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    Archives for March 2018

    Montaigne Concludes His Argument: The Essays, Book Three

    March 7, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    Eyeing death, Montaigne negotiates with his reader over the terms of his immortality. He begins by distinguishing the useful from the honorable. The emperor Tiberius said, “The Roman people were accustomed to take vengeance on their enemies by open means, arms in hand, not by fraud or surreptitiously.” But Tiberius was an “imposter.” Montaigne proceeds somewhat differently. He is no Roman, no man of war. He is a peace negotiator. He too claims to proceed unsurreptitously. “I have an open way that easily insinuates itself and gains credit on first acquaintance. Pure naturalness and truth”—he adds, a touch sententiously—”in whatever age, still find their time and their place.” Indeed they do, but not quite in the seeming sense of Montaigne, here.

    Is Montaigne too an imposter? Perish the thought, he exclaims. Those who so suspect “make my subtlety too subtle.” “There is no rule” in any “school” that could do what Montaigne does in his negotiations with the armed prophets of the French civil war. One might even say that great philosophers have been “too enslaved to exhibit reverence for the laws.” One should not “call dishonorable and foul” certain “natural actions that are not only useful but necessary.” A prince should “attribute” the necessity for certain actions to God’s action, “a blow from the divine rod.” After all, “no private utility is worthy of our doing… violence to our conscience.” Yes, but: When it is a matter of “the public utility,” and “when it is very apparent and very important”—well, that is another matter. With Montaigne as for Machiavelli, utility quietly replaces honor as the quintessential public virtue.

    Certain actions, even if supremely useful, might impel a conscientious man to repentance. But as Montaigne looks at himself in old age he can only sigh, resignedly, “Now it is done.” And besides, he says immediately, he is being remade from one minute to the next. Somehow he is both irremediable and perpetually malleable, undeserving of legal chastisement and unable to conform to any rule. As an author he plays no role—grammarian, poet, jurist. He is himself, he is every man. That is, he plays all the roles. He basks in no glory. His immortality is in his universality, not his distinction. “I do not teach”—the people will not call to him, ‘Rabbi, Rabbi’—but he is a prophet without honor in his own country. Unlike the most honored prophet, he will not find honor or reverent obedience in some other country. Seeking honor can get you crucified; reverent obedience is unproductive. Montaigne is rather a sort of Socrates, leading the life of man “in conformity with its natural condition.” With Montaigne, nature replaces God as the source of ‘prophecy.’

    To reach higher is to fail. “Those who in my time have tried to correct the world’s morals by new ideas, reform the superficial vices; the essential ones”—those useful and necessary?—”they leave as them they were, if they do not increase them; and increase is to be feared.” Montaigne says “Pythagoreans” but means Christians in criticizing those who “believe that they feel great regret and remorse within; but of amendment or correction, or interruption, they show us no sign.” There can be no radical conversion, no ‘new man.’ “Repentance does not properly apply to the things that are not in our power.” What Nietzsche says thunderously Montaigne says quietly: Love our own piece of fatum, will the eternal return. “If I had to live over again, I would live as I have lived.” that is a spear in the side of Christian renewal.

    As for the philosophical life, like Jesus Socrates arranged his own death, but not out of martyrdom, not to save or transform human beings. Socrates arranged his own death because nature was turning out the lights. A philosopher will adapt to the circumstance, whether it be advancing age or the currently regnant folly that is public opinion. He will know that “the fairest souls are those that have the most variety and adaptability,” and that “life is uneven, irregular, and multiform movement.” The Montaignian Socrates does not point ‘up’ to unchanging forms but ‘around’ to changing ones. That goes for himself, too. “I would rather fashion my mind than furnish it.” Invoking God and Socrates, Montaigne praises useful knowledge.

    Of the three kinds of association—with men, with women, with books—women are pleasant if beautiful and well-bred; men are pleasant and useful if they are of that “rarest type among us” who know how to converse. But books are neither so susceptible to aging as women nor so rare as the rarest men. Montaigne retires to his library, where he can read and pace. (This is no nihilistic Flaubert who thinks sitting down, to be caught by some sharp-eyed wanderer of the future.) But finally in his most private moments Montaigne is alone, unmoveable, enthroned. The admirer of Contr’un is secretly solitary, a monarch, a man alone, like Machiavelli’s prince, and even more like Machiavelli himself—in retirement, teaching the princes (he who denies he teaches), an unmoved mover in a skin that always changes its colors to math its background. Christianity presents the miracle of God in a human body. Montaigne presents the greater miracle of a god in the shape of the most inconspicuous reptile, not even so worrisome as a serpent.

    How can such a weak, lowly chameleon achieve immortality, even rule generations to come more effectively than Jesus? Because Jesus’ followers have a secret weakness. They avert their eyes from death and look to Heaven. They seek vengeance upon atheists who do not aver their eyes; they fix their eyes vengefully upon atheists and other criminals, killing them because to the pious death is a frightening evil. They can be diverted by “the beauty of a contrary picture,” a picture of clemency and kindness winning honor, favor and good will. Political men can always be so diverted. as for the people, they can be diverted by some silly spectacle. Just be sure not to fall in love with your own diversion, as women sometimes do.

    The free spirits can look at death without averting their eyes. For them there is la gaya scienza. La gaya scienza teaches that mind and body are really one. La gaya scienza will prefer health as the real good of human being. La gaya scienza will pursue a discreet policy of sexual liberation., recognizing that love and marriage are a dysfunctional couple. Montaigne here attacks fidelity, perhaps fidelity tout court. The key to many a Montaignian essay is to convert the images to their theological equivalents and then prepare to think unfaithful thoughts. Fidelity is itself a policy of diversion—specifically, of sublimation. But sublimation only rechannels natural passions, making them more powerful, converting them into fanaticism, violence. Montaigne diverts the diverted and perverts the perverted. La gaya scienza is never solemn, because men are such fools. “Our delights and our excrements have been lodged together pell-mell, and… the supreme sensual pleasure is attended, like pain, with faintness and moaning.” What god created such animals? And young M. Foucault, I see what you see, feel what you feel, but are you not altogether too serious, too much in earnest, about all these passions, exquisite limit-pleasures, and bondages? Are you sufficiently gay, mon ami?

    When it comes to God, the judge of men’s follies, Montaigne mounts not the divine chariot but a down-to-earth coach. When tutoring a prince, “it is all too easy to impress liberality on a man who has the means to practice it all he wants at the expense of others.” Liberality in a prince goes as well with tyranny as with royalty. The real royal virtue is justice. Montaigne always tempers his justice not with mercy but with toleration. Central to Book III is chapter seven, “Of the disadvantage of greatness.” The advantage to being a king is that, like a preacher, you address the people, “an inexact judge, easy to dupe, easy to satisfy.” The disadvantage of kingly greatness is that you never really know yourself, know the truth—never can measure exactly your real abilities against those of others. Your real identity is consumed by your royalty. As solitary as a king but, unlike one, obscure, Montaigne knows himself and thereby has the advantage over kings, human and divine. His spirit someday will permeate the world.

    Not that anyone should imitate him. He publishes his imperfections out of caritas, so that others can avoid them. But it is Montaigne’s courage and intelligence in debate that emerge here, not his weakness. Debating “in a small group and for my own sake,” he indulges in “a friendship that delights in the sharpness and rigor of its intercourse, as does love in bites and scratches that draw blood.” This is the advantage of ‘polytheism.’ On the Montaignian throne, there can still be dialogue, if not with rare friends then with good books, if not with good books than with one of the monarch’s many selves. This is Montaigne’s solution to the Machiavellian problem: How can the lone prince know? (Machiavelli’s, too? As when he retired to his chamber to dine on his true food?)

    Turning from theological to philosophic dealings, then, “I am no philosopher.” No philosopher-king, at any rate, seeking to revolutionize the polis. Stay out of it. Leave it alone. Revolution only brings some worse tyranny. I am universal, no political philosopher at all—a cosmopolitan, a world unto myself. I do not cling to my own, including my own life. (Mirabile dictu, I am a survivor, though, am I not? Just lucky, I guess.) Facing death as I am, allow me to offer you my confession. You may notice that I change themes abruptly, use false essay titles, and so forth. But really “my ideas follow one another, but sometimes it is from a distance, and look at each other, but with a sidelong glance.” The “more casual and accidental” my remarks “seem,” the more beautiful they are. “It is my inattentive reader who loses my subject, not I.” I confess, but you are the one to do penance. Go back and read my essays again—the most exquisitely pleasurable penance one could endure.

    You really must learn to husband your will. “I keep myself to myself.” As a result—to my astonishment—I am a political philosopher: “I have been able to take part in public affairs without departing a nail’s breadth from myself, and to give myself to others without taking myself from myself.” Now there is the true divine liberality. This divinity is entirely natural. “The laws of Nature teach us what we rightly need”; those who know them “distinguish subtly between the desires that come from her and those that come from the disorder of my imagination.” To be politic, don’t be partisan. My administration “passed without a mark or a trace.” My “gliding, obscure, and quiet life” rules people without their knowing it.

    How can Montaigne do that? First he philosophizes without claiming knowledge of causes, at least of ultimate causes. What is a miracle? How would you know one if you saw one? Nature is as obscure as God. You can work wonders, quietly and over time, if you win people’s trust rather than insisting on their fidelity, if you confess your ignorance rather than your sins, if you do not try to explain too much. Be the Montaignian Socrates, not soaring to the good but pulling everything down to earth, “his own original and natural level.” Unlike Jesus, Socrates can be known: “He did a great favor to human nature by showing how much it can do for itself,” not, like Jesus, how much God has done for human nature. “I do not think it becomes us well to let ourselves be taught by a pagan”—Plato—”how great an impiety it is to expect no help from God that is simply his own and without our cooperation.” Or, as Algernon Sidney puts it, God helps those who help themselves. Good men have “nothing to fear from the gods,” Montaigne’s Socrates says. “We naturalists” know: To survive and to triumph, put on an open and useful-looking face. That way, everyone will want you to live, perhaps forever, and everyone will take your advice. Benjamin Franklin will read this, considering it carefully.

    “We naturalists” know how to deal with the feverish disease of religious fanaticism. Let nature take its course. Gradually, the fire will burn out. Meanwhile, the prudent man will live, judging naturally, physically, by his own sensations, not by passionate beliefs or overwrought reasonings. (Machiavelli is even more precise: Do not hear, do not look, but touch.) “The most beautiful lives, to my mind, are those that conform to the common human pattern, with order, but without miracle and without eccentricity.” Without Jesus or (the Platonic) Socrates.

    Montaigne points back to Machiavelli, ahead to Nietzsche. Like them, he opposes the imaginary republics, religious or philosophic. Like those philosophers, he is alone (except for them, one dead, the other far in the future, and a few others). But he proceeds differently. Unlike Machiavelli, Montaigne finds Christians not weakly self-divided but fanatical, leonine—even if they are at the core cowardly lions. He therefore uses the fox much more than the lion, staying in his den; when he ventures out, he pretends he’s just a lazy dog. Unlike Nietzsche, he doesn’t find Christianity in a state of decadence, ready to collapse after a few strong kicks. This Anti-Christ stays at home, never marching toward Jerusalem. The time is not right.

    But the times may be ripening. Religion can be diverted, philosophy seized, with an image of a new, multiform, various, ever-changing sort of beauty. Descartes, Bacon, Locke, Montesquieu: Where would these gods of the new Olympus be, without Montaigne’s example? Montaigne’s conclusion is practically a beginning.

     

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Mr. Nice Guy: On the First Book of Montaigne’s Essays

    March 6, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    Pierre Villey famously argues that Montaigne ‘evolves’ during the course of the Essays, from Stoicism to Pyrrhonism to ‘prudence’ or hedonism. Book I reflects Montaigne’s ‘Stoic’ stage.

    This is indeed the impression Montaigne gives. In his book Montaigne in effect ‘tries on’ any number of philosophic identities, Stoicism being the foremost of these in Book I. In so doing, Montaigne invites his readers to do the same, to relax their hold on their own identities, including their opinions, deeply ingrained, which help to constitute those identities. The question to which there can never be any dogmatic answer is: Is Montaigne evolving, or is he deliberately bringing us along toward a goal he knows? Montaigne, it might be said, deliberately makes it very difficult to determine what his intentions are, to say for sure who this apparently open and genial man is. Montaigne deliberately wants to make dogmatism of any sort difficult.

    Stoicism? Yes, but…. In Montaigne there is always a ‘Yes, but….’ Consider the very first essay. Montaigne has gone to Italy. He retrieves not Seneca but Machiavelli. There he is, hiding in plain sight, embedded in Montaigne’s account of means and ends. If we have offended someone—surely a serious problem for an essay of heterodox opinions?—shall we throw ourselves on their mercy? Or shall we defy them openly, prepare to fight to the death? There is no dogmatic answer to these questions, Montaigne shows us, as either reaction might work or fail, given circumstances. But if you are a ruler, he more than suggests, the way to end vacillation between cruelty, pity, and admiration for your enemy’s courage is policy: Secretly have your enemies drowned at sea. Or (no dogmatic recommendations for rulers, either) be like Alexander: openly merciless. That is, ‘be’ (that is, use) the fox or the lion. To be able to use the fox or the lion is of course to ‘be’ both, to enlist in the Machiavellian army. Montaigne can ‘be’ lion, fox, Stoic, Epicurean, Pyrrhonist, Socratic, Christian, and—what not?

    Is Montaigne a Machiavellian, then? Not so fast, the charming Mayor of Bordeaux says, ‘Stay. Have some wine. Cheer up. Relax for a while. Virtù? What virtù? I’m really quite harmless. Leave your fortress and come out to parley. I am a man of honor, like the ancients, and besides—I haven’t the energy to be a prince. Are my essays not casual, easy, and written in no order? (Not that I am altogether aimless: “The soul that has no fixed goal loses itself”). But my goal is only pleasure, and what harm can my pleasure be to you? “One is punished for defending a place obstinately and without reason,” so open up a bit and converse with me.

    ‘What shall we talk about?’ you wonder. What not? Sadness, idleness, liars, prognostications, kings, cabbages, fear—the list can go on forever. But centrally, in my First Book, let’s talk about friendship. (Why look at the center in Montaigne’s book? Because he tells us to, at the beginning of his essay on friendship.) I had a true friend once, Montaigne recalls, but now he is dead. Friendship eliminates “separation and distinctions.” I would offer to show you my friend’s uniquely valuable work, “On Voluntary Servitude”—an obligation to top all obligations—but I’ve changed my mind. I forbid you the fruit of his labors, precious and indispensable thought it is, and I substitute for it 29 love sonnets—which, come to think of it, may also disappear from my table before long.’

    When, with Adam-like curiosity, the reader seeks out and tastes friend Etienne de la Boétie’s essay, he finds a protest against having one master or several. Neither monotheism nor polytheism, so to speak, satisfies Montaigne’s best friend. Servitude to the one or the many depends finally upon one thing: our own consent. Our manacles are mind-forged. “There is nothing a human being should hold more dear than the restoration of his own natural right” to be a man and not a “beast of burden.” [1]  The violence of tyrannicide—and of wars of religion, too?—is not absolutely necessary if enough of us simply stop believing. (No wonder Montaigne demurs when it comes to show us this work; neither the Protestant nor the Catholic side would find such a solution to the brutal religious strive of Sixteenth-century Europe very satisfying.) The brotherliness of friendship will always undermine the tyranny of the one or the few. As for the One, the Supreme Tyrant, “it is because he doews not know how to love that he ultimately impoverishes his own spirit and destroys his own empire.” Philia can replace agape as agape destroys its devotees in wars spiritual and corporeal.

    (As for Montaigne’s twenty-ninth essay, following the one on friendship—by amazing coincidence in a book whose writer professes to proceed in such a desultory fashion, the essay refers us to a collection of exactly twenty-nine sonnets—a glance confirms that love and tyranny go together. The fifteenth or central sonnet of the sequence describes a moment of self-rule or liberty, quickly lost to the power of love’s tyranny. It isn’t easy for a solitary soul to resist tyranny. You need friends, brothers, allies. Montaigne himself gets along without them, now, but not everyone is Montaigne.)

    (Montaigne, through de la Boétie, follows the ‘modern’ strategy: deliberately meld agapic with erotic love, interpret the former as the sublimation of the latter, then dismiss both as ineffectual. The difference between Montaigne and Machiavelli seems to be that Montaigne thinks you will need at least one friend, one unindictable co-conspirator. But perhaps you will be able in large measure to invent that friend, even as you invent your variety of selves.)

    But all of this is buried deep—not merely in the center of Book I but beneath the text altogether. Everywhere else, Montaigne follows the advice of the forty-seventh essay: “It is dangerous to attack a man whom you have deprived of every other means of escape but that of weapons, for necessity is a violent schoolmistress.” Give your enemy many options; his own uncertainty of judgment will do, or undo, the rest. Montaigne is supremely the writer of many options offered. How to condemn a man with no fixed identity? Pascal formulated a way, but long after Montaigne needed to worry about it.

    And so near the end of this remarkable Book I, he writes an essay on prayer that makes one smile, or even laugh. In these essays, he says, he puts forth “formless and unresolved notions” in order to “submit them” to the worthy guardians of “the holy proscriptions of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman church,” guardians who enjoy “absolute power over me.” Thus he will have his liberty and enjoy protection from Church persecution. Lion and fox, but more often fox, living quietly in his burrow in a lion’s den.

    Toward this end, he prudently recommends a means: a division of labor in an age when theologians write too humanly, humanists too theologically. This is the beginning of the ‘secularist’ version of the separation of church and state. In the face of God and His vicegerents, how dangerous can a deferential, self-effacing nice guy like Montaigne possibly be? Pass over him (Montaigne prays), so that he may live into the old age that is the final topic of Book I, and be well on his way to extending his influence everywhere.

     

    Note

    1. Etienne de la Boétie: The Politics of Obedience. Harry Kurtz translation. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1975, p. 50.

    Filed Under: Philosophers

    Lincoln on Culture

    March 5, 2018 by Will Morrisey

    Abraham Lincoln: “Address to the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society.” Milwaukee, Wisconsin, September 30, 1859. Speeches and Writings 1859-1865. New York: The Library of America, 1989.

     

    The audience at the agricultural fair sponsored by the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society probably did not expect that their invited speaker would address them not only on the cultivation of the soil but the cultivation of the human mind and heart. Readers today might be equally surprised. They know Lincoln’s great themes of political union and human liberty, without suspecting his prowess as what we might now call a ‘culture warrior.’

    He begins not with culture but with institutions. Agricultural fairs “are becoming an institution of the country,” and “useful” ones. The Declaration of Independence identifies governmental institutions as means of securing natural rights. Agricultural fairs are institutions that address the distinction drawn a century later by Carl Schmitt, the distinction between friend and enemy. But while Schmitt valorizes the distinction, making it central to his conception of political life, Lincoln aims to ameliorate it, on the eve of civil war in his country and with an eye toward peace among nations. Agricultural fairs are civil-social institutions that secure natural rights by doing what institutions do for any regime, channeling human thoughts and activities in directions that serve the purposes of the regime—here, a democratic and commercial republic.

    “From the first appearance of man upon the earth, down to very recent times, the words ‘stranger’ and ‘enemy’ were quite or almost, synonymous.” Whether among individuals or nations, “it was deemed no offense, but even meritorious, to rob, and murder, and enslave strangers.” Tamed, the inclination nonetheless persists in the modern world, even among men of “the highest cultivation.” Social and political institutions serve as ‘pathways’ of authority, thoughts, and sentiments in any community; agricultural fairs advance “civilization” in the United States by “mak[ing] more pleasant, and more strong, and more durable, the bond of social and political union among us.” Quoting Alexander Pope, Lincoln identifies happiness as the “end and aim” of human being, human nature. Most immediately, happiness consists of pleasure, the pleasure of “recreation” marked by “virtue and advantage, and free from vice and disadvantage.” In this way they afford fellow-citizens pleasure without pain.

    Agricultural fairs have as their “chief use” the improvement of work, not recreation: “the great calling of agriculture.” The pleasant sociality of recreation comes as a side-benefit of the serious sociality of work, “mak[ing] mutual exchange of agricultural discovery, information, and knowledge” general, no longer the preserve of one or few. In doing so, the fairs excite “emulation” not only for material rewards but “the pride and honor of success—of triumph, in some sort.” These institutions redirect ‘thumotic’ passions, especially the love of victory, away from war and toward peace and prosperity. In this, they are the social equivalent of the patent clause of the United States Constitution, which guarantees that the inventors who design the useful implements displayed at such fairs will be secure in their ‘intellectual property.’

    Before elaborating on these themes, Lincoln needs to address the speaker’s perennial problem: Why should you listen to me? Why am I here before you, today? He assures them that he does not come bearing flatterery—something a likely presidential candidate might well be suspected of doing. Farmers “are neither better nor worse than other people,” although in the America of 1859 they are “more numerous than any other class,” and therefore much flattered by vote-seekers. He concedes that the most numerous class justly lays claim to being “the largest interest” of the many interests in the country, “that if there be inevitable conflict between that interest and any other, that other should yield.” The question of majority rule and natural right, the possibility of a tyrannical majority, had formed the centerpiece of Lincoln’s debates with Senator Stephen Douglas, only a year earlier. How will a majority that knows itself to be a majority in a democratic republic bring itself to self-restraint, to that degree of self-government which refrains from trampling the natural rights of minorities? That is as much a task of civilization as the sociality cultivated by agricultural fairs, and requires a similar disinclination to view others as strangers and enemies.

    Lincoln doesn’t flatter himself, either, another thing politicians are wont to do; admittedly, he is “in no sort a farmer.” He will not pose as an expert. He comes as a fellow citizen, inviting farmers to think along with him, not as an authority claiming the right to tell them what to do. Neither ‘the many’ nor ‘the one’ rule without consideration for the other.

    What he can offer, without arrogance or irrelevance on this occasion, in front of this audience, amounts to a general framework of how to think about agriculture. American farmer have a problem. Their acreage now yields much less produce than it did, quite recently. And even at its peak, crop yields were below the land’s potential. Farmers need to know how to reverse this. New techniques of working the soil, analysis of soils themselves, fertilizers, varieties of seed, meteorology: all these need investigation if farmers are to obtain more produce on their acreage. As the population increases, land prices will go up and there will be more mouths to feed. Without discoveries in agronomy, farmer will need to cultivate more land just when land becomes scarcer; moreover, larger farms will increase costs for maintaining property boundaries and for transporting equipment in the race against time that farming entails.

    Only renewed economy of means toward the ends will meet the problem. Improved cultivation of the land thus requires a more “thorough cultivation of the farmer’s own mind” and heart. By doing “what he does well” a man feels proud; failure humiliates. “With the former, his heart in in his work, and he will do twice as much of it with less fatigue,” giving energy to his labor, whereas failure makes him look at his work with “disgust,” “imagin[ing] himself exceedingly tired.” Even as agricultural fairs give happiness in the form of pleasure, work well done gives happiness in the form of “satisfaction.” A satisfied mind and heart benefits the land that has rewarded the farmer’s economy—feeds back into it, as it were—by spurring him to protect and care for his land.

    Agricultural fairs display new inventions. Lincoln invites the farmers to consider the steam-powered plough, which, if feasible, will “afford an advantage over plowing with animals.” Again he claims no expertise in the matter, instead inviting his audience to think with him about the technical problems that need to be overcome, including the size and weight of the machine, its fuel supply, and the supply of water needed to produce steam. He connects investigation into the feasibility of the steam plow to the honors bestowed at agricultural fairs: “Our thanks, and something more substantial than thanks”—namely, profit—”are due to every man engaged in the effort to produce a successful steam plow.” Even those who try and fail “will bring something to light, which, in the hands of others, will contribute to the final success.” Lincoln understands how scientific experimentation and discovery work.

    The topic of thoughtful work provides Lincoln with an opening for addressing the fundamental moral and political issue facing Americans in 1859: free labor versus slavery. If farmers constitute the majority interest in the country, they will need to be persuaded that free labor is better than slave labor, that the kind of labor Wisconsin farmers do and use makes better sense than the kind of labor seen in, for example, South Carolina. “The world is now agreed that labor is the source from which human wants are mainly supplied,” not climate or soil. But what kind of labor? Some assume that capital is prior to labor, “that nobody labors, unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow, by the use of that capital, induces him to do it.” The only question then becomes, Which kind of labor is better, that provided by hired men who “work by their own consent,” or that provided by slaves, who work because compelled? Such thinkers also assume that once a laborer, always a laborer; that such a man’s condition “is as bad as, or worse than that of a slave.” Not only will the poor always be with us, but the same people will be poor, all of their lives. Named by South Carolina Senator James Henry Hammond only a year earlier, this “‘mud-sill’ theory” of free labor conceived as wage slavery was held by both Southern plantation owners and and in a different way by Karl Marx, all contemporaries of Lincoln and his audience. Whether consisting of chattel slaves or wage slaves, for the plantation owners the “mud-sill” serves as the indispensable foundation of every social ‘house,’ and the house will be fatally ‘divided’ if that foundation crumbles. Marx thinks so, too, but looks forward to that crumbling, envisioning a new, egalitarian society in which there will be no such miserable foundation.

    Others take the opposing view. Following John Locke, they hold labor as “prior to, and independent of, capital,” that “capital is the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed.” (Marx takes up this ‘labor theory of value,’ which is why he expects the oppressed working-class foundation of modern societies to hold firm while the oppressive social and economic structure above it collapses.) These thinkers point to the fact that most laborers are neither hire laborers nor hire themselves out. “Even in our slave States, except South Carolina, a majority of the whole people of all colors, are neither slaves nor masters” but men who work the land with their families. Lincoln does something both subtle and indispensable here; he associates white and black men as members of the majority, the rulers of the democratic republic. He well knows how virulently prejudiced many whites are, when it comes to blacks; Stephen Douglas had exploited these prejudices in their debates, race-baiting Lincoln’s supporters as “black Republicans,” to which taunt they raged back in self-defense, “White! White!” Just as Lincoln asked the majority class of farmers to think along with him to discover the first principles of agriculture, so he suggests that they and black farmers are together in the same class of industrious American workers.

    The “mud-sill” theorists also err in assuming that hired laborers constitute a permanent class. On the contrary, “the prudent, penniless beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him.” Prudence and labor overcome poverty, so long as “the just and generous, and prosperous system” of liberty can defend itself against the unjust, ungenerous and impoverishing system of slave labor ruled by ‘the few.’

    Here is where education returns, education reconceived for the new regime of democratic republicanism. Under the old oligarchic regimes, called aristocracies, educated persons “did not perform manual labor.” So long as education remained the province of the very few, this regime could survive, even prosper, at least for the benefit of the few. But Wisconsin numbers among the states arising from the old Northwest Territory. The Northwest Ordinance establishing that territory also established a system of public schools. Today, “especially in these free States, nearly all are educated.” This being so, the educated must work; if education were seen as part of an ‘aristocratic’ title to live off the work of others, the educated nation will starve. “Otherwise, education itself would become a positive and intolerable evil.”

    How, then, “can labor and education be the most satisfactorily combined?” The “mud-sill” theory cannot help us, here, separating as it does the head form the hands. The free labor theory distinguishes the head from the hand, but notices that “the Author of man makes every individual with one head and one pair of hands, it was probably intended that heads and hands should cooperate as friends; and that that particular head, should direct and control that particular pair of hands,” directing them to feed the “particular mouth” in that particular head. To better effect this elementary, indeed alimentary, form of self-government, the head will need an education that “add[s] to its capacity for performing its charge”—the “universal education” provided in the Northwest Ordinance. Such education is the “natural companion” of free labor.

    Having brought agriculture to intellectual and moral culture, Lincoln brings culture back to agriculture, observing that “no other human occupation opens so wide a field for the profitable and agreeable combination of labor with cultivated thought.” A mind “already trained to thought, in the country school, or higher school,” will find in agriculture “an exhaustless source of profitable enjoyment,” with “every blade of grass… a study” in botany, chemistry, and physics.

    The thoroughness of “cultivated thought” directed at cultivating the soil and every useful species on it meets the needs of the regime of commercial republicanism. The more commercial republics there are (America’s old enemy, Great Britain, was transforming itself into one, during and after Lincoln’s lifetime), the less the world will be “inclined to wars,” and the “more devoted to the arts of peace, than heretofore.” This means that the world’s human population will “increase rapidly.” With population increase comes the need for better cultivation of the soil, inasmuch as land for agriculture may decrease as the human population increases, and must in any event produce more food. A prosperous nation in which free farmers remain the majority will never “be the victim of oppression in any of its forms”—”alike independent of crowned-kings, money-kings [the financial oligarchs of banks and stock exchanges], and land-kings [the plantation oligarchs of the South].” Such a nation will preserve the moral and political habits needed to sustain a democratic and commercial republic.

    In his exordium, Lincoln good-humoredly remarks that his audience may be eager to stop listening to Lincoln and listen instead to the award of prizes. He parts with advice on how to think about this new, more peaceful form of competition, the competition in producing things useful to the American regime. Winners should reflect that they may be losers next year, if they “relax in [their] exertion”; meanwhile, “the vanquished this year, may be victor the next, in spite of all competition.” The old maxim, “true and appropriate in all times and situations”—”And this, too, shall pass away“—chastens us “in the hour of pride” and “consol[es] in the depths of affliction.” It is a maxim good for  a way of life animated by liberty, economic and political. What need not pass away is the progress of “individual, social, and political prosperity and happiness” sustained “by the best cultivation of the physical world, beneath and around us,” and “the intellectual and moral world within us.” Like the Founders, Lincoln wants progress without being a ‘progressive.’ Progress will come not from some necessary unfolding of an Absolute Spirit, biological evolution, or class conflict, not from a supposed law of ‘History,’ but from the free, undetermined and intelligent labor of human beings living in regimes of liberty.

     

    Filed Under: American Politics

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