French grisette”—a working-class girl, beneath even Dr. John’s professional but lamentably unaristocratic station in life. Lucy gets caught up in these romantic intrigues, and she soon learns that Mademoiselle Muton is not the object of Dr. John’s affections; Ginevra Fanshaw is, and he is her less-than-respected “Isidore.”

    Before giving an account of this discovery, Lucy remarks on another regime difference between herself and the Labassecourians. They worry about her Protestantism, and she is less than impressed with their Catholicism. “One night a thunder-storm broke; a sort of hurricane shook us in our beds; the Catholics rose in panic and prayed to their saints. As for me, the tempest took hold of me with tyranny: I was roughly roused and obliged to live.” There could hardly be a terser description of the contrast between French and English characters. And beyond this, the school, once a convent, comes with its own “ghost story,” a “vague tale” about a nun of “the drear middle ages” who had been “buried alive, for some sin against her vow.” Lucy considers it all “romantic rubbish,” another instance of Catholic superstition. Catholicism pervades the regime of the school, “a strange, frolicsome, noisy little world,” where “great pains were taken to hide chains with flowers”—exactly the observation Rousseau makes about civil society generally, but which Lucy rather thinks more descriptive of Catholic society especially. “A subtle Romanism pervaded every arrangement: large sensual indulgence (so to speak) was permitted by way of counterpoise to jealous spiritual restrain. Each mind was being reared in slavery; but, to prevent reflection from dwelling on this fact, every pretext for physical recreation was seized and made the most of. There, as elsewhere, the CHURCH strove to bring up her children robust in body, feeble in soul, fat, ruddy, hale, joyous, ignorant, unthinking, unquestioning”—as much as saying, “Look after your bodies; leave your souls to me.” “A bargain in which every true Catholic deems himself a gainer,” Lucy ripostes; “Lucifer just offers the same terms.”

    To confirm the point of this harangue, Lucy offers the spectacle of the annual fête in honor of Mme. Beck, the highlight of which is to be a play directed by M. Paul Emanuel, the “pungent and austere” professor of literature, a man of harsh, “irritable nature.” He lowers himself to beg Lucy for help when one of the girls takes ill a few hours before the play is to go on; “I apply to an Englishwoman to rescue me,” he says through gritted teeth, half to her and half to himself. Playing the role of a foppish man courting a silly flirt in the person of the typecast Miss Fanshawe, she notices that the girl is making eyes at Dr. John, who is in the audience. This goads Lucy to imitate what she sees to be his longing, “rival[ing] and out-rival[ing] him” for attention. “I acted as if wishful and resolute to win and conquer.” Although taking the part “to please another,” she finally “acted to please myself.” Upon reflection, and with a bow to a lesson taught by Jane Austen in Mansfield Park, “I quite disapproved of these amateur performances.” In this instance it revealed “a keen relish for dramatic expression” in her nature, which “would not do for a mere looker-on at life; the strength and longing must be put by; and I put them by, and fastened them in with the lock of a resolution which neither Time nor Temptation has since picked.” À bas….

    At the ball following the play, Ginevra’s flirtations are interrupted by jealous Madame, who, “like a little Bonaparte,” drags Dr. John away from her and to the invited parents. The girl takes out her frustration on Lucy, explaining at some length how much better-born, wealthier, accomplished, prettier, desired, and happier she is, compared to her loveless, unloved teacher. The suggestion that she is vain rolls off, but she does reveal what Lucy wants her to confirm, that Dr. John is the same as ‘Isidore.’ In conversation with the hapless physician, she learns that he imagines her “a simple, innocent, girlish fairy,” indeed a “graceful angel.” She mocks him by praising his rival, Colonel de Hamal (whom she called a monkey to Miss Fanshawe) as a “sweet seraph,” then leaves him to her illusions.

    The school’s next major event is public examination day, two months after the fête. Once again, “the fiery and grasping little man” Paul Emanuel takes charge, and once again needs the Englishwoman to conduct the English exam, the one topic he “could not manage.” She softens his ire when she offers to give no examination on that topic at all. “A constant crusade against the ‘amour-propre’ of every human being, but himself, was the crotchet of this able, but fiery and grasping, little man”; in this, he bears some resemblance to Rousseau. Does he begin to love this English Sophie?

    September vacation arrives, and a nightmare about her dead family, “who had loved me well in life” but now “met me elsewhere, alienated,” galls her “inmost spirit with an unutterable sense of despair about the future”; “quite unendurable was the pitiless and haughty voice in which Death challenged me to engage his unknown terrors,” terrors she has “suffered with a troubled mind” from the time of her youth. Severed from the love of her family members in this life, perhaps frightened that her current life might meet with their disapproval, and therefore rejection, severance from love in the afterlife, and without any known prospects for love in the future (given Graham’s distraction by Ginevra), in desperation she enters a Catholic Church and its confessional. She disrupts the priest’s routine by confessing, “Mon père, je suis Protestante.” He asks her to come not to the church but to his house, tomorrow, a proposal she would have as soon done as to walk “into a Babylonish furnace.” Why? “That priest had arms which could influence me; he was naturally kind with a sentimental French kindness, to whose softness I knew myself not wholly impervious.” Had she acceded to his invitation, “I might just now, instead of writing this heretic narrative, be counting my beads in the cell of a certain Carmelite convent on the Boulevard of Crecy in Villette.” It was enough that the priest “was kind when I needed kindness; he did me good.”

    On the way back to her room she faints. A watchful person, whom she later guesses was the priest, delivers her to Dr. John’s house. She now tells her readers that Dr. John is in fact Graham Bretton, who has followed in his father’s professional footsteps. He still lives with his mother. After more than a week of bed rest she comes down to the sitting room. “How pleasant it was in its air of perfect domestic comfort!” And “to render the picture perfect, tea stood ready on the table—an English tea, whereof the whole shining service glanced at me familiarly,” not only because it is in the English style but because it is the service she remembers from the Bretton’s home in England. One might say that her recovery from an excess of Frenchness requires a dose of Englishness, perhaps a greater contribution to her recovery than Dr. John’s medical care. That night, “When I said my prayers, and when I was undressed and laid down, I felt that I still had friends.” Characteristically, she calls upon “Reason” to moderate her “importunate gratitude” for having recovered them. And she defends her self-rule. “These struggles with the natural character, the strong native bent of the heart, may seem futile and fruitless, but in the end they do good,” making “the general tenor of life… to be better regulated, more equable, quieter on the surface; and it is on the surface only the common gaze will fall. As to what lies below, leave that with God.” A regime like Mme. Beck’s, a regime like that of France, may surveil; show God “the secrets of the spirit He gave” and “ask Him how you are to bear the pains He has appointed,” for “patience in extreme need.” God’s time isn’t human time: “The cycle of one departure and return may clasp unnumbered generations; and departure and return may clasp unnumbered generations; and dust, kindling to brief suffering life, and, through pain, passing back to dust, may meanwhile perish out of memory again, and yet again.” This is indeed a Protestant answer both to ‘Hobbesian’ fear of death and the response to it fashioned in Catholic Church ritual.

    Dr. John persists in his illusions about Miss Fanshawe until he, his mother, and Lucy encounter her at a concert, accompanied by another young lady aristocrat. When Ginevra snubs both the doctor and his mother, he draws the line. “I never saw her ridiculed before.” He confides to Lucy, “As [Ginevra] passed me tonight, triumphant, in beauty, my emotions did her homage; but for one luckless sneer, I should yet be the humblest of her servants”; “she could not in ten years have done what, in a moment, she has done through my mother.” How does my mother seem to you? he asks Lucy. “As she always does—an English, middle-class gentlewoman; well, though gravely dressed, habitually independent of pretense, constitutionally composed and cheerful.” Exactly so, Dr. John agrees: “The merry may laugh with mamma, but the weak only will laugh at her; she shall not be ridiculed with my consent at least, nor without my—my scorn—my antipathy.” And that is that.

    But this doesn’t mean that Dr. John turn his attentions to her. School re-starts; Graham promises to write. But “Reason” forbids her to reveal her feelings for him, to him. “This hag, this Reason, would not let me look up, or smile, or hope: she could not rest unless I were altogether crushed, cowed, broken-in, and broken-down.” For me, Reason “was always as envenomed as a step-mother.” “If I have obeyed her it has been chiefly with the obedience of fear, not of love”; Lucy is no philosopher. “Long ago I should have died of her ill-usage, her stint, her chill, her barren board, her icy bed, her savage, ceaseless blows, but for that Kinder Power who hold my secret and sworn allegiance,” “a spirit softer and better than human Reason.” It is in that kind of love, agapic love, that “divine, compassionate, succourable influence” that she finds solace for the lovelessness she has found in the world. In the event, Dr. John does write, and Lucy discerns that his “blithe genial language” was intended “not merely to content me” but also “to gratify himself.” The fact that he writes her because he wants to gives Lucy a moment that “had no pain, no blot, no want; full, pure, perfect, it deeply blessed me,” and she will forgive him for turning from her once again “for the sake of that one dear remembered good!” 

    While reading the letter, a figure resembling the ghostly nun appears to her. In their next conversation, Dr. John will explain it away as an illusion “resulting from long-continued mental conflict.” When he prescribes happiness as the cure and a “cheerful mind” as the preventive,” Lucy quite rightly rejoins that “happiness is not a potato, to be planted in mold and tilled with manure,” but a blessing. In effect taking that rebuke to heart, at least in part, he invites to his home every week, “to keep away the nun,” as he puts it with his characteristic kind jocularity. “He regarded me scientifically in the light of a patient, and at once exercised his professional skill, and gratified his natural benevolence, by a course of cordial and attentive treatment.” It is a response unlikely to satisfy a woman. He is not unthoughtful. On the contrary, “Dr. John could think, and think well, but he was rather a man of action than of thought; he could feel, and feel vividly in his way, but his heart had no chord for enthusiasm: to bright, soft, sweet influences his eyes and lips gave bright, soft, sweet welcome, beautiful to see as dyes of rose and silver, pearl and purple, imbuing summer clouds.” But as for the other half of Burke’s dichotomy, the sublime as distinguished from the beautiful, “what belonged to storm, what was wild and intense, dangerous, sudden and flaming,” for that “he had no sympathy, and held with it no communion.” This “cool young Briton” looked down on the sublime as “the pale cliffs of his own England” look down on the tides of the Channel. It is Lucy, for all her superficial coldness, who responds to the sublime, to the Biblical more than to the classical. In this she is closer to Dostoevsky than to Jane Austen, despite her Englishness. Unlike Austen or Austen’s heroines, unlike Dr. John, for her Reason is a heavy bridle, a yoke, a burden only assuaged by the divine, agapic love which, regardless of the comfort it offers, issues from the supremely sublime God of the Bible.

    A man of moderation, a ‘classical’ man, Dr. John can act decisively in response to the sublime when it appears, quite literally sudden and flaming. A fire breaks out in the theater: “Reader, I can see him yet, with his look of comely courage and cordial calm” while most of the crowd panicked and began to stampede. He sees one woman “braver than some men”; he helps her guardian rescue her from being trampled by terrified crowd. The girl turns out to be a Miss Bassompierre, formerly known as Paulina Home; her father recently inherited the estate of his late mother, a French aristocrat, along with the aristocratic ‘de’ that comes with the family fortune. Miss Fanshawe is quite beside herself with jealousy, inasmuch as Dr. John and his mother strike up a social connection with father and daughter, in the aftermath of the emergency. As Paulina tells Lucy, the Graham she knew at Bretton was smaller and wasn’t yet shaving, “yet he is Graham, just as I am little Polly, or you are Lucy Snowe.” This sense of the continuity of individual identity over time exactly fits Lucy’s mindset: “I thought the same,” namely, that “the child of seven was in the girl of seventeen,” “but I wondered to find my thoughts hers: there are certain things in which we so rarely met with our double that it seems a miracle when that chance befalls.” Paulina is indeed her double in another sense, as she will soon take the place at Dr. John’s side that Lucy had wished for herself. Lucy watches as their intimacy in conversation grows: “There are certain natures of which the mutual influence is such that the more they say the more they have to say. For these, out of association grows adhesion, and out of adhesion, amalgamation.” There is of course nothing for her to do, and she returns to the school. “Though stoical, I was not quite a stoic; drops streamed fast on my hands, on my desk I wept one sultry shower, heavy and brief. But soon I said to myself, The Hope I am bemoaning suffered and made me suffer much: it did not die till it was full time: following an agony so lingering, death ought to be welcome. Welcome I endeavored to make it. Indeed, long pain had made patience a habit.” She puts Dr. John’s letters away, in a hole in an old pear tree on the school grounds. “I was not only going to hide a treasure” (Mme. Beck has been reading them, and showing them to M. Emanuel); “I meant to bury a grief. If lie be a war, it seemed my destiny to conduct it single-handed.” 

    She continues her friendship with Paulina, who has been pestered by jealous cousin Ginevra, who brags about her admirers and denigrates Dr. John while claiming to have him as her admirer. “She is insolent; and I believe, false,” Paulina tells her. Lucy knows this to be true, but they agree to test his feelings at a dinner party.

    Meanwhile, Ginevra’s falseness stems from her inability to see the difference between nature and convention. “Who are you, Miss Snowe?” she asks, not understanding how a woman who was first hired as a nursery-governess now enjoys the respect of Mme. Beck and the company of the young Countess de Bassompierre. She means “who” in the sense of social status; “her incapacity to conceive how any person not bolstered up by birth or wealth, not supported by some consciousness of name or connection, could maintain an attitude of reasonable integrity.” There is some sense in this, “the world’s wisdom,” as “an accumulation of small defenses” in the form of conventional respectability can serve as a “safeguard from debasement”; human beings are social animals, after all. Ginevra’s error consists in taking this too far, in overlooking the natural character of both the sanguine Dr. John and self-reflective, often melancholy Lucy. The courtship between Dr. John and Paulina proceeds, quite apart from Miss Fanshawe’s verbal sniping when, at the party, he approaches Paulina, not Ginevra. (Ginevra will recover from her disappointment, soon enough; later on, she will elope with Colonel de Hamal, shallow calling to shallow.)

    There is another courtship going on, an unexpected one between Lucy and Paul Emanuel. As both these souls tend toward the sublime, not the beautiful, this one cannot go smoothly: “Never was a better little man, in some points, then M. Paul: never in others, a more waspish little despot,” by turns Corneille and Napoleon. Gradually, even torturously, he gains in her esteem. At a holiday ceremony at the local college she listens as he gives the featured speech. “The collegians he addressed, not as school-boys, but as future citizens and embryo patriots. With all his fire he was severe and sensible: he trampled Utopian theories under his heel; he rejected wild reams with scorn—but, when he looked in the face of tyranny—oh, then there opened a light in his eye worth seeing; and when he spoke of injustice, his voice gave no uncertain sound, but reminded me rather of the band-trumpet, ringing at twilight from the park.” Not all, “but some of the college youth caught fire”—that image of the sublime—as “he eloquently told them what should be their path and endeavor in their country’s and in Europe’s future.” In a later conversation, he tells her he wishes her to be “mon ami.” Here again, the difference between France and England appears. She agrees to call him “my friend,” a word with a less intimate connotation than the French “ami.” He doesn’t know that, and he rewards her with a previously unexampled “smile of pleasure, or content, or kindness.” His “visage changed as from a mask to a face.” Diplomatic relations have been established, indeed a human one. He will continue to call her “une Anglaise terrible,” but in a more playful manner than before. They begin to know and understand one another, although not without what increasingly look like lover’s quarrels. Whereas the courtship of Dr. John and Paulina proceeds beautifully, by proper stages, the sublime courtship of M. Paul and Lucy begins, proceeds, and culminates in storm.

    For example, the time for M. Paul’s annual fête arrives, the counterpart of the one for Mme. Beck. Almost predictably, Monsieur will deliver the keynote address on his own day of honor. From the podium, baits her, and plays to the crowd, with an attack on “les Anglaises”—their “minds, morals, manners, [and] personal appearance,” and more specifically “their tall stature, their long necks, their thin arms, their slovenly dress, their pedantic education, their impious skepticism”—quite the charge, Miss Snowe evidently thinks, coming from a countryman of Voltaire—their “insufferable pride, their pretentious virtue.” “For some time the abuse of England and the English found and left me stolid.” But after fifteen minutes or so “this hissing cockatrice” began to abuse “not only our women, but our greatest names and best men; sullying the shield of Britannia, and dabbling the union-jack in mud.” All to the amusement of the girls, “for it is curious to discover how these clowns of Labassecour secretly hate England.” Out of patience, she matches his French patriotism with her English, in French: “Vive l’Angleterre, l’Histoire et les Héros! À bas la France, la Fiction et les Faquins!” Against French myths and indeed lies, English history; against French scoundrels, English heroes. Having achieved his purpose of drawing her out, he rewards her with a smirk, infuriating her still further. But back in her room, her rage subsided, she “smiled at the whole scene.” Things are getting to the point where she can’t stay angry with him for long. “I was losing the early impulse to recoil from M. Paul,” and as for himself, he later meets her in a manner “both indulgent and good-natured.” True, “he had points of resemblance to Napoleon Bonaparte,” with his “shameless disregard of magnanimity”; “he would have exiled fifty Madame de Staëls, if they had annoyed, offended, outrivaled, or opposed him,” but Lucy has begun to learn how to negotiate the sharp rocks of his shoreline, without quite being able to overcome his imperial libido dominandi. She does not yet clearly see that M. Paul, a master classroom teacher, delights in testing, in this case testing her loyalty to her country. (And not without reason: How much can one trust a person who despises his own country?) She has passed. 

    Lucy is about to discover what drives this odd little man. This becomes possible because she has more the temperament of a research professor than that of a teacher. (As for M. Paul, he “was not a man to write books.”) Alone in the garden of the school, she begins her discoveries with introspection, a quest for self-knowledge few of the other persons she has encountered trouble themselves to undertake. “Courage, Lucy Snowe!” she tells herself. “With self-denial and economy now, and steady exertion by-and-by, an object in life need not fail you.” For now, “labor for independence until you have proved, by winning that prize, your right to look higher.” For now, an émigré among unfriendly foreigners, “is there nothing more for me in life—no true home—nothing to be dearer to me than myself? Nothing, at whose feet I can willingly lay down the whole burden of human egotism, and gloriously take up the nobler charge of laboring and living for others?” Perhaps not: “for you the crescent-phase must suffice,” and so it is with “a huge mass of my fellow creatures in no better circumstances,” and “I find no reason why I should be of the few favored.” Since “this life is not all, neither the beginning nor the end,” I shall continue “to believe while I tremble” and “trust while I weep.” And she concludes with a blessing: “Good-night, Dr. John; you are good, you are beautiful; but you are not mine. Good-night, and God bless you!”

    Enter M. Paul, who interrupts her musings. He explains that, like Mme. Beck, he has been surveilling her, along with everyone else in the school, for months, from his apartment window with the aid of a looking-glass. “My book is this garden; its contents are human nature—female human nature.” He dismisses her objections to his spying as mere Protestantism, remarking that his tutor was a Jesuit, who would make no objection at all to what Lucy calls his “discoveries made by stealth.” He tells her he never once would “trouble my head about my dignity,” being a more modest man that she has supposed. In his observations, he too has seen the apparition of the nun, and together, that night, they see it again.

    Whatever his methods of discovery, his discoveries favor her. A few weeks later, at a school picnic in the country where he leads the group in prayer, he allows that the two of them “worship the same God, in the same spirit, though by different rites.” This is something, not only a gesture of religious toleration but a self-revelation, and Lucy appreciates what he’s revealed. “Most of M. Emanuel’s brother professors were emancipated free-thinkers, infidels, atheists; and many of them men whose lives would not bear scrutiny: he was more like a knight of old, religious in his way, and of spotless fame,” his “vivid passions” and “keen feelings” kept in check, for the most part, by “his pure honor and his artless piety.” They read Corneille together, and he found in it “beauties I never could be brought to perceive”—the beauties of French neo-classicism, of Christianity and Aristotelianism combined. Be that as it may, she begins to perceive the beauties of Corneille in him.

    He continues to test her. If you were my sister, would you “always be content to stay with a brother” such as I? Yes, she answers. But would she would remember him if he voyaged overseas? “Monsieur, how could I live in the interval?” she answers, with a touch of defensive ambiguity, leaving her sincerity open to affirmation or to doubt. “Pourtant j’ai été pour vous bien dur, bien exigeant”—yet I was for you very hard, very demanding. She hides her face behind the volume of noble Corneille, as tears cover her face. She has passed his love-test, and for the rest of the day he treats her with a gentleness that “went somehow to my heart.” Still on guard, she “would rather he had been abrupt, whimsical, and irate as was his wont.” She doesn’t like being vulnerable, a disposition her experiences have engrained in her.

    She does well to be on guard. On an errand into town for Mme. Beck, she begins to see the design behind all the surveillance, the truth of M. Paul. She learns that Mme. Beck and M. Paul both know the priest, Père Silas, the one to whom she had confessed and who had delivered her to Dr. John on the night of her breakdown. She learns from the priest that M. Paul, his former student, had been engaged to a young woman, Justine Marie. The match was opposed by her grandmother “with all the violence of a temper which deformity”—she is a hunchback—made “sometimes demoniac.” Marie broke the engagement, went into a convent, and died there; since then, M. Paul has supported Marie’s widowed mother and the vile grandmother, taking on (in Père Silas’s words) “their insolent pride the revenge of the purest charity.” [1] Indeed, he also keeps his old tutor in the household, as well. “By this arrangement he has rendered it impossible to himself ever to marry”; he can’t afford it. Père Silas is mostly telling her the truth, but the Jesuit is telling her the truth with a plan in mind, she sees: He continues to want to bring her into the Church. As he soon admits, “I envy Heresy her prey.” She will resist the plot, but she now sees that, for all his theatrics, which made M. Paul “seem to me to lack magnanimity in trifles, yet how great he is in great things!” Not only that, the priest confides, given his continued to devotion to the memory of Marie, “the essence of Emanuel’s nature is—constancy.” That is what he was testing in her, whether it was constancy to the teaching vocation, constancy to her country or constancy to him. “He had become my Christian hero, under that character I wanted to view him.”

    But heroes may not be available for marriage. Three questions “were at once the deepest puzzle, the strongest obstruction, and the keenest stimulus, I had ever felt.” Was the ghost of his dead fiancée “an eternal barrier” to marriage, for M. Paul? “And what of the charities which absorbed his worldly goods”—that is, could he support a wife in addition to his fiancée’s remaining family? And “what of his heart, sworn to virginity?” She reduces these three questions to two, presumably the first and the third, since Lucy can and does support herself (although perhaps jealous, disappointed Mme. Beck might have something to say about that). And so she turns the tables and tests him. For starters, exactly where do you live, M. Paul? He admits that his study at the school is his home, and he keeps no servants beyond his own hands. “I pass days laborious and loveless; nights long and lonely; I am ferocious, and bearded, and monkish; and nothing now living in this world loves me, except some old hearts worn like my own, and some few beings, impoverished, suffering poor in purse and in spirit, whom the kingdoms of this world own not, but to whom an dwell and testament, not to be disputed, has bequeathed the kingdom of heaven.” At this, she tells him the results of her own research, based partly on her own surveillance but mostly on the testimony of the priest. After overcoming his surprise, he wants to know, given this knowledge, can you be my ami, or in English “a close friend,” “intimate and real,” “a sister”? She hesitates, and so he invites her to continue her research, to test him further. Meanwhile, he has another test question for her. Recalling the figure of the nun they saw in the school garden, he asks, “You did not, nor will you fancy, that a saint in Heaven perturbs herself with rivalries of earth? Protestants are rarely superstitious; these morbid fancies will not beset you?” On the contrary, she answers: “I know not what to think of this matter; but I believe a perfectly natural solution of this seeming mystery will one day be arrived at.” He has answered the first question, along with the second. And her expectation will be confirmed a short time later, when she learns from a letter from Ginevra that the nun apparition was none other than Colonel de Hamal in disguise, on one of many visits to his lover at the school.

    Then there is one last religious test. He leaves a religious tract in her desk at school, written by Père Silas. “He that had written it was no bad man, and while perpetually betraying the trained cunning—the cloven hoof of his [Jesuit] system—I should pause before accusing himself of sincerity.” She surmises that M. Paul placed the tract with her in order to satisfy the importunities of his friends, worried over his “fraternal communion with a heretic.” When he asks her about it, she ventures, “I thought it made me a little sleepy.” After he leaves, she overhears him praying to the Virgin Mary for her salvation in the Church. “Strange! I had no such feverish wish to turn him from the faith of his fathers. I thought Romanism wrong, a great mixed image of gold and clay; but it seemed to me that this Romanist held the purer elements of his creed with an innocency of heart which God must love.” She considers Romanism defective because its priests are “mitered aspirants for this world’s kingdoms,” without sufficient longing for the kingdom of the next world. “There is a Mercy beyond human compassions, a Love stronger than this strong death which even you [priests] must face, and before it, fall: a charity more potent than any sin, even yours; a Pity which redeems world’s—nay, absolves Priests.” As she tells M. Paul, “the more I saw of Popery the closer I clung to Protestantism”; Protestants keep “fewer forms between us and God; retaining, indeed, no more than, perhaps, the nature of mankind in the mass rendered necessary for due observance.” Given that nature, Protestants eschew confession to priests and go directly to God, praying the Sinner’s Prayer, “God be merciful to me, a sinner.” With this, she has met his final test of constancy, her constancy to Protestantism. “‘Whatever say priest or controversialists,’ murmured M. Emanuel, ‘God is good, and loves all the sincere”; as a Catholic, he too prays the Sinner’s Prayer. “It may be that the constancy of one heart, the truth and faith of one mind according to the light He has appointed, import as much to Him as the just motion of satellites around their planets, of planets about their suns, of suns around that mighty unseen center, incomprehensible, irrealizable, with strange mental effort only divined.” And so “God guide us all! God bless you, Lucy!” It is a blessing parallel to the one Lucy whispered to her mental image of Dr. John, just before M. Paul’s crucial intervention. Whether he knows it or not, M. Paul has enunciated the terms of the English religious settlement, the Anglican Church establishment of course abstracted. France and England have reached an Entente Cordiale. Later on, Lucy will reflect, “All Rome could not put into him bigotry, nor the Propaganda itself make him a real Jesuit. He was born honest, and not false—artless, and not cunning—a freeman, and not a slave.” A real French republican who remains faithful to French Catholicism in a spirit of true catholicity can treat with an equally free, unslavish English Protestant.

    For Lucy, however, there will be no entente with life in this world. She has a presentiment of that as she watches the happy continuation of Dr. John’s courtship of Paulina. They are among “Nature’s elect,” as distinguished from God’s; “often, these are not pampered, selfish beings” but “harmonious and benign” souls, “men and women with charity, kind agents of God’s kind attributes. Dr. John “was born victor, as some are born vanquished”—including Lucy Snowe. She confirms this, once again, as M. Paul undertakes to do what he had hinted at doing—proceed to leave Europe and take care of an estate at Basseterre (literally, ‘low earth’), Guadeloupe, owned by the old grandmother and in need of looking-after “by a competent agent of integrity” so that it may produce a decent stream of income. M. Paul is such an agent, and the woman has offered him a deal: Do this for two or three and “after that, he should live for himself,” since she and her daughter, a reliable income assured, then will no longer need his financial assistance. Père Silas is happy, as his former student now “runs risk of apostacy” with his Protestant ami; Mme. Beck is happy to destroy (as she hopes) that friendship, even if she no longer can hope to make M. Paul her own. The self-interest of each of M. Paul’s associates will be satisfied.

    She must endure one more test, this unintended. M. Paul delays his departure for a few days, and Lucy happens upon him, along with those he supports. One of these is an attractive young woman, his ward. Their obvious affection for one another alarms her; unseen by his party, she retreats to her room in despair. Fortunately visits her at the school, just before departing. Having been surrounded by women rivals more physically attractive than herself—Ginevra, Paulina, even (as she has mistakenly supposed) his ward—she needs one last, crucial, reassurance: “Do I displease your eyes much?” His “short, strong answer” gave her to know “what I was for him,” and “what I might be for the rest of the world, I ceased painfully to care.” More, and unexpectedly, he has provided for her in his absence, setting her up with a school-room attached to an apartment, so that she can have her own students and get away from the surveilling and by unbenignant eye of Mme. Beck. Do the others know this? she asks. “‘Mon ami,’ said he, ‘none knows what I have done save you and myself: the pleasure is consecrated to us two, unshared and unprofaned.'” When she confesses her doubts of him, respecting his intentions toward his young ward, “he gathered me near his heart. I was full of faults; he took them and me all home.” Any Christian will recognize in this an imitatio Christi. But this savior is wholly a man, one who now proposes marriage.

    The three years ensuing “were the happiest of my life.” This implies that there will be no happy marriage, and there is none. A seven-day but destructive, anti-creative Atlantic storm takes his boat down on the return voyage. “Here pause,” Lucy tells herself. “There is enough said.” She will not share this last agony with her readers. M. Paul’s work for the others completed, “Madame Beck prospered all the days of her life; so did Père Silas.” The grandmother lived to be ninety. All profited from his stewardship of the estate. Lucy’s legacy is the story itself, her Christian testimony. 

    That testimony is the core of Charlotte Brontë’s novel. Dr. John and Paulina are beautiful, blessed by nature and by nature’s God for lives lived harmoniously, pictures of the classical virtues. Lucy and M. Paul are sublime, persons who will never ‘fit in’ with nature, with ‘this world.’ God harrows them for the next world, for His world, providentially. Human beings imitate divine providence by exercising surveillance. Unlike God, they cannot see all; unlike God, they cannot understand all they see; unlike God, they lack the power to do everything they want, and they lack the perfect justice to want everything they should. True, some are better than others. The innocent and justifiable inquiries of Lucy, and even the secretive surveillance of M. Paul, serve just and even loving purposes. The surveillance of Mme. Beck and of the French Catholic Church in the person of Père Silas, not so much. M. Paul is an apparent Bonaparte; Mme. Beck is a real one, if on a decidedly smaller scale. Lucy fights a war of Napoleonic proportions in her soul, and her victory consists partly of the rule of natural reason over her heart but most essentially of the attunement of her heart to the love of God.

    Surveillance aims at ruling; it is a technique of ruling. In the civil-social regime of the French, “sensual indulgence” is allowed, so long as it remains subordinate to the Catholic Church and (often) a monarchic regime. The French may care for their own bodies so long as they leave their souls to their rulers, who rule their souls as much as human beings can do, by keeping a close watch on actions. The French are equal, under monarchy both religious and civil. English civil society is aristocratic—foolishly so, when embodied by a Ginevra Fanshawe, more seriously when embodied by a John Graham Bretton, a bourgeois professional man who marries into a newly-aristocratic family. The virtues of the current and future rulers of England will be found in such as he, and his bride. In Lucy, the English regime shows a soul that will never enter the ruling class but will form its civil-social foundation. Lucy sternly imposes reason on her conduct. This leaves her soul, the part of her no human can directly see, to God’s love, not to the human-all-too-human rule of the Church. An onlooker in life, a ‘loser’ not a ruler, disciplined by reason but rewarded by agapic love, Lucy is providentially directed to pin her hopes on the next life, the Kingdom of God. This is indispensable to the welfare of the English regime and the people its ruling class rules. The majority of people in any regime will not live humanly fulfilled lives. Their charity, their kindness, their ‘other-worldliness’ gives them, and their country, a way of life worth defending. Vive l’Angleterre, l’Histoire et les Héroes, indeed, Charlotte Brontë gives her heroine to say, on the way to this final settlement of the Napoleonic Wars. 

     

    Note

    1. As M. Paul’s apostolic namesake puts it in Romans 12:20, “If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirsts, give him drink: for in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head.” The Apostle Paul is quoting Proverbs 25: 21-23.

     

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Nations

    How to Read Tocqueville’s “The Old Regime and the Revolution”

    September 18, 2020 by Will Morrisey

    Alexis de Tocqueville: L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution. Paris: Éditions AOJB, n.d.

    Alexis de Tocqueville: The Old Regime and the French Revolution. Arthur Goldhammer translation. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011.

     

     

    In each of his major books, Tocqueville presents his reader with a mass of carefully observed detail and carefully researched information. One might easily be overwhelmed, lost in these forests of fact-trees. Complicating matters further, Tocqueville’s literary style conveys nuance of judgment, subtlety, even a certain reserve. Like his admired Montesquieu, he wants not only to make you read; he wants to make you think. Tocqueville understands the risks to which he exposes his reader, and always works to minimize them when he introduces his book to him. And so, at the beginning of Democracy in America, he carefully points out that the title is exact; this is a book about democracy, not about America. He takes America as the “sample democracy,” the best example of a civil society no longer ruled by persons who claim to be ‘born to rule’ the mass of men who lack such title. Democracy means civil-social equality; the regime that rules such a society may be republican, as in America, or despotic, as in France under Napoleon. But in either case the society is egalitarian, and America exemplifies democracy, in that sense of the term. Those who ignore Tocqueville’s guidance characteristically complain that there’s not enough in the Democracy about natural rights, that he never mentions the Declaration of Independence, and so on. But he isn’t writing about America, fundamentally, at all. As he tells you, if you read his introduction.

    For the same reason, the Foreword to The Old Regime and the Revolution offers indispensable guidance to understanding a shorter but in some respects more complex book, a book written by a Frenchman about France, primarily if far from exclusively for the French. For such a task, discretion is de rigeur. Tocqueville must provide his fellow-citizens with exactly the right point of entry.

    He tells them what his book is, in three ways. He identifies its genre; he states its purpose; and he formulates its problématique—both the problem it addresses and the solution it offers. An important part of the solution is to bring the reader to understand that there is no permanent solution to the problem of politics, and why that is a good thing. 

    What his book is, I. Respecting the genre of his book, Tocqueville says it isn’t a history of the French Revolution but a “study” of it. This recalls his call in the Democracy for “a new political science for a world altogether new,” a civil-socially democratized world. “Democracy” or civil-social equality causes things to happen, and is itself a cause; a study in political science begins with a search for the causes of political things.

    The causes of the French Revolution are difficult to find. In 1789, he recalls, the French attempted to sever their past from their future. “Unbeknownst to themselves,” they failed, but they did succeed in obscuring the causes of the revolution by that attempted severance. As a “study” of the revolution, his book aims at removing this ignorance and replacing it with knowledge—a more sober ‘enlightenment,’ as it were, than the original one, which contributed so much to the ill-judged ambition of historical severance, in the effort to sweep away all that was old in the old regime and to make the world anew. The most radical of the revolutionaries eventually produced a new regime and a new civil Society. However, the sentiments, habits, and ides that constituted this new civil society were materials gleaned, unintentionally, from the debris of the old civil society of the old regime. In considering the laws, the customs, and the spirit “of the government and the nation” under the old regime, Tocqueville will show how its institutions actually worked, how the social classes related to one another, the conditions and feelings of “unseen” elements of the population, and the true basis of French opinions and customs. The primary sources for his inquiry are the cahiers de doléances, the ‘grievance books’ wherein the complaints of the French people were collected by government officials of the old regime. In undertaking this study, “Everywhere I found the roots of today’s society firmly implanted in this old soil.”

    What his book is, II. The purpose of the book is to show why this “great Revolution” erupted in France, not elsewhere in Europe, where it was also “in gestation.” Further, why did the revolution “emerg[e] fully formed from the society that it was to destroy”? And how could the old monarchy have fallen so suddenly and completely? 

    What his book is, III. Tocqueville does not intend his study to be merely descriptive. The revolution had causes, including its purposes, but so does his book. He intends to identify a problem and to solve it. The book’s  ‘problématique‘ consists of the contradiction between the revolutionaries’ original intent—to destroy privileges but also to “recognize and consecrate rights,” an intent animated both “the love of equality and that of liberty”—and its result—a nation whose “single wish” was “to become equal servants of the master of the world,” Napoleon, who offered them equality without liberty. That is, the French went from monarchy to republicanism back to monarchy, now a monarchy tricked out with false popular sovereignty expressed by fraudulent votes. The goal of Tocqueville’s consideration of this problem is “a portrait that would be not only strictly accurate but also perhaps educational”—indeed, civic-educational. He will call attention to the “manly virtue” seen in the republicans who revolutionized the old regime, “a true spirit of independence, a yearning for greatness” animated by French faith in themselves. A serious consequence of the revolution, however, was to weaken that spirit and that yearning. Under Napoleon, France became bigger, temporarily, but the French became smaller, and have stayed that way. Can the French make France great, again? Tocqueville would inspire them to try, even as Charles de Gaulle would do, a century later. 

    The principal impediment to the restoration of French greatness is “narrow individualism,” that tool of despotism which inclines men to stop being citizens, to devote themselves exclusively to enriching themselves and so to “divert attention from public affairs.” However unjust, the castes, the classes, the guilds, and the families of the old regime taught civic virtue by placing every French man and woman within civic associations that required them to think beyond themselves. Tocqueville does not imagine that the French of the old regime, of any regime anywhere, will not feel all the passions connected with self-interest. But only despotism “furnishes the secrecy and the shadow which allow cupidity to thrive and permits one to amass dishonest profit in defiance of dishonor.” “Without despotism these [debilitating passions] would be strong; with it they rule.” 

    The civic education Tocqueville offers his readers teaches that only political liberty can counteract narrow individualism, by what he calls in the Democracy the art of association, and also by a sense of, and pride in, the nation, patriotism. Political liberty educates and elevates what Plato’s Socrates identifies as the three parts of the human soul. Political liberty brings citizens to substitute higher passions for the love of material comfort; it thereby moderates the bodily desires. Political liberty supplies ambition with higher goals than those of mere ‘captains of industry’; it thereby directs thumos, the spirited part of the soul, toward the common good. And only political liberty “can create the light by which it is possible to see and judge the vices and virtues of mankind.” By this he means that you can see people clearly, see them for what they are, only if they are free to speak and to act in public hearing and in public view. Political liberty benefits logos, the reasoning part of the soul, allowing it to take its bearings in its inquiries into human nature and sharpening its dialectical powers in public debate.

    By strengthening all three parts of the human soul, political liberty alone can form the great citizens who comprise a great people. Despotism can have good private citizens and even good Christians, inasmuch as Christians amass their treasure not in this world but in heaven. But “the common level” of minds and hearts will steadily diminish so long as civil-social equality and a regime of despotism remain conjoined. “I thought and said as much twenty years ago,” when he wrote Democracy in America.

    Proponents of despotism, Bonapartists then and now, share one thing with himself, Tocqueville astringently suggests. “What man is there, by nature, with soul so base as to prefer depending on the caprices of another man, the same as himself, instead of obeying laws which he himself contributed to establishing, if his nation seems to have the virtues necessary for making good use of liberty?” And indeed even “the despots themselves do not deny that liberty is excellent; only they want it solely for themselves, insisting that all the other are unworthy of it.” The difference lies not “in the opinion one ought to have of liberty,” but “in the greater or lesser estimation one makes of men.” Thus “it is rigorously accurate to say that the taste one shows for absolute government is in exact proportion to the contempt one professes for his country.” Tocqueville asks for more time before “converting myself to this sentiment” about France.

    The second and third sections of the study, Books II and III, address the purpose of the book as stated in the foreword: why the revolution occurred in France, not elsewhere (beginning in II.i, continued throughout); why it emerged fully formed from the old civil society (beginning in II.ii, also continued throughout; and why the monarchy collapsed so rapidly and completely (beginning in III.4, continuing to the end of the study). Linking the Foreword to those longer, main sections, Book I consists of five chapters which describe the key elements of the revolution, the causes of which he will identify and analyze in Books II and III.

    Book I’s first chapter shows why a genre other than a history, why a study founded on the new political science, is necessary. He describes the contradictory judgments of the revolution observers ventured at its inception; even in their confusion, all agreed that it was “extraordinary.” But a topical approach, an attempt to gather facts and even judge a complex course of events during or immediately after it takes place, will not only miss important facts unavailable to contemporary observers, it will usually lack an adequate analytical framework for understanding the facts, even when a larger collection of them has been assembled by the researcher. More, without such an analytical framework, the distinguishing feature of a “study” not a history, the task of selecting the relevant facts will be fatally handicapped. Even a man of Edmund Burke’s genius, Tocqueville will argue, didn’t quite ‘get it right,’ because he could not.

    In the second chapter Tocqueville links the genre of his book—a “study” aiming at determining the causes of the revolution—to the purposes of the revolution itself, the ends the revolutionaries pursued. Eliminated one of the causes of confusion about the revolution he had alluded to in the previous chapter, he denies that the fundamental purpose of the revolution was either to destroy religious authority or to weaken political authority. Although the revolutionaries were indeed in the grips of “irreligious passion,” this was “incidental.” The Enlightenment philosophes who gave the revolutionaries their ideas propounded “the natural equality of human beings”; this was the “substance” of the revolution. Its anti-religious passion therefore aimed at the inegalitarian institutions of the Church, its hierarchy, not at Christianity itself. Since then, Christianity has revived, precisely because democracy comports with it. As readers of the Democracy know, Tocqueville identifies Christianity as the first way in which the idea of human equality penetrated the opinions of the generality of men, beyond the coteries of philosophers. As for political authority, in the end the revolution didn’t issue in anarchy. On the contrary, it enhanced governmental centralization, “replac[ing] the aristocrats with functionaries,” with administrators drawn from the bourgeoisie.

    In the third, central chapter of Book I, Tocqueville shows how this religiosity and this statism combined. That is, having established that the revolution was not irreligious but religious in its own way, and having remarked its statist character, he shows how the revolutionaries combined these two features into the new French civil society and regime. The French revolution was a political revolution that proceeded in the manner of a religious revolution. Like the newer, universalist religions—Christianity and Islam—although the revolution began in France it finally had “no territory of its own”; it provided men with “a common intellectual fatherland.” He compares it to the Protestant Reformation, which also proceeded by preaching and propaganda. Unlike the ancient religions, described a few decades earlier by Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, universalist religions “are rooted in human nature”—in man as such. Indeed, there had been “no great religious revolution before Christianity” because all religions were local, tied to places, lands and temples held sacred by their adherents. The French Revolution did in this world what Christianity did for ‘the other world’ or ‘the next world,’ making it a place every soul yearned to be, a place for “the regeneration of the human race.” The “new kind of religion” proposed by the revolutionaries demanded the worldly equivalents of heavenly bliss and the terrors of hellfire. It is in view of the universalist ambition of this creed that Tocqueville titles his book L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution, not L’Ancien Régime et la Revolution Française.

    The book’s purpose, as stated in the Foreword, is to explain why the Revolution occurred in France, not elsewhere.  Before the revolution, Tocqueville observes in I.iv., Europeans had the same ruling institutions, the institutions of feudalism, and they were now weak and listless, lacking vitality or spirit. Aristocracy suffered from “senile dementia”; political liberty had become “sterile.” A new “spirit of the times” prevailed, as feudalism lost its “grip on the hearts of the people.” Civil society remained vital, but not feudal institutions and laws. The modern state had drained these of their life, increasingly placing all its subjects into a condition not of feudal hierarchy but of equality before the law. The monarchic regime drew the aristocrats off the land and into Paris, the capital of the ever-centralizing French state, distracting them with frivolities while forging the administrative ligatures designed to rule the land and the people on it from that capital.

    The fifth and final chapter of Book I describes the “essential achievement” of the revolution. Here, Tocqueville points to the problématique, especially the solution the revolution proffered to France, Europe, indeed the world. As both “a social and political revolution,” its initial anarchy masked increased state power, a continuation of the Old Regime’s statist centralism not a rupture with it. The revolution did entail changes in “ideas, sentiments, habits, and mores,” turning them even further against from aristocratic civil society and feudal political institutions. Democracy in France revealed itself suddenly and dramatically, not piece-by-piece, as in England. In explaining why this was so, Tocqueville turns to the substantive, analytical portions of his study, beginning in Book II. 

    This leaves his reader with the task of working through his analysis of the causes of the revolution that began in France. In a letter to his friend M. de Corcelle, Tocqueville wrote, “I think that the books which have most roused men to reflection and have had the most influence upon their opinions and their actions, are those in which the author does not tell them dogmatically what they are to think, but puts them into the way of finding the truth for themselves.” This is as true for citizens as it is for philosophers. “I am convinced that the excellence of political societies does not depend upon their laws, but upon what they are prepared to become by the sentiments, principles, and opinions, the moral and intellectual qualities given by nature and education.” Tocqueville cannot change the nature of the French, the nature of human beings, or the nature of the modern man, the democrat, the man who began to take shape with the advent of Christianity. But he can contribute to the civil education of the French citizen and the modern democrat. “Without pretending to teach” in the sense of dogmatic instruction, Tocqueville would “show to him in every page what are the sentiments, opinions, and morals which lead to prosperity and freedom, and what are the vices and errors infallibly opposed to those blessings.” This is indeed “the chief, and I may say the only, object I have in view.” [1] Throughout, it is indispensable for Tocqueville’s reader to keep in mind the guidance Tocqueville provides, at the outset.

     

    Note

    1. Letter to M. de Corcelle, September 17, 1853, in Memoirs, Letters, and Remains of Alexis de Tocqueville. Two volumes. London: Macmillan and Company, 1861. Volume II, pp. 235-39. I am indebted to Robert Eden for drawing my attention to this letter.

    Filed Under: Nations

    Epidemic of Fear

    September 14, 2020 by Will Morrisey

    Bernard-Henri Lévy: The Virus in the Age of Madness. Steven B. Kennedy translation. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2020.

     

     

    What shocked Bernard-Henri Lévy about the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 “was not the pandemic” itself—influenza pandemics also killed millions, in the last century—but “the very strange way we reacted this time around,” the way much of mankind succumbed to an “epidemic of fear”—indeed, to “the First World Fear.” “The entire planet—rich and poor alike, those with the resources to resist and those without—pounced on the idea of an unprecedented pandemic poised to eradicate the human race.” Not the physical-medical crisis but the attendant moral-political crisis disturbs him. Borrowing the language of Foucault, Lévy finds the chill of the “medical gaze,” which treats persons as bodies takes the hospital as a model for society itself, far graver than the fever caused by the virus.

    An experienced ‘public intellectual,’ Lévy’s rhetorical approach can only be admired. Speaking primarily as a man of the Left to the Left, he repeatedly denounces U.S. President Donald Trump (“impossible and unhinged,” “irresponsible,” “hapless,” a man “trampling the Constitution,” “pulling dirty tricks,” and “light[ing] America on fire”—somewhere between Richard Nixon and a fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse). This will surely inoculate him against criticism from that flank, and much-needed that prophylactic is, because the argument he advances puts him far closer to Trump than it does to Trump’s opponent in the presidential election campaign. Lévy gives former Vice President Joseph Biden a kindly and shrewd pat on the shoulder, saying he’s conducted his campaign “with courage and a level head,” while consistently departing from the Democrat’s masked-up public persona and his clamp-down approach to civil-social discipline. 

    With Trump, Lévy knows that the world of medical research, like all parts of the academic world, “is a Kampfplatz, a battlefield, a free-for-all no less messy than the one Immanuel Kant bemoaned in metaphysics.” (Well, admittedly, Trump would omit the learned references, but he’s been saying the same thing.) Like Trump, Lévy “know[s] that listening to the ones who know, if we are indeed talking about scientists, is tantamount to listening to a nonstop quarrel and, if the listeners is a government, to inviting Fireworks and Chaos to sit at the king’s table.” “The emperor has no clothes, even if he is a physician. Especially if he is a physician.” Because would-be physician-emperors would rule the political communities the way they rule their wards and operating rooms. “There is a doctrine of hygienics that goes something like this: health becomes an obsession; all social and political problems are reduced to infections that must be treated; and the will to cure becomes the paradigm of political action.” Unfortunately, “the effects of that doctrine can be horribly perverse,” as seen in the last century, when hygienics became eugenics.

    Plato’s Socrates saw the problem, Lévy notes. In the Statesman, the interlocutors consider “passing on the physician the responsibility for leading the human flock if the divine pastor drops the ball.” After all, the physician will see “the structural analogy between the animal body and the civic body,” with the head serving as ruler of the one, the “leader” serving as ruler of the other; “the same word, epimeleia…designates the care owed to the first and the administration at work in the second.” Yet Socrates finally demurs. “Politics, he says, is an art that, since the retreat of the gods, deals with a chaotic, changing world, swept by storms and rudderless.” “Difficult times” cause for “citizens-guardians possessing the audacity and strength to think through, carve into stone, and proclaim legal ‘codes.'” Masters of the art of the deal, the politikoi exhibit not only Trumplike smarts but Trumplike decision and determination, evidently even to the point of issuing executive orders. Physicians “might well have extended the health emergency until hell froze over,” but, as we all know and as Lévy shrewdly passes over in silence, Trump has wanted to ‘open up the economy.’ Like Trump, and, belatedly, like French President Emmanuel Macron, it is best to heed “the Platonic recommendation to rely, simply, on the Republic”—not so much raw public opinion but public opinion as refined and enlarged by the people’s representatives. “The republican authorities have grasped that, though the physicians are real heroes in one essential arena, they are neither God the Father nor the archons of a city in the grip of a new plague.” Despite “public opinion,” which “clearly wanted to see medicine calling the shots” (at least in France), one really must avoid “an incestuous union of the political and medical powers, a union that would have been not only incestuous but fatal for both partners, according to Foucault” and not only Foucault, given the irony with which Socrates treats his own proposal to make philosophers kings. Can there be any doubt that President Trump would respond to a proposal to make kings of philosophers, or of physicians, with anything other than a mocking ‘tweet’?

    Having shrewdly put himself on Trump’s side while maintaining his bona fides with his audience, Lévy devotes many more of his pages to criticisms of, well, his audience. He skewers those who find ‘good’ in the pandemic, which has left our great cities so peaceful and clean and provides a convenient tool for political agitators. “‘A warning’ from nature, said one, demanding a transition to a world less destructive of biodiversity. ‘An ultimatum,’ said another, from a mistreated Gaia whose patience had worn thin. And, from all of them, servility with respect to the virus” or, perhaps more precisely, a demand for servility with respect to their own proposed policies. Having come to prominence as a firm critic of Communist tyranny during the Cold War, author of the seminal Barbarism with a Human Face at a time when much of the French Left in particular and the European Left generally sought to appease it, Lévy sees in the calls to suspend the ‘world economy’ nothing better than “the old Marxist refrain of the final crisis of capitalism in her morning-after guise of collapsology, or one of the children’s diseases of socialism updated as disasterism.” These socialist “profiteers of the virus” look for a scapegoat, finding it (as usual) in capitalism. Lévy prefers prudence. “To the extent possible, we had to calculate the numbers of lives saved by shutting down the world and compare it with the number imperiled by the shutdown.” It is, after all, “important not to be intimidated by the ultimately false opposition between ‘life’ and ‘the economy,’ but to compare the cost, in lives, of the spread of the virus with the cost of the self-induced coma triggered in a plan that was transformed suddenly into a laboratory for a radical political experiment.” “The only way” to do that “was to launch a major democratic debate and to get into detail, not about diverting utopias concerning the world after, but about the concrete measures to be implemented here and now in the world during.” 

    “This was the first time we had ever seen all of the critical minds in the far-left galaxy applaud a state of emergency.” (True enough in the West, perhaps, although in Russia, in China, and in many other places under Communist rule, states of emergency were routinized, excusing the extermination of innumerable “harmful insects,” as Lenin unsentimentally put it.) “All of my life I have fought against the trap of secular religiosity,” even as his distinguished predecessor Alexis de Tocqueville had done, contemplating the Hegelians, Marxists, and race theorists of his own time. 

    When “confronted with obscurantism with a scientific face,” one should recall “two things.” First, “viruses are dumb; they are blind; they are not here to tell us their stories or to relay the stories of humanity’s bad shepherds”; hence “there is no ‘good use,’ no ‘societal lesson,’ no last judgment’ to be expected from a pandemic.” Second, medical questions and their implications for policy are “much murkier than we have been led to believe over the past few months.” Such questions and implications necessarily address not only the body but the human soul. And we are no longer so adept at considering matters of the soul as we once were.

    For example, those who have welcomed the peace and quiet of pandemic life will quote Pascal: “All of man’s misfortune comes from one thing, which is not knowing how to sit quietly in a room.” Yes, but for Pascal quietude “was not an indulgence but a struggle.” Hobbies and yoga sessions were not what he had in mind. Following Paul the Apostle, Pascal said, “The self is hateful,” no many how many times one may chant ‘OM’ in search of serenity. Navel-gazing complacency is “indecent in the extreme,” insulting “to those who did not have a home to stay in” and affirming no real spiritual insights but instead orchestrating “a philharmonic of trivialities, minor pleasures, and drumrolls of well-tempered narcissism.” Such a pseudo-spiritual of epicureanism “flew in the face of Greek wisdom, which, from Aristotle on, held that man was a political animal.” It ignored that decidedly introverted ‘modern,’ René Descartes, who touched base with the moment of his cogito ergo sum only in order to fortify the “zest for the sciences, for medicine, for ethics… for intellectual speculation, for friendship, and for the world.” And it dismissed the ‘postmodern’ Edmund Husserl, who insisted that “consciousness is always conscious of something, that existence is rooted in intentionality, and that what is interesting about a given subject is not what he is but what he does and, in doing what he does, how he inhabits the world, shapes it, takes from it, and gives to it.” ‘Social distancing’? “Shaking hands was a fine gesture of civility,” a “sign of republican solidarity promoted by the American Revolution, the spirit of democracy,” and even the “peace-loving Quakers,” whom George Washington deemed useful American citizens, even if they refused to defend the republic in war. 

    Neither genuinely philosophic nor genuinely political, our quietists fare no better under the gaze informed by Scripture. “Prophecy is inherently an act of exposure to another intelligence, and even a radically different one, since it is God’s.” The prophet “step[s] outside” of himself. He calls his people to do the same, to leave the comfortable servility of Egypt, to risk everything in a land God has promised for them. The example of prophecy has marked Jews ever since. “A liberal, universalist, humanist Jew” will “experience confinement with oneself only as a regrettably temporary state, one that, if it were to endure, would be starkly contrary to his vocation, which is to move toward his fellow men.” The Orthodox Jew, for his part, must “acquire a master, because there is no shaping of the self without a searing exposure to one who knows more than you”; “study is done in pairs, as philosophy was for Plato.” Torah study is war, and war is more than a tempest in the teapot of the ‘self.’ Contra Sartre, “hell is not other people, but the self,” confined as it is in its resentments, its envies, its sour isolation. The Muharal of Prague went even further, teaching that “hell is the body,” a trap for the spirit longing for freedom, a thing of “opaque matter” under “the sway of medical power.” On that note of Jewish neo-Platonism, Lévy deplores the oversight of the French, who took to hoarding food when news of the pandemic first appeared. “Few seemed shocked, at least in France, that books were not considered basic necessities,” that bodily nourishment seemed more important to a republican citizenry than “nourishment for the mind and the soul.”

    The closing of churches and synagogues, museums and parks “and other sites of lay meditation in which humanity satisfies its uncountable noncommercializable spiritual needs” followed from the same mindset. “The sight of a sovereign Pope, heir to John Paul II’s ‘Be not afraid’ and a veteran practitioner of the eminently Catholic ritual of the blessing of the sick and afflicted in the slums of Buenos Aires, distancing himself from the flock, communicating only through the internet ordering that fonts of holy water be emptied, and performing the stations of the cross in the courtyard of the basilica facing an empty St. Peter’s Square” erased “the Jewish image of the Messiah waiting among the scrofulous beggars outside the gates of Rome” and forgets “Jesus’s healing of the leper.” Charles de Gaulle proved himself a better Catholic than the pope when visiting Tahiti in 1956, two years before assuming the presidency of the republic. Lévy remembers a news clip he saw as a child: De Gaulle’s “limousine is blocked by a procession of lepers. He gets out, shakes their hands, holds a child in his arms, hugs the organizer of the strange demonstration, says nothing, and continues on his way.”

    Not only has the response of governments to the virus further abridged citizens’ liberty by collecting still more personal data “that everyone knows can be put to bad uses,” but “living in a perpetual state of alert and suspicion” undermines trust among those citizens, the trust that enables them to associate with one another, to resist government encroachments, to sustain republican regimes. This is “a life terrified of itself, gone to ground in its Kafkaesque burrow, which has become a penal colony,” a life “in which one accepts, with enthusiasm or resignation the transformation of the welfare state into the surveillance state,” already far advanced in communist China, with Europe not too far behind. “Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s social contract is being slowly but surely replaced by a life contract inspired by Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarianism and the ‘panopticon’ of the surveillance state.” This can only cause “a profound break… with all the wisdom of the world, notably but by no means exclusively Jewish,” which says “that a life is not a life if it is merely life.” Books are basic necessities, and the Book of Books joins with the books of the philosophers in telling us “that humanity is never identity in and for itself, never reducible to itself,” but thrives “only if…it leaves the confinement that is life in its native state.” In Biblical terms, to bow down before the virus is idolatry, worship of the Baal of the twenty-first century. Under that dispensation, the lion will indeed lie down with the lamb—on “an animal farm” ruled by tyrants underneath the figurehead king of terrors, the newly-crowned virus.

    Idolatry means worship of man-made things. “Ironclad egoism” undergirds “COVID-inspired moralism.” Even the Left, perhaps especially the Left, should understand that the policies in place in most countries hardly conduce to greater civil-social and political equality. The Islamic State, Erdogan of Turkey, Putin of Russia, Xi Jinping of China all have taken the distraction caused by the virus as an opportunity to enhance their own powers at home and abroad. America withdraws from the world, leaving it to the likes of them. The enemies of the United States, “which are the enemies of freedom, are crashing through the world as if America no longer counts for anything, carries no weight, no longer exists.” Without the United States, “the globalization of the twenty-first century will be Chinese or will not happen at all.” 

    Against that harsh prospect, Lévy looks not to Karl Marx or Carl Schmitt but to the “somber but committed souls who had fought the beast with bare hands” in the Spanish Civil War—the American Ernest Hemingway, France’s André Malraux. “They were, in our eyes, the most admirable of men because they were both present in the world and present in words, combining the art of the fighter with that of the poet.” They “gave us the weapons and the tools not to remake [the world], but to repair it,” resisting “the twin villainy of accepting the status quo and pretending to ‘cure’ it.” “It was under their hand that we went to Biafra, to the Vietnamese boat people, to Bangladesh”—as Malraux himself had wanted to do, at the end of his life. 

    Lévy is right to take the engagé intellectuals of the 1930s and 1940s as his forebears. Neither quite a philosopher nor quite a Talmudist, he is nonetheless a real ‘intellectual,’ familiar to Americans since Ralph Waldo Emerson, to the British since Thomas Carlyle—a lay preacher, a rhetorician who does not aim merely at self-aggrandizement, smart enough but too honorable for sophistry, although primed for oratorical exaggeration when hammering a point home. Unlike so many among his contemporaries, he has never been gulled by ideology—the characteristic deformation professionelle of his kind. He artfully both courts and resists chattering-class fashions, while in the end standing firmly for the rights inherent in human beings, rights we owe (to give it an old-fashioned formulation) to the laws of Nature and of Nature’s God.

     

     

     

     

    Filed Under: Manners & Morals

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